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Northern Star (1837-1852), 26th March 1842, Edition 2 of 5, Page 4, Untitled Article

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    • THE KOPvTHESN STAR SATURDAY, MARCH 26, 1842.
    • ©0 %&eaur& anur CotTe^wntrentjaf*
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      Untitled Article

      MR . P . O'HIGGINS AND HIS TRADUCERS . TO THE EDITOR OP THE PRBKMATi ' S 30 TTBS&U Sia , —The Irish Universal Suffrage Association , seeing that it wa 3 grossly slandered , and its objects and proceedings wilfully misrepresented , in a report of the proceedings of the Loyal National Sepeal Association of Ireland , which were published in the Freer-tan's Journal of the l 3 t instant , passed a resolution , repudiating and disavowing the charges wh : ch tt ere made against it , and pronouncing the paity x rko mads those charges to be calumniators . This resolution wss sent to your paper for publication , a jad the cost of inserting it , as aa advertisement in the Dsi ^ Freeman of t ' ae 9 th , and Weekly Fre man , of the 12 th inst paid for . You , Sir , thong !" it , the terms of the resolution too "strong for public ition , and returned the money sooner than publish a ., document which , you said , contained a general JjIbel upon the whole of the members of the

      Loyal r » national Repeal Association of Ireland . Now , Sir , I jb far from claming yon for refusing to pnblis ' rt acy speech , or paper of any Mud whatever , wbicJi migtet nave a tendency to subject your journal to a prosecution for libel ; but , permit me to ask you , is it just—i 3 it doing unto others as you would be dorA by , to allow a public body to libel ad libitum , through the columns of yosr paper , and to deny that individual or fas triends ihe common right of a reply through the same medium , but more especially when that reply was paid for as an advertisement ? In the Freeman of tee 1 st instant , amongst other matters grossly libellous , I find the following , reported as part of a speech of } klr . Thomas Steele , in allusion to some vague , wild , and incoherent observations which were made upon the occasion by the Rev . Mr . M'Hugb , whom 1 shall leave in ihe ' hands of his Grace the Carbolic Archbishop of Dublin . Mr . Sieele

      said" Oh I what a terrific proof does my Reverend Friend ' s commuaieition exhibi : of the atrocious and baleful spirit of the Chartists ia this country , under ti-s instigation of O'HugVu 3 ar . d bis gang—( . hear , hear , and groans ) . By lar the greatest number of you who honour me wuh your attention are Caihohes ; andfrora the hour of the penal code in its deepest horror , did you hear of anything more accursed than , the' threat of the TuSiin _ Feargns O'Connor and Paddy O Hiegins' Cnariisis , to tear

      down from his altar a Catholic clergyman , because he was warning the fl-.-ck confided to his care by his bishop , and his pontiff , and his Gcd , against tuoh diabolical villains as those who secretly instigated to the incendiary fires at Birmingham , to the scenes at Newport , aboard the convict-ship , and in the land of exiles . Who h this O'Higgirs ! Was he not expelled from the Volunteers , and his money returned to him , after a patient investigation by the whole committee , for a deliberate calumny oa the character ef a brother member V

      Now , sir , I appeal to ywi and to my countrymen , if this is not ihe most dexterous use of words to impress upon the public mind ;—1 . That I am the head of a gang whom I instigated to drag a Cathonc clergyman from the altar ? 2 . That I seeretly instated to the incendiary fires at BirmiDghamJ the scenes at Newport , aboard tho eonvies-ship , and in the land " of cxilee ? 3 . That I was expelled from the society of Irish Tolunteers by the unanimous voice of the commitite , and my money returned to me i

      It i 3 painful to me , and would be painful to any man of feeling , to be continually dragged before the public to refute calumnie 3 which have been refuted over and over again . To the first—my reply is , that I know nothing about the matter ; that I never heard of such a circumstance until I read the Freeman of the 1 st inst . ; that I believe the whole tale to be a fabrication , got op by short-sighted sinking men to suit the occasion ; that the charge 13 false in every part ; that instead of dragging , or instigating to drag , priests from the altar , I haTe done more to put priett 3 on- the altar than all the Steeles or Tom Steeles ia Ireland ; and that I yield to no man living in respect and veneration for the Roman Catholic clergy .

      To the second charge—of secretly instigating to the fires at Birmingham , the scenes at Newport , & . c , —I was here in the City of Dublin quietly attending to my business , and laying ont more money among my feliow-citizens than I ever knew any iya . Ti of the name of Steele to be worth ; and the effort to mis up my name with these scenes , by certain forms of expression , is net quite £ 0 reasonable as it would be to ask , as the altitude of the Hiil of Howta is 740 feet above the level of the sea , what is the exact difference between Tom SteeTe's organ of veneration and ihe apex of the head of Djcer ' s great Spanis-h jsckass ! - With Tespei t to the third charge , which is that of having been expelled from the Volunteers by ihe unanimous vote of the committee , for a Cilumny on a brother member , and my money returned to me : this one semence contains two wilful falsehoods .

      The & > t is , that the committee -was unanimous : thai is tossy , thai tbe whole of the members of that committee concurred in the sentence which was pronounced upon me ; this is the meaning which the charge , as stated , labours to impress upon the public . The second falsehood ia that my money was returned to me . This is not true . I never got back the money . Bat as Tom Stesle see&is to know something about it , I shall receive it thankfully if hi discharges his trust , and gives it to me even now .

      As to the unanimity of the committee upon the vote of censure passed npon me , no one knows better than Tom Steele that ^ thit statement is utterly false . The majority of ths committee were in my favour , and the three-fourths of them for suppressing ihe matter altogether , lest , the charges which I b ? OHghi against Mr . Steele ' s friend j and whifh cannot be refuted , should bjure him in the way of his business . I knew that the charges would injure if made pabiic , and therefore I did not bring t aem bMoTe the public body , but before the commhtse— a committee which assumed the righ ; and the power to decide upon tie character of any man against

      whom there was an objection by any other member . I was on the cemmitt ^ e myself , but refused . to continue a member of it when I saw a person put on it to whom I , at any rate , had a valid objection . My first proposition to the committee waF , th at if they would appoint twelve men against whom there could be no reasonable objection , I should then £ ta-te my reasons for withdrawing myself from the committee . This fair and reasonable proposition was objected to ; asd I was called upon by the resolution of the coiEiEinee—on thamotion of ilr James Nugent , of Kingstown , to state the- charges in writ ing . io name the parry objected to , eei ! tb ^ t the whole committee sLonld take the matter" Into

      con-Ficeratioa . To this proposal I ultimately assented . There were fifty-ose members on the committee , twenty-three of whom—and twenty-three only—had the baseness to declare , to sign a paper pronouncing the charges fake' and calumnious , while twentyeight held just a contrary opinion , and left the room nuder the impression tnat the subject would end there . Who are those that signed thatlyisg document 1—what is their occupation?—how many of them have made their escape from the country ? The majority of the twenty-three mean-spirited sycophants and toad-eaters who . signed the censure npou me were , fur the most part , subsisting upon

      thefund 3 which they exacted from myself and otaer dupes like me , under the pretence of repealing tbe Union . It was expedient to get rid of me—first , because I knew and told Mr . O'Connell , in the presence of osber members of tbe committee , the real state of the case between Mr . T . Steele and 0 Gorman Mahon . I knew too many of the facts of the plunder of the monasteries t . nd convents in the neigbboarhord of Cadiz . Ieta ' ed rhe facts connected with the discreditable transactions by Wigly , Dixon , and Co . ; and I mentioned that O'Gorman Mahon , Id whom 1 had never spoken till years afterwards was the dura and victim cf this nest . In addition

      to these crimes , I had the hardihood to object to the Bia-i-appropiiation of the large fuud whicn was subscribed for tithe ssfferers . Tht-sc were crimes which conid not be overlooked , and the occasion was anxiously , though £ ecre > Jy , sought for destroying jne , fearing the facts of which 1 was cognizant , and wkieh my mercantile habits tnd connections afLrced the Biean 3 of ascertaining should be made public . Can . any man for a moment imagine that the charges ¦ whveh depended for their truth or falsehood upon the written and oral testimony of other ? , conid be pronounced to be false and calumnious , without any examination of that oral testimony , cr examination of the written testimony I

      The written testimony bears the signatures—Sobers Cully , accountant-general of the -Bank of Ireland } of Miehael Roach . secretary to the Hibernian Bank ; of Obadiah Willans and Sons , Lower Bridge-street ; of Robert Bjrne and Co ., Lower Bridge-street ; of Armstrong and Byrne . MeJchants ' - << aay ; of Blood , Nott , and Co ., Trinity-street ; of Wa Locke , of the linen Hall j of Greenough and Robinson , Manchester ; of Longworth and Co ., Siaaehester ; of William BoltonAnd Co ., Manchester ; and until such time a 3 it is shewn that the documents bearing the foregoing signatures are all forgeries , the sestence pronounced npon me , and signed by twenty-three out of a Commistee of fiftyone , gives to their ovtb act the stigma which they sought to fix upon mine .

      Now , Sir , it must be admitted that I have been most wantonly provoked into this statement . I had no wish for it ; but if my accusers desire it , and that youwifl besoMnd as to afford me space for the whole case , I shall Btata the whole , as I have the original documents in my possession , and I promise you that you shall h&Sk ? no t&ore atxmt my expulsion . Tiereis not ah unprincipled adventurer , a coward , or a profligate , who enters on a political speculation , but avails himself of tbi 3 expulsion as a screen for nis cowardly attacks upon n » 9 .

      It has been asked , through your paper , who is ilr . O'Higgins ? This is a modest question ti be asked about a man who has paid rent , and taxes in the city of Dublin for nearly twenty years . It is fair to ask . who . sie those who put this wisb que 3-tiov , and who are those who concurred-in it ? The

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      c ' tizens of Dublin should know that they are a set 0 / political adventurers , some of whom have neither house nor home , and who have no other visible means of living than that of subsisting upon the weekly sums obtained from their oonfidmg and credulous dupes , under the pretence of Repealing the Union , while they know right well that their great leader has honestly declared that he will not bring that question forward in the House of Commons until he has a petition , signed by 4 , 000 , 000 of Irishmen , while at the same time it is well known that there are not 3 . 500 , 009 male inhabitants in Ireland , including new-born babes .

      In conclusion , Sir , permit me to say , on the part of the members of the Irish Universal Suffrage Association , and on my own part , that we deem it incumbent on us , collectively and individually , thus publicly to proclaim , that our respect for , and veneration and admiration of , the exemplary and exalted character of the Irish Catholic Clergy , is as un bounded as * that of asy oiher society of men in the universe ; that we have neither secrets nor oaths of any nature or kind in our association i that we

      consider none as friends but those who will tell to every body everyihiug they hear and see at the meetings of theassociation ; that the Irish Universal Suffrage Associationhasbeenfoundedfor the purposeofobtaining by legal and constitutional means , and by such means only , Universal Suffrage , Vote by Ballot , Annual Parliaments , Equal Electoral Districts , No Property Qualification , and Payment of Members ; and , when these blessings are obtained , a Repeal of the Union . Patbick O'Higgins .

      President of the Irish Universal Suffrage Association ; the man who got up the first meeting for the O'Connell Tribute , and the second who subscribed £ 10 to it . This is for the information of those who have asked the question , " Who is Mr . O'Riggius V

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      THE PEEL BUDGET . Ate ! and a Budget it is too ! Whatever it may have cost Sir Robert Peel in its concoction , it has had a marked and powerful effect upon the country at large since its development . The Minister seems to have taken all parties by surprise at the nature and extent of his measures , whether in the imposition of new- taxes or the remission of the old ones he gives up . No one seems to have been prepared for so decided a course on the part of Sir Robert Peel . The consideration of bis new plans has , with tbe trading and monied classes ,

      superseded all other questions . In fact , amongst these parties nothing is talked of at present but the Peel Budget . Go where you may ; mix with what company you may , and the first question you invariably hear is , " What think you of the New Budget !" This question naturally receives different and conflicting answers , according to the notions of each one replying to it . There is one thing , however , upon which all are agreed . All , whether opposed to the Minister or not , agree in representing the Budget as the boldest step taken by any Minister for a long period of time .

      Peel boldly proclaims that there can be no reduction of expenditure ! He tells the interested of both parties , that if " National Faith " is to be kept ; if payment of the interest upon our accumulating Debt is to be continued ; if our thundering and . unconstitutional Army is to be kept up , to squeeze the taxes out of the bones of the labourer ; if our big and boastful Navy is to be maintained , with her hosts of admirals , rear * admira l s , and shoals of inferior officers and " dead weight , " if the " Queen ' s Civil List "

      is to be kept at its present enormous amount ; if Prince Albebt ' s pin-money is to be continned ; if the Pensions , and Sinecures , and Granls , are to continue to be ; if the doubly-augmented Salaries of the Judges and other officers of the State are to be paid : Peel , boldly and honestly proclaims to the Members of " that House , " that if they wish these things to exist , they mxisi Jtnd him the means of ' payment ; and lie

      also explicitly tells them that they can sq « f eza no more ont of the poor man ; that the taxing-string around the labourer's neck is as tight as it can safely be drawn ; that another twitch would strangle the pinioned wretch ; and that to provide the necessary means , the owners of property and ihe possessors of income must submit to a direct tax which shall make up the deficiencies arising from the working people being unable to pay !

      Verily , Peel is a bold man ! Ho is bold in proclaiming at this juncture , and amid the horrible destitution everywhere prevailing , that there can be no reduction of expenditure ! that the State leeches cannot be induced to slacken their hold J and that he , for one , is unwilling to attempt to make them . He is bold in daring to propose to re-establish upon the monied classes one of the most unpopular , and ( with them ) one of the most odious tixes that can exist ; and he is bolder still in attempting to establish the means to collect from the middle classes the tax so imposed !

      If he succeed in getting it from them , he will be a bold man indeed ¦ ] An Income Tax is widely and essentially different from a Property Tax . The latter would merely call upon those who possess property , tangible property , to pay according to the rate laid down ; the former imposes a tax upon incomes , no matter from what source they may be derived ! The physician , who has no property , but whose income is the result of Ms skill : the author , whose income is derived from

      the exercise of his talents ; the builder or the blacksmith , whose incomes result from the exorcise of their respective crafts ; all these , and others similarly situate , are , by an Income Tax , taxed just as much as the man who derives an immense income from property , without any , ihe slightest , exercise of talent , or skill , or even industry . ' This is an injustice of so monstrous a kind a 3 only to be paralleled by the acts of the monied classes themselves towards the labouring people .

      To this consideration must be added the necessarily Inquisitorial nature of the machinery to ascertain the amount of each man ' s income . The prying , the questioning , and the examining into a shopkeeper ' s bnsiness , or into a merchant's account ? , to ascertain whether he ought to pay the tax or not ; and , if he is taxable , to fix the amount ; all these must be particularly agreeable to those subject to such visitations and inquiries ' . I'faith , Peel is a bold man , to venture to propose to deal in this manner with the shopkeeping anj trading classes !!

      What a squeak ! what a squeal ! there will be set up , when the plan comes into full operation What a noise , and din , and clamour the "loyal " tax-payers will kick up , when the tax-gatherer waits upou them , with Peel's compliments , for £ 2 ISi . ii . for every on © of their "hundred pounds ;" and an unequivocal intimation that he must have these £ 2 18 s . -ii . ' s directly to pay the dividends with , or " National Faiih" will be broken ! O what denunciation we shall hear 2 What abuse J It will be well for the tax-gatherer if hard words are all he gets besides the money !

      Of the horrible bellowing that will be set up by the " loyal" " national faith" men , when the tax comes to be fetched from them , some faint conception may be had from a perusal of the shopkeepers' and traders * press , and from the proeeedings in " that House" on the part of the opposition . " For some days , the Whig remnant seemed stunned by Peel ' s announcements . Tbe nature and magnitude of his projects , and the clearness and candour of his address in developing them , completely " knocked the wind" oat of the Whigs .

      When they contrasted his sweeping measure of " Commercial Reform , " embracing as it does 1 , 200 articles of import , and repealing tks duties npon by far the greater half of the number , and greatly reducing the duties upon the other half ; when they contrasted this measure with their own machlauded and highly-vaunted " great" scheme , which merely included three articles o £ import , and openly professed to deal with them in a manner that would raise from them , in taxes , more money than is now paid upon them ;

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      when they contrasted Pebl ' s measure with their own , aad remembered that one portion of their own was the institution of a fixed purr on corn , for the purpose of raising ADDITIONAL REVENUE to supply the existing deficiency j when tht y thus contrasted the two sohemes , they instinctively saw that Peel had out-bid them I and that hia object was to purchase the support of the trading classes ! They also Eaw that he had calculated well ; that his tariff scheme was cunningly devised ; that it was very catching , and very likely to answer the intended purpose : and 60 they determined , if possible , to spoil the spott by denouncing the other portion of Peel ' s plan , the new taxes , and , by appeals to the cupidity of the monied classes , array their power

      against Peel on the ground of opposition to the Income Tax . The cue having been given , little Lord John became suddenly valiant . He announced in " that House , " " that he would move counter resolutions to those proposed by Peel ; that he would oppose the Income Tax Bill in all its stages , dividing "the House" upon the first , second , and third readings , and also on the bringing up of the Report . Other Members in his train also shewed " big fight ; " and while this game was played off inside "the wallB of Parliament , ^ the free traders ' press was performing its patt outsido by inserting heaps of letters from pretended correspondents , denouncing the Income Tax in all sorts of ways , and for all sorts of reasons .

      All this is but preparatory to the calling of public meettkgs , at whioh the Whigs and Whiglings of every water and degree will ttrenuously endeavour to get the public voice expressed against Peel and his DIRECT system of taxation . It is for the purpose of preparing and counselling the people how to meet this next" new move" that we address them on the subject at present In the first place , then , we aver , that the principle of DIRECT TAXATION involved in Peel's Income-tax , demands for his plan the strenuous support of every man who livesby the labour of his hands .

      He is greatly and immediately interested in getting the principle of direct taxation acknowledged and universally acted upon . If it were so ; if it was in full operation ; if in-direct taxation was superseded , nothing like the amount of taxes now wrung from his labour by a silent and unseen process could possibly be raised ! If the taxgalherer had to call at every man ' house , and demand the sum now yearly paid in another way , he would get by far " more kicks than ha ' pence ! " Every one would then know the amount he had to pay . He now knows nothingofit ; nor can hepossibly be made to know it

      as lie would do were the money fetched from him disectlt . He now goes to market ; buys his sugar , his tea , or his tobacco : he pays for each article what he conceives is the price of it . He does not know that , when he pay 3 3 d . for an ounce of tobacco , 2 d . of the amount is for tax . He finds the tobacconist charges him 3 d . ; and he knows all others in the same line of business do the same ; and he , therefore , pays the 3 d . unbegrudingly . But suppose he only paid the tobacconist the real price of the article ; suppose the price of it to be only Id . ; and that as he leaves the shop he is accosted by th »

      taxgatherer , who demands from him another 2 d . to pay the fundholder with ; suppose this , and we may very easily further suppose that the taxgatherer would much oftener measure his length in the kennel than get the 2 d . ! 2 And so on of all other articles . It would be impossible for any Government to collect from a people so large a sum in taxes by direct , means as they can by indirect means . It is clearly and manifestly , therefore , the interest of all tax-payers , that a system of direct taxation should exist . And as the labouring people are the tax-payers ; as it is by the things produced that taxes can alone be paid : as

      it is clearly impossible for those who produce not ta have anything of their oxen wherewith to satisfy tbe demands of the government ; as the burden of taxation , whether large or small , must eventually fall upon the shoulders of the labouring portion of the community ; it is still more apparent , it is still more clearly manifest that it is their duty and interest to insist upon the universal application of the principle of DIRECT taxation . On this ground , then , the proposal of Peel to tax Incomes in a plain straight-forward and direct manner , is entitled to their hearty and undivided support .

      There is another principle , too , involved in this Income-tax project , which also entitles the measure to tbe support of the labouring many . Property is Taxed . The man who has been able , by the operation of the blessed system under which we live , to accumulate to himself a large heap of the good things of life , is tared according to the scale laid down . What can be more equitable ? What can be more just ] What objections are there that can be urged against this principle ? True , that what he has , has come from labour ; true , that the labour yearly expended upon his

      estate , or upon the raw material in his mill , alone gives value to them , and is the source whence his income is derived ; true , that if he pays a portion of that income in direct taxes to the Government , he has less to spend in the market upon the productions of other labour ; true all this ; yet he now gets the income ; the labouring people have thai to provide for him , as well as their immediate share of the indirect taxes ( now paid ; and it will not , in all cases , happen that if a tax is laid upon incomes , tbe " property men" will be ablo to make these who labour produce more for them to pay the tax with ; though , in-too many cases , we

      grieve to say , they will havo this power . They cannot , however , have it , in all cases ; , and whenever this happens to be , the tax is a subtraction from the rich man's income to the clear and manifest benefit of the labouring people , who now have both income and taxes to raise . They , therefore , are deeply and immediately interested in having all the taxes necessary imposed upon PROPERTY , and collected in a DIRECT and immediate manner . Both these principles are involved in Peel's Income tax : and these are reasons why the plan of taxation he has proposed , as far as tb . 9 institution of that particular tax is concerned , should be supported by the labourers of England .

      Aye , but it may be said , have you not already admitted that the proposed Income tax is a " monstrous injustice" 1 We have ! But in what doe 3 the injustice consist ? In submitting incomes to the action of taxation 1 Not a bit of it ! Incomes of every description ought to be taxed . Everyman ought to bear his share of the burdens of the state according to his visible means . The injustice we have pointed out consists , not in the taxing of incomes derived from profes sious or trades , but in taxing these incomes to the same amount , and in the same degree , as incomes derived frem certain

      and fixed properties . The first class are the result of labour and skill ; and though they certainly ought not to be free from taxation , yet it is clear they ought not to pay in the same proportion as incomes derived without exertion or skill . The uncertain nature of the incomes derived from trade and professions , is another reason why they should not be taxed so highly as the incomes derived from a more certain source ; but it is no reason why they should be exempted from taxation . The case of these parties , then , in relation to the working man , is just this : if they think Peel has not taxed the possessors

      of incomes arising from landed and funded property , or from buildings , high enough in proportion to the amount he has proposed to lay upon incomes ar ising from the exercise of trade , or . tts following of professions , let them bothtr Pma . TO MAKE IT HIGHER , and remit some other tax which presses immediately upon the labouring people ; but don't let them try to persuade the labouring people to get tradesmen and professional men exempted from the tax . No , no . If they like , we will try to increase the measure of taxation upon those who certainly ought , in all justice , to pay more ; but we as certainly will not advise that the labouring people

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      should aid or countenance , or oven permit , any attempt on the part of the traders , either to relieve themselves from , the operation of Peel ' s measure , or to reduce the amount he proposes to raise from them . Three pet ; cent , is a very low figure . The traders think so in their transactions one with another , and ^ in theit ' dealings with the people . They may try , if they like , - to induce Peel to lay six per cent , upon the owners of tangible and certain propetty , while he retains the present amount upon incomes from other sources ; but they must not be permitted to hitohfoff the burden from themselves , or tp lessen the proposed amount .

      It is but £ 4 , 00 e , 000 , at the very outside , that Peel proposf a to raise by means of this Income tax ! Only £ 4 , 000 , 000 !! By other and indirect ineaHS he raises £ 63 , 000 , 000 ! I ! The Wain portion of this £ 53 , 000 , 000 is wrung from toe lajjourers of JIngland . The time has come when the Government cannot ; possibly raise mow from this olasa . Pbel distinctly saysso . He ^ says , moreover , that : if he is to satisfy tbe demands made upon him , he must have the

      money . He further says , that those who are able must make up the deficiency . Those to whom Peel thus appeals say that they will not respond to his call ! They denounce the measure as one of rohbery and plunder . They have no objection to the laboaring poor paying the ^ 53 , 000 , 000 ; but they have a great objection to pay only £ 4 , 000 , 000 amongst themselves 1 !! O ! the tender conscience of a free-traderj- —when his pocket is touched ! I

      " Yes ; but / ' rejoins the objector , '' what need is there for Peel to raise the £ 4 , 000 , 0001 Why does he not reduce the expenditure ? " Aye , why ! you besotted bruto I Why 1 Because you , will not ^ et him I Dp you not insist upon " National Faith" being kept ? Do you not insist upon the interest of the Debt being paid in full ? Do yoa not stand up for the Pension List , the Civil List , the Salaries , and the Grants I Have you not spurned and spit upon the labouring people , when they asked you , years ago , to aid them to get the expenditure reduced 1 Did yap not join in ^ "loyal '' and patriotic associations to put down

      the Radicals , who only wanted to do then what you now require'i Did you hot mount a horse , string a sword by your side , put a pistol in your pocket , and dub yourself a " Yeomanry Cavalry man , " and turn out to butoher in cold blood those who wanted to obtain from the Government justice for you as woll as for themselves ? Did you not joinin the passing of addresses to the Government , thanking theih for suspending thb Habeas Cofpui ( Act , and for imprisoning for years together , hundreds of as good men as England ever saw , and then turning them out of jail without even telling the captives tohy they had been placed in confinement ! !!

      Did you not applaud the unfeeling monsters who jested in . " .. that "House " - upon the Bufferings and excruciating torments endured by the victims of your hellish schemes to put down the rising spirit of liberty ? And have you not latteily countenanced the Government in their wholesale imprisonmout of the Chartistal Were you not one of those who eat in the jury-box , and convicted them of seeking to do that which you now , yourself , ask to be done ? You are a pretty beast to ask for a reduptionef expenditure ! You are a pretty beast to object to pay taxes !! Base reptile ! Immeasurably base ! Tax him , Peel ! ! Lay it on ! Let him pay ?——and be hanged !

      No , no ; it will not dp for those who support , and have supported , the present infernal system of Debt and Robbery , to object to the proposed Income tax . Such an objection , or rather a demand for a reduction of expenditure may come , as it has ever come , from the labouring people , and come with a good grace ; but if those who have , hounded on the myrmidons of power upon the poor , for denouncing the robberies coinmitted upon their labour ; if those who acted in "Volunteer abmed Associations ;• ' if

      those who enlisted in the ?' Yeomanry Corps : ^ ' if those who aided and abetted in the prosecutions of the Radicals and Chartists , because they complained of the weight of taxation 1 ; if those who did all or any of these things should now venture to complain—now , that the workings of their praisebespattered system has made it necessary that their incomes should be taxed ; if any one of these should dare to urge one word of public complaint , let infamy and ineffable scorn be his portion !!!

      There can be no reduction of expenditure while the present system obtains I To reduce the expenditure means to reduce the Debt ; to disband the Army ; to repeal the Pension List ; to reduce the Salaries ; to remove the Dead Weight ; to lessen the Civil List ; and to dock Prince Albebt's allowance . Will the Free Traders go for this ?! Dare they tackle the fundhblderi Are they prepared to grapple with the real ; question ! If they are , let them blame Peel for seeking to keep up the expenditure , and for devising schemes to get the

      money to pay with : but if they are net , blistered be the tongue of every mother's eon of them who dares to utter even half a word in the way of complaint at having to pay the quota , imposed upon him ! Peel ia right . If the monied classes will have " the sys tern , " they must find him the means of payment . The old saying that " you cannot both eat your loaf and have your loaf " is strictly applicable here . The devourer of taxes cannot swallow the money , and have the money ! More grist must come to the mill , or tho mill must stand : and those who are in love

      with our present grinding system , must find the means to keep it up !! O 1 what a glorious Bight it is to see the " loyal " in such a stew about paying taxes i During the heyday Of their " loyalty , " when * loans" and "banknotes" were as plentiful as blackberries ; when " we " were " at war" with both France and America ; when ! " Bank Restriction" exist id ; when : our ¦ " resources" were in process of "development . ;" in those good old times , if a man dared to say a word against the wars then being carried on , or against the taxes

      imposed upon the labouring people to pay for the wars and the interest upon the " loans ; " if a man in those days dared to utter a word against the Heaven-born Minister and his system of Debt and Taxation , hia taeth were down his throat in an instant I Then it was that the f' loyal" " pledged their lives and their fortunes" TThea it was that they urged the Minister to spend hand-brer-head , never thinking of "to-morrow . '' Now they have to taste some little of their own system . Now it has partly reached them ! The taste they have got is as nothing , compared with what is

      to come 1 but the little they have had makes them wince most confoundedly 1 Look at the sight just now L Peel merely proposes to raise from them £ 4 , 000 , 000 ; and they stand aghast 1 Hark to the yell of execration with which his proposal is met 1 and then reflect that the winoers are those who have resisted all attempts to adjust the Taxation and the Debt equitably between the payers and the receivers ; the borrowera and the lenders r Ah ! let them wiuce ! Let them ynriggle and writhe !! but don't let them cast-off the burden from themselves until they are willing and anxious to relieve the poor

      man as well ! Whenever they , are prepared to do this ; whenever they are prepared to act with justice to all parties ; whenever they ^ are prepared to go for Equitable Adjustment , and a reduction of taxation ; whenever they are prepared to do these things , and to get the Charteb for their accomplishment , labouring people then you heariteii to jwhat they say , and entertain their proposals ; but , until then ; until they be so prepared ; until they are prepared to act in good

      faith towards YOU , let them whistle to the winds , and dance jigs to the mile-stones ! Above all things , mind that they do not hitch-off the Inoomo Tax !! 1 You have ^ had ther harness and the collar to wear long enough ; it * ias robbed into the rat * deep enough , and no commiseration could you find ,. . They have had a spanking bran new set , of "improved" and "light" make , made for them by Peel : let them wear it // Insolent and overbearing as they have been towards you when you complained of ; the . wrong done xp « y ' they will

      Untitled Article

      not shew . a muoh better sample of patience !; Let us look at them , however . Let oa fairly " see bow they Ike it \ . f * - ' andlet pis take care tiiat they dotft kick off the yoke until they are prepared to take off-ours ; olaol : -. ' *¦ * * ' -. . '¦ . - ¦ ¦ - _ ¦ ¦ ¦ * - . ; ¦ ¦*¦ ' * * / : Yv " ; ;¦ - :

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      THE STAR AND THE EXECUTIVE . Elsewhere we Rive an article from the Executive , which seems to require from us a word of explanation . The Executive say-- ; \ . ^ : Wemu 8 t , inthe most friendly , but determined manner , protest against the Editor associating the Executive Council with the humbug trap and the Bath conferencq . We have tho greatest possible respect for Air . Hill , Mr . O'Connor , and Mr . O'Brien ; but we must Bay that the former is not justiricd in making the ExeoQtive answerable for aught save their own acts as a body , or in mixing them up . as a Counoil , with the private prooeedinga of Mr . Vincent , Mr . Philp / praDy other man . "

      Had our good mends of the Executive read the article to which , the above sentences allude , with their accustomed carefulness , they would have saved themselves the trouble of writing , and us of replying to them ; for they would iiave seen that we have done no such thing as mix up their acts as a public body with those of Mr . Vikcent or any other private individual ; nor have we made them as a body at all responsible for the individual acts of Mr . Philp , wha is one of theirbody . We have confined ourselves simply and solely to that which they with the greatest fairness admit to have been our duty , the expressing of our own opinion of their public acts and recommendations .

      The whole misapprehension arises from the fact , that in our paper of the 12 ih ; inEt ,, for the mere saying of room and time , we classed three distinct subjects of comment together in one article , heading it thus : — " the Humbug Trap ^ -The Bath Conference —The policy of the Executive . " And a reference to the article will show that in oui observations upon these subjects wo kept them perfectly distinct the one from the other . We think if our friends of the Executive will read the article again , they will see this ; and willsee , therefore , that the injustice » f which they complain exists only in their own misapprehension .

      To their observations in dissent from our opinion of the resolution in question , we have no reply to make j our opinion was honestly expressed ; we hare nodoubttheirsigsotoo . Ths people will decide ; and we think the ¦ Executive perfectly right to take their instructions from ao other quarter . We again give our deliberate opinion , that the only safe course for the people is to "chuck overboard" EVEBTTHiNO but the Charter ,

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      "Now , surely , Mr . Philp must BaTeforgotteh , in the goodness of bis heart , the experience of all the last five years . ; Who have been the moat forward ia the jury boxes , and on the benon , t » coavict ind sentence Charti&ts !; Have they not been the very parties who have , over and / byer . again , in the Reform Bill agitation , testified to , and contended for , the very same principle— -the principle that representation should be co-extensive with'taxation 1 " This is the whole amount of our " dictation "—of our " malicious abuse and misrepresentation . " - ^

      If the most fastidious of Mr . Philp's friends can find therein a angle word disrespectful to Mr . Philp , we will quite willingly sit down to be troddei *^^ upon as the mushroom in Mr . Philp ' s path ; if they ' cannot , they will perhaps bo ablo to | lnd out who has moat reason ( if it were wottH while ) to complain of " misrepresentatipn and falsehood . " Ia any case we shall not aliow either " iaushxcoms , ' or angry men , like Mr . Philp , to turn U 3 from our path . We shall neither sufPor the people ' s cause to be damaged by treachery nor imprudence without giving warning , nor will we be driven into an abusive ' personal conflict because Mr . Piiap desires it . We have given our opinion on the policy

      of Mr . Philp and his friendB . We have done so respectfully but honestly . We ; have given ; the people the reasons u , pon which that opinion is founded . We have discharged our duty ; and it is now for the people to determine on the merits of the matter . It is for them to say whether they approve , as wise and safe , the policy of Mir . Philp and his friends and abettors ; and we have too great an opinion of their good sense , to believe that the insolent and bullying tone assumed by Ilr . P hilp , will be allowed to influence their judgment . They will judge of the policy on its own merits , and not on those of Mr . Philp , as one of the very few individuals calling themselves Chartists who

      advocate . it . ; . .- ' " . '¦"¦ " -.. " . - ' ' "¦ . : ;¦ ' ; - ' -::. \ : : ¦¦;' .: . ¦ . ¦¦ ' ' :- ' : ¦ < Mr . PHrtP ' . " . claims independence of thought and of action , " while he is outrageously angry with other people for asserting a like claim by censuring him , or eVeh dissenting from his opinion ! Pretty consistent in an advocate of demboratio principles 1 Mr . Philp says not a word about his intention to comply , or otherwise , with the call made upon him by almost the whole Chartist body to resign his

      seat in the Executive , Perhaps it may comport with his nqtiona . of democratia principle to rank Wa constituents among tho " mushroome . " However , it is near the time that a new Executive must be elected , and Mr . P . will then have an opportunity of learning how far his coquetting with the Sturgites as a matter Of policy , and his mode of defending an alleged error of judgmerit , as a matter of principle and character , is approved of by the people .

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      SPLENDID AND COSTLY PRESENT TO THE READERS OF THE" NORTHERN ; ;; ,. STAR . " v ' :.. '/ -v " -J- ' - -: ^ Y ] ' \ : \ :: , Detehmined to commemorate every great national event connected with th « present " movement , ' Mr . O'Connor has entered into arrangements for presenting the Subscribdrs to the Star with a large and splendid Engraving of the Presen'¦ tationof ¦'¦¦ ¦ ¦• ¦ ¦ :- -: ' " ' : - ¦ "¦ ' ¦ ¦ v '" y ¦ ' ¦¦ ¦ ¦ . "¦ - ¦ ¦ '" " -

      THE GREAT NATIONAL PETITION to the House of Commons . / This Plate will be as much superior to the Engravings already given with the Star , as they were to any ever given with any other newspaper . 11 will be divided , as it were , into three main compartments . The first will representthe Delk-GATESinCONVENTIONASSEMBLED . preVlOUStostarting with the Petition to the House of Commons . The centre and largest compartment will represent the Procession » co 6 mpanying the Petition to the House , the Petition itself , the Beabers of it , and the People , when passing Whitehall , and approaching Palace Yard . The third

      comejrtment will representthe Petition IN THE OUSE ; when *? laid on the tableY' being a general view of the Interior of the House of : CommonB , theBar and the Speaker's Chair being prominent features .-In addition to these ma ? u compartments the upper and lower edges of the plate will be divided into sixteen other smaller compartments , each one of which will contain an acourata representation of some great Publio Building passed ia the route from the Convention Rooms to the Parliament House . Views willthus be given of Temple Bar , St . Clement Dane ' s , - Church , Somerset House , Exeter Hall . St . Mary-le-:

      Strand , Trafalgar Square , Northumberland House , Whitehall . Richmond Terrace , The Admiralty , The Horse Guards , Westminster Bridge , The Treasury , Westminster Abbey , and St . Margaret's Church , Westminster Halliand the Exterior of the House of Common . There will thus be given ; upon one very large sheet , Ninetbe * Splendid Pictures , all harmoniously combined to make the whole an effective and worthy representation of the most important movement ever made by the English people ia favour of liberty . The terms upon which the Plate will be issued are asfollow : —• :

      Every Subscriber to the Star for Four Months from the 9 th of April will be entitledto ; a Plate . We do not promise to have it ready at that time , though in all probability it will be ; yet we do not promise ; for the work will be '{' . one of such a character j and will need such careful attention on the part of the Engraver , aa to defy any one to fix an exact time . This , however , we do promise . If the plate is not then ready , every subscriber is at liberty to cease his subscription , holding his ticket , and receiving his plate and paper from the Agent he has subscribed with , the day it is presente < Jf just as if he had continued to Bubsoribe . The Price of the Paper the week the Plate is prasentrsd will be One Shilling . We will try to make such arrangements as will make this the only oharge the Subeoribera will have ; to

      ' . Pay * ' ¦ . : - . - ¦• : .. ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦ . - . : ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦ -. ¦ ¦ ¦' . " ¦ ¦ ¦¦¦ v-Agents , therefore , will please t © open subscription lists , and in all oases furnish the eubscribei with a ticket , which ticket will entitle him to the Plate whenever it is given for subscribing for the Star for four months . As soon as possible , specimens shall be placed in the hands of the Agents .

      Untitled Article

      Mr . Philp and the GhabtistYbody . —Fc art inundated with letters of complaint about the non-insertion of the rtumeroua resolutions last week sent to us censuring Mr . Philp , and calling upon him forthwith to resign his office of Executive Councillor tor the National Charier Astoriation . Now it iJr useless folly thus to annoy us ' .. The insertion of all those resolutions in ftill must of necessity have driven out of the paper a very large amount of valuable matter , merelyJof a repetition of the same thing over and over again . The proper way of proceeding is this : at every place where such resolutions were passed , the sub Secretary should send a c 6 pytoMr < PhUpt \\ Chandos buildings , Bath , and another to the

      General Secretary of the Executive , this ought to be done in justice to w , to Mr . Philp , to tht Executive , and'to the ' Chartist body'generally . Stars to Ireland . —There is much anxiety amongst the working men of Ireland to read the Star ; its proprietor knows how unable they are to procure it from their individual resources—small as is its price x it is that of a loaf + or a stone of potatoes . Those of our English brethren , then * who would wish to sow the good seed in a profitable soil cannot better serve the cause than by directing their Si&rs , after reading ; them , to W . H . JDyott , secretary to the Irish Universal Suffrage Association , at 14 , N . Anne-street , tcnO will take care to employ them weU .

      James Sweet begs to acknowledge the receipt of tM following sums for the Convention , viz ., 7 s . Safrom Alfretoii , Derbyshire lOs . from Gainsbro 1 Lincolnshire ; and £ , 1 from Boston , Lincahf ¦ : ¦ " - . shire . . . ¦••¦ " . ; : " .:. ' ¦ ¦"¦' . - ¦ ' ¦ ¦¦; ' : ' /¦ ., ' .. - ¦ : - - ' . ¦ ¦ .:. . ¦ _ ¦ All Communications to Mr . G . M . Bartlett mutt « addressed to him at \ 9 , Gloucester-road'buildto § t > Lower Swanswick , Bath . Wm . FosTeR , BiNGLEY . ^—ifis rcp « r / of the deUgw meeting was noticed last week . " :. ¦ ¦'¦ .. ' Halifax < Jhahtists . —We have not room for M ^ tongkiterofremonslr ^ Tice to Mr . Vincent : Mi had better post it to him ; A Retibrd Blackikiij Manefactorer calls the »•

      ientuMofthe Chartist publtc , strongly to & > $ PiriZer ' sTtldiekinffi ' says that he is Oititecertaut , from the knowledge he htus of the businett , «* ¦ profitsof' } Mr , Pindet cannoteiceeedU . ofW-lF gross fay ' dU : KttMtiurrti ^ $ ; itot ' ihe ' ni # W * v monthsfought from this ionrce to bring ahunare * pounds' to the Executive , and a thousandPV ^ intq local fujifc , from ihe profits of ptlrww ' ' retailers . ' ¦ ' ¦¦¦"'¦• . ' -. ' : ¦ " ¦ : ¦ ¦ - ' " ¦' : " ^ : ¦ -. ¦' - ' - ' ' . - ' . * ' ¦ - . ¦ The St 6 ckport Friends request that Hasle Fry ¦ Marple , and this surrounding districts , that nave ' - ¦ had petitions from Stockport will send t / uni tn oy theSOth MarehinstantiasaJliviUhavetosoj ^ . ¦¦¦¦ •• gethertoMdcchsfield otitJus Si-dApriLAnyi " Wertte 3 lsitf Ma ^

      The Kopvthesn Star Saturday, March 26, 1842.

      THE KOPvTHESN STAR SATURDAY , MARCH 26 , 1842 .

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      MR . ROBERT KEMP PHILP . This gentleman seems in a sad taking ! We haye received , per favour of a friend , an early copy of this day's Vindicator the first article in which is from his pen , upon the subjebt of the Bath Confer ? ences , the reports sent us by our correspondent , and the observations we thought it our duty to make thereon . Of course Mr . Philp is the best judge of the couteo best calculated to effect any purpose he may ^ lave in view . We shall give so muoh of this article as refers to U 3 and to the Star , and leave the people to receive it for as much as they think it worth . After eulo-Iogising the Charter , and stating that there are *' amongst the Chartist body very many sincerely and honestly devoted to their country's cause , men who have sacrificed much , " &o . Mr , Philp . goes

      on : — . . ¦ -: .. ¦ - . ¦ ¦ ¦ . / _ • ... ¦ ' * But there are some mixed up with Chartism , to its prejudice and injury , big in self esteem ; who , having imperfeotl y learned the alphabet of politics , presume to speak its language . Such mtn are but drags upon the wheel of human progression ; their adoration is of men , not of principles ; their discourses ABUSE AND DECLAMATION , not ARGUMENT . They seek to earn a reputation , and not having the ability to gain a People ' s esteem for themselves , they assail the characters of others , that $ hioy may be elerated by their doHmfall , * ¦¦¦? "The course I have taken I am still prepared to

      defend , and will still pursue , notwithstandiog the falsehoods of Bartlett , to which several additions are made in tho Star of the lflth ; notwitstanding the dictatorship of its EditoTi and the suppression of most important parts ef the explanatory correspondence , together with the unfair application of brief extracts from my speech . I declare for INDEPENDENCE ! of thought and of action . If I can fail to adduce argument and reason for my position , if I compromise a single principle , TH ? N LET ME BE CONDEMNED . I COUrt not DOpUlarity , nor praise ; I labour zealously to advance the cause of Chartism , but I am : not to be turned from my path by every mushroom that starts up in my wa y . \\ ¦ ' . ;¦¦ ; . ¦ ¦ " ;/'"¦ . /¦ ' -. ; - ' v ' - ;' - ¦ ¦ . " '¦ ''¦ ' ; .. ' "'

      . ** Chartism , indeed , has brought us to a very unenviable position , if those who are its zealous promoters dare not think for themselves , and cannot secure a true representation of their acts in the leading Chartist organ . Let those Crocch who will—I ' ll not be a slave . If any of ' my Chartist brethren desire from me'my own explanation of what J did in respect of Sturge ' s declarationi I will most readily and willingly comply ; but I protest against being judged by the lying , prejudiced , and ignorant reports , of a man with whom I shall ever hereafter deem it dishonourable to hold connexion . Let me be judged by my own actions , and not by the wilful falsehoods of a man ignorantly

      ambitious .: . - ' ¦ . ¦ ¦•¦ : ¦ ¦ - ¦ ; ¦' ;• . . ¦ - ¦ ¦¦ ¦ ' . - '¦' ** This is the first time since my connection with Chartism that I have been called upon to defend myself from malicious abuse and misrepresentation ; and I will resist to the last the tyrannical conduct of men , even though they cloak themselves by the name of Chartists ; " I repeat—does any honest Chartist desire me to state correctly what I have done , and what course ; I recommend to be pursued , I will do bo with extreme readiness and pleasure ; but let me not be viewed through the darkened medium of other men's thick heads and black hearts . '' We have quoted the above vorbatiaj ; Italics , capitals , and all , are Mr . Philp ' s own ; and our

      onl y reply to its blustering abuse is to refer the readers of Mr . Philp ' s paper to all that we have written upon the matter in the last two Stars . We here repeat every word we have said upon the matter . On the 12 th we said : — " We refer with great pain to the proceedings of the conference of Bath , between the Sturge Declaration men and some leading Chartists of that city . We respect Vincent for his zeal , his talent , and his suffering in th « cause , a > s highly as we respect any man ; wo believe him to ba thoroughly

      honest and vyell-intentioned , but we cannot but regret the position he has taken in this business . Still more do we regret to see joined with him Mr . Philp , a member of the People's Executive . Doubtless these gentlemen give the new converts to Complete Suffrage credit for a large amount of honesty and sincerity . We cannot do so ; and we fear , it the people should be led into any general countenance of the steps taken by these gentlemen , that the error will not be found to be leas fatal for having been an amiable one . "

      Last week , on the same subject , we had the following observations : ^ - 11 We repeat j as we said last weeki that we respect these men for the talent and the zeal they have hitherto manifested in the people ' s cause ; we respect some of them for the sufferings they have endured ia the cause ; but we cannot in this case compliment their judgment . We doubt not that they err from the exoes 3 of their anxiety to seize every opportunity of making converts to the Charter , and from their readiness to estimate the motives of others by their own , and eo to give the middle-class Sturgemen full credit for sincerity in their profession of Universal Suffrage principles : they suppose them to be sincere in wishing for Universal Suffrage , and that , therefore , they can easily persuade them into

      the adoption of the other points of the Charter . We think them much mistaken ; and we still opine that their error will not be found less fatal for being amiable . We feel some little difficulty in finding out the plane upon which the amiable principles of our friends operate . We are at a loss to know how they discover , in their " Declaration , " aDydistincfcand unequivocal recognition of the principle of Universai ^ Sot ^ rage ; and if that recognition were even . palpable , we are astonished that they , some of Whom have suffered bo much from middle class treachery to principle heretofore , can hare so simple a dependency on their adherence to ptinciplei now * We find in Mr . Philp ' s speech ; at the Conference , a 3 reported by Himself , the following sentiment : — ¦ ¦> - ¦ ¦ ¦"¦ ¦ v ¦ /;" . rv . ' ; - . ; v , ¦ - . . ; v . ..

      ** ' But suppose the worat- ^ -th aiihe middle olagses were not honest;—that they signed ' this declaration as a false pretence ; --could they ever again sit in jury boxes and convictus as traitors and conspirators for contending for that principle which they themselves hid declared in Waok and * prhite io be tneright of the pebple . ' : ¦ . ' . ¦'•¦;¦¦ . '¦ ¦' - ' - -Y ' ¦ "' ¦ .: ; "¦' . ¦' / -. V . ^' - > :. ' - " -

      ©0 %&Eaur& Anur Cotte^Wntrentjaf*

      © 0 % &eaur& anur CotTe ^ wntrentjaf *

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      4 : v Tli E /^ - ^^ Y- - ¦¦ ' , . ; ,. . - / - Y . ¦ - . ; •¦' ¦ . ' . ¦¦¦ : i : ' : r- ' :-

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), March 26, 1842, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct423/page/4/