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Northern Star (1837-1852), 9th April 1842, Edition 2 of 5, Page 7

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      Untitled Article

      DISTRESS . TO THE EDITOB OF THE KOBTHERU STAB . gj ^ A great deal has been said of late respecting the distress that prevails throughout this conntry , and the cause of it The Whigs contend that it is in conseqnence of tbe Corn Laws being in operation , and Hat if these Iaw 3 -were repealed , we shonld enjoy happiness and prosperity -without interruption . This ifl all % exj plausible indeed , but I very much doubt it The fact is , tbe people have been duped bo repeatedly -with tbe Whigs , -while they were in cffice , that it "would be madness in the extreme , to expect anything really good from any measure that they may propose , either in or oat of Parliament

      -I admit , Sir , that there is great distress , not only in Manchester , but in almost every pars cf the country , tut it is absurd to assert that a total repeal of the Cora la-sra -would remedy the evil . If the Corn Lairs had i * en repealed twenty-five years ago , it most certainly would baTe been a great relief to this conntry , but tkat ianot the real cause . I am decidedly of opinion , Sir , that improrements in machinery and competition are the principal eanses ef a great portion of the distress that now exist in Manchester and the manufacturing districts generally .

      3 have been employed m th « cotton business upwards of twenty-six years , during -which period I have seen considerably bitter days . In the year 1829 , there -were 2 , 400 operative cotten spinners in Manchester and Salford alone , each spinner -working a pair of mules averaging about 308 spindles each . In the year above named , it -was agreed unto , by the fine master spinners as a body , that if any of them had mules exceeding 300 spindles , they -sronJd be allowed io pay to the operatives , in the shape of wages , at the rats of one and a

      half per cent Ies 3 for every twelve spindles above 300 ,-so that those masters that had mules of 600 spindles each , -would derive an extra profit of thirty-seven and a half per cent- over those masters that had mules cf 300 spindles . This bang the case , the minds cf the masters "were constantly agitated in scheming and contriving how to excel each other in lengthening their mules : and tbese improvements have extended to such an amazing degree , that at the present time the operatires sre compelled to work a pair of mnJes of loou to 134 i spindles each .

      But this is not all : —In coarse spinning there are an immense quantity of self-acting mules that supersede manual labour entirely ; and these are extending very rapidiy , so that at the present period there are only about 700 eperative cotton spinners in Manchester and Salford ; the remainder 1700 are cast adrift , -wandering about the streets in search of employment , but in vain , in a state of -srretcbetoess and missry too awful to contemplate . Improvements in other machines connected witirthe preparing cf the cotton are also extending very rapidly , improvements that are calculated to diminish the number of -workers t « a fearful extent ; and in fact , an immense number of young persons from fourteen to eighteen years of age are already sacrificed . But these improvements are not confined to Manchester only , no ; they extend to every spinning district throughout the "United Kingdom . What I have stated above are indisputable fiCtS .

      Now , I ask the anh-Corn Law league , Trill a repeal of the Corn Laws give employment to the 1700 operative cotton spinners , besides other hands , that have been sacrificed is Manchester and Salford alone , in consequence ef improvements in machinery ? or will a lepeai of those Isrws restore to them their wonted occupation ? Asy jnsn that is possessed cf common sense will answer no . Again , ther = are hundreds of our fellow-eountrymen in other trades that are siSering from tbe sune causes . Mechanics for instance . In machine shops ire find selfacting slide-laiths , self-acting slotting-machinea ,

      selfacting boring-machines , and seif-actingplaining machines that perform as much -work in one day as fifty man . We have machines for sawing timber by power- Engraving is donein part by machinery ; and in the Mechanics ' Magazine , " I read of an Iron Mason—a machine under this name ( for which a patent has just been takes out ) is about to be erected in a stone quarry at Woodside , Glasgow . The stones go into the machine rough as they come out of the quarry , and come out polished Ashlar on the surface , and cut parralleled and squared on the sides , fully ready for the builder , and this at an expeace of not more than a quarter of tbe work done by

      The present machine is calculated to do tbe work of two hundred and fifty men , reckoning only Bix hours ' ¦ work out of ten . There are numerous oth « trades that might be adduced , if space wculd admit , where manual labour is superseded by machinery . This beiag the case , it is no wonder that our countrymen ' are distressed ; how can it be otherwise , when the population is increasing and employment continually decreasing ? It is not my intention to say anything either for or against these improvements , my object is simply to give the people to understand , that if they expect a repeal of the Corn laws to give them that succour and protectien they require , they will , under these circumstances , be moss bitterly disappointed .

      Tery probably , some oi the repealers will be ready to say , but if foreign corn was allowed to be brought into this country free of duty , foreigners would exchange t-TiwT corn for onr manufactures , and thereby cause a greater demand f oi labour . If the Com 1 , 3-srs nad been repealed twenty-five years ago , as I said before , it very likely would have been the case ts a greater extent ; but it unfortunately happens that Old England has to compete note with a formidable host of manufacturing rivals from Germany , France , Switzerland , and Belgium , and indeed almost ererf nation of the continent of Europe , they having raised up at great sacrifice of national wealth a manufacturing industry for themselves , and compete with us in many parts of the ¦ w orld .

      We are also almost excluded from the German market , and Austria has sealed her territory against our merchandize . Again , only rtflect for a moment of the vast portion of our mechanics and labourers that fca-re already ana are ttOl leaving ourBfiOres , and HTB BTnigwtting to different parts Of the WOTlfl , and as a matter of ararst , the skill , genius , and industry of « ur beloved conntry are transmitted to foreigners , an event which I apprehend , will prove an everlasting disadvantage to this country . Seeing , then , that the manufacture of cotton in all its branches has arrived to such a state of perfection , not only on the continent of Europe , but in America ; and considering the privations that our countrymtn have to endure , in consequence of improvements in machinery I am decidedly of opinion that a repeal of the Com lews alone , is quite inadequate to give to this conn * try that protection which the promoters of the scheme bo vainly anticipate . A XOTEB OF MT COr . MET . Manchester , April 1 st , 1842 .

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      TO THE PEOPLE OF IRKT . AXP . FiII 0 "W COr > "TETltEJf , —In my letter ot the 22 th ult . I set before you the corruptions and reckless tyramy practised by the minions of a state church , and I hope proved to your satisfaction that Christianity does not sanction deeds of oppression . I will now take up the saut subject and examine tow far Mother Church deserves ihe support of tbe people , and what return sfce makes , and what Bervice she renders to religion for ths ten millions per app" ™ -which she draws bom the titals of t& 3 poor—ten millions sterling i . ' yes , fen minion pounds worth of the sweat and blood , the Borrows and sufferings of the toil-worn and famishing poor !—ten millions pounds worth of the ttars and anguish of the widow and the fatherless , given for the

      support of a pampered , bloated hierarchy for the pretended advancement of religion and the propagation of Christian charity ! Oh , what s blasphemous assertion to say that Ctffijitiaiiity requires a princely income to support Its principles , when he who laid tbe corner-stone of the edifice was the poorest of the poor and preached the doctrines of poverty and self-denial l Think of a State Church , calliEg herself the Church of Chriat ,-requiring ten millions annually to support her dignity , and ef tbe Son of God begging his bread and commanding his disciples to " take neither scrip nor staff , or be solicitous for the wants of to-morrow ! " Think of the disciples selling all they had and giving to the poor , and of tbe Bishops of OUT State Church gasping with insatiable avarice tha enormous sum of ten millions from the pockets of an oppressed and starving people . ' Ten millions , wrung from the expiring victims of tyranny and misrule I And for what ? Answer me , thou old hypocrite . What do yon give in return for

      such an enormous turn ? What do your Bishops , who boast of their immediate descent from Christ and the Apostles So in return foi ths people who support them in afiuence and luxury > Do they , like the men whom they falsely represent , labour in their calling , and "with meekness and perseverance endeavour to extend that Chistian charity which their Divine Master suffered aa ignominious death to establish ? Tell me , do they , in a word , act as becomes their office , or are they worthy the name of Christians ? No . And why ? Because the State Church" of these kingdoms is based upon a rotten and corrupt foundation , and bears no Ei-mflitude whatever to the " Church of Christ and his Apostles . * They worked hard to establish Christianity and suffered the most intense priration ; but the Apostles ot our " State Church" have , it would appear , oo necessity to work . They have a religion " Cut and dry , " and ready to their h" ^? . irith funds to support it , without doing the drudgery cf making converts .

      What a precious country it is , where tbe people we starving and compelled to rapport and feed a swarm of locusts , which in England and Wales alane , ( without mentioning the Irish establishment ) number about 18 , 000 ! Yes , one of the blessed fruits which tke people reap from their generous support , is the gratifying and unspeakable pleasure of looking at the smoothfeeed , sleek and fat parsons , who eat op everything if or the glory of God ) , but who never produce anything save mistry and distress . I know the Irish have a great fancy for £ u * h personages . (? J Oh ! yes , they love them and they ought ; (?) tot they have to support only twenty-two Bishops , * hflst their own clergy are obliged to subsist upon iarity , and themselves enduring the most unheard-of Wvadons . I would ask the people of Great Britain and Ireland ^ st they receive in return for their ten millions •* BaUj > fw hicb , mother durch k unscrupulously

      Untitled Article

      demands for . her subsistence ? what , I ask , do the people receive ? Every thing but gratitude ! The Dissenters are frowned upon because they have the moral courage to declaim against bo great an injustice ; and tbe Catholics are hated because they axe tenacious of the faith of their ancestors . What sympathy have the Bishops for the souls of the people , or what care the parsons , so long as they can feast -upon the " milk and honey" of the land , at their expense ? How caamen who are part and parcel and the very worst class of the aristocracy , feel an interest in educating the people , and teaching them to be wise and moral ; when they already know that the ignorance of the nation is the great cause of their -power , and that such wisdom would be the means of their own destruction ? Or what cares the lazy , luxurious Bishop , or the swearing , driniing , fox-hunting parson , who possess IriEli livings , but who seldom set their eyes on their floct , or the country where they exist ; about the spiritual instruction of the poor . _

      Talk of educating the people ! oh yes . ; they will give you the paltry sum of £ 30 , 000 , but they will give her Majesty ' s horses £ 70 , 000 , because I suppose they are of more consequence to the state than you , whs find the money , not oniy to feed but purchase them . . The people of Ireland have many serious causes of complaint against the present system of church establishment ; nine-tenths of them are Catholics and Dissenters , who never enter a church deor , and yet they are compelled to pay the parson , although he ( poor charitable disciple ) denounces the very men who support him , and swears they are isolators , and deserve to be d—d . This is the oath mother church requires h « r apostles to subscribe to before they are considered qualified to demand your money , and plunder you of the scant residue of ill-requited latour . What a mockery of Christian charity , to consign you to eternal torments , and at the same time hasten your departure to those regions by helping to starve you out of existence . '

      I have admired the charity of the Redeemer , who , poor as he was , not only administered relief to those who , needed it , but stretched out his hand and raised the dead from the tomb to show his love to his creatures , and ss an example of benevolence to be imitated by his disciples . Yes , he fed the multitude and raised the widow ' s son . He did not send the people away hungry , nor < iid he require the disconsolate mother to swear she would p 3 y him for his services for raising her son from tha grave , Oh , no 2 Bat the parson of a state church has often witnessed the agonising misery of famishing humanity and turned the claimant from his -door ; he has taken the life of the ^ widow ' s son , and has presented the Bacrecl Volume in which Christian charity is written by the finger of a merciful Ged , to the lips of a wretched mother that she might swear she would pay him his tithes as a recompense for the bloody deed he had committed .

      I have witnessed the unholy pillage , and shuddered to behold the smoke and flames of your solitary stack , rising as if to heaven for vengeance ; and I have been confounded at the fact , that the hand which committed the vile act , was that which claims to be the diBpenser of Christian charity . Tes , mother chureh is the incendiary , and as inch she deserves to be arraigned by the peopla The poor man who in a moment of desperation fires , or attempts to fee his neighbour ' s cottage , or barn , is convicted as a felon , and suffers banishment or death for his offence ; but the consecrated highwayman who ( for tbe glory of God ) (?) thrusts a fire-brand into the stack of the widow or the orphan , escapes with impunity , and is protected by 1 » W 8 as villainous and unjual as the parties whom they were made for . I would ask who gave this right to a " State Church , "

      and from whence the bishops and parsons derive the authority to trample on the civil and religious liberties of the people ? I deny that God ever dictated such a doctrine , or that Christianity sanctions deeds of oppression . I do not believe that religion requires such an unholy aid , and I fearlessly state , heaven dees not approve of it . Whence then have they obtained this power ? Is it from man ? Yes . Well teen , I argue , as they thus act under the pretacce of promoting tbe interests of religion and establishing the honour and glory of God , and as it appears that no such doctrines were taught by the Redeemer , it follows , that according to the laws of " Christian charity , " such acts are illegal . And if man be the seurce of such power it must follow that the church which they thua support , is not the church of Christ but the church of man .

      But I deny th&t any man , or set of men , have a Tight to dictate to the consciences of any person whatever All men have a right to worship as they please , and ought not to be compelled to pay for the religious opinions of others . But this state church says , we have a power , and the constitution of these countries haa given it to us , and we will die by it . Now let us see what this constitution is , or is it like the constitution of the church , which 1 S 00 years ago , was established by Christ and hLs apostles ? The bishops say they are M appointed by divine grace . " Now I deny it—for if a tree be known by its finite , we may safely assart that the Hight Rev . Fathers in God , of our state church , are appointed from a boutco as different to that which they lay claim to , as the antipodes . Who , then , you ask , or from whence do they receive this constitutional or " divine grace ? " What is the constitution they are

      so noisy about ? Why I will just shew you , and then you will be able to judge for yourselves . It is well known that the chnrcb livings of England and Wales nnmbe ? About io , ooe ,- of these about 1000 are in the gift of the Sovereign . It is customary however , for the Lord Chancellor to present to all the livings under the value of £ 20 in the Sovereign's book , and for tbe Minister of State to present to the rest . Those'under £ 20 are 780 , and those above near 180 . Upwards of 1 , 600 pieces of Church preferment , of different sizes and descriptions , are in the gift of twentysix bishops ; more than 600 in the presentation of the two universities ; about 1 , 000 in the gift of the several cathedrals and other clerical institutions ; abeut 5 , 700 livings are in the nomination cf the nobility and gentry —men , women , and children ; and fifty or sixty there may be of a description different from the above , and nearer to the propriety of things .

      Here then is a constitution of divine gTaCB : tfiM is the gift of the Holy { jnost conferred npen the parsons by men , women , and even children ; here iB the source from which the parsons receive the power to plunder the people—a rdigio politico Church receiving its power from a heterogeneous mass of frail humanity , instead of receiving its authority from the JDivine founder of religion : and yet this is not even so bad aB the system by which this Sitnoniacal traffic is carried on , and the evils arising eut of pluralities and non-residences . Many « f the Irish bishoprics are filled up by the Ticeroy from among the English clergy , and the best livings are possessed by Englishmen . Thus betwixt the bishop , the parson , and Mother Church you are victimised , and ever will be until you obtain equal representation and a voice in the making of the laws which govern you .

      I will , with the permission of the Editor of the Northern Star , continue thiB subject , as I believe it to be essential to expose the corruption of our present system of Chnrch Establishment , and the duty of every lover of civil and religious liberty to do all in his power to dissever the unholy alliance which exists between th 9 Church and State , and establish in reality that Christian charity which is th * basis of tine religion , I have the honour to be , Fellow-countrymen , Tour obedient humble servant , W . H . Clifion .

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      THE LOYAL NATIONAL RtPEAL ASSOCIATION OF IRELAND , AND THE IRISH UNIVERSAL SUFFRAGE ASSOCIATION . WHAT A * COXTHASI 1 DcBtis . —It is due to the people of Great Britain and Ireland , that the principles of these two Associations should be placed upon the imperishable records of the Northern Star . It is almost unnecessary to say that the Loyal National Repeal Association of Ireland was founded by the great , the eloquent , the learned Daniel O'Connell , Esq ., M . P ., Barrister-atrLaw , and Liberator of the forty- shilling freeholders ; that is to say , ie liberated 4 hem from the franchise—disfranchised 300 , 000 ol them ; and that the Irish Universal Suffrage Association wa 3 founded by Patrick O'Higgins and a " handfal of Chartists , " or , as the great Liberatar of the fortyshilling freeholders was pleased to say , by " Paddy 0 'H . iagim and his handful of Charlisls . "

      Pay particular attention to that part of the objects of the Repeal Association , wherein it is stated that no man shall be disparaged in his daim upon iht Government for being o Repeater . Mind that , ye Chartists of the empire . How blind and stupid the man , must ba who would not Bee through that Let the Irish Repealersthe deluded opponeata of the People ' s Charter , see it even now . Here are the principles upon which the Loyal National Repeal Association of Ireland has bee » founded ,- and drawn up in the handwriting of Daniel O'Connell himself , and signed by him as Chairman of the Committee .

      The Chartists of the empire shall now judge if there is a single man to be found amengrt them who would not be ashamed of such ridiculcu 3 jargon as the following . Tet it bears the signature of Daniel O'Connell , Chairman of the Committee ; and the Repealers cf Ireland and England sheered it to the echo , cut it out of the Irish Z ^ ewspapers and pinned it to their bed curtains , ( where they bad them ) in order to sea it the first thing in the morning getting ftp , and to admire it as a clear , defined , and beautiful specimen of English diction and sound political -wisdom , and no humbug , but Repeal and no Tn ' '' - Well , here are tbe principles and objects cf the Loyal National Repeal Association of Ireland , unanimously adopted in August last , just ONE HGJf TH afcer the last general election : — " First . Never to support in future any ministry that shall not leave tha Repeal of the Union an open question in Ireland , that is amongst the people , as contradiBt iucuisbed from tte members of the cabinet

      " Secondly . Never in future to support any ministry that dees not disclaim * Finality and declare ia favour of' further Reform . "" 11 This , then , should be the btfiia of the operations of the Loyal National Repeal of Assofiiatien of Ireland : — " 1 . Never to enter into any compromise evea in the shape of postponement or delay ia the agitation of the Repeal .

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      " 2 . To co-operate individually , but cordially with Refermeia of England and Scotland in every exertion they make to procure farther Reform . 3 . " Never to ropport any Ministry that dees not leave the question of Repeal an open one to the Irish people . " . ¦ :.. ¦'¦ " .- ¦ '" :. ' i . " Never to support any Ministry , but one that avowa further reftrrn , ' and disowns finality . '" " Daniel O'Connell , " Chairman of the Committee . " Mr . O'Connell—I have now to move that the following resolutions , recommended by the Committee , be adopted by this Association .

      Resolved— " That we are decidedly and unalterably of opinion th&t the Bepeaters of Ireland cannot enter into any compromise , even for postponement or delay , in tbe agitation of the Repeal , without being guilty of a base dereliction of the duty they owe to their native land . " - " That we declare ourselves perfectly ready to cooperate individually , bu * cordially , with the Reformers of England and Scotland , ia every exertion th 6 y make to procure further reform ; and we tender them our active and unconditional support " " That we are convinced that the Repealers ot Ireland cannot , without treachery to their cause , support any Ministry that does not leave Repeal an open question to the Irish peopla So that no man shall be disparaged in his claim on the Government for being a Repealer . "

      " That we deem it right solemnly to declare OUT fixed conviction , that no Repealer should , in future , support any Ministry but one that avows further Reform , and disclaims finality . " Now Chartists of the empire have you ever read such stark-staring nonsense , such tautology , such ridiculous , absurd jargom as the foregoing ? It is evident enough that it was written to delude and bewilder . The Tribute Sunday was approaching ; it waa therefore necessary to appear to be valiant and uncompromising on the Repeal Question . While on the other hand Lord Ebrington and the Ministry could see plain enough that the Repeal was to be agitated in Ireland only . The right to agitate to be left open while the agitators were

      not to be disparaged in their claims upon a Government which declared itself opposed to Repeal . " There are none so blind as those who will not see . A short time prior to the passing of those high-Bounding blustering iUusory resolutions , the Lord Lieutenant , Lord Ebrington , declared that Repealers should And no favour with the Government , and hence thiB half threat to join the English and Scotch Reformers , alias Chartists ; but then even here there was a saving clause in the proviso , that no man should be disparaged in his claim upon the Government for being a Repealer } The Liberator , the Repealer , got places from the base , bloody , and brutal Whigs ( to whom he applied those names for their

      opposition to repeal ) for bisBon-in-l&w Christopher FiVaumon , Repeal Member for the County Dublin ; for hifl sonin-law , Charles O'Cannell , Repeal Member for the County Kerry ; for his son Morgan O'Connell , Repeal Member for the County MeaVh ; for his son-in-law , French ; for hia nephews the O'Sullivars , Primroses , M'Sweeneys , ic , && And now as his friends the base , bloody , and brutal Whigs are out , ( may they never get in ) the citizens of Dublin are to be taxed to make places for a fresh shoal of relations and hangers-on . But to the contrast between the principles of the Loyal National Repeal Association ef Ireland , and tbe Irish Universal Sufirage Association , about which there can be no mistake .

      OBJECTS OF THE IRISH UNIVEBSAX SUFFRAGE ASSOCIATION . I . To create a better feeling and a more kindly interchange of good offices between landlord and tenant , between the farmer and labourer , and between tbe employer and his working men , in every state and grade of society , by seeking by every lawful and constitutional mean * for Universal Suffrage : that is to say , for every male inhabitant of Great Britain and Ireland of twentyone years of age and upwards , of sane mind , and not

      convicted by a jury of any felonious offence , to have the right to vote at the election of a candidate for a seat in Parliament ; the obvious effect of which will be to cause the upper classes of society to set a higher value upon the labourer and the artisan than they have hitherto dono ; and to consider the happiness and comfort of the working classes as the surest test of the landlord and the employer ' s respectability . II . For Vote by Ballot . IIL For Annual Parliaments .

      IV . For Equal Representatien : that is to say , that Great and Britain and Ireland shall be divided into electoral districts , each district to contain an equal number of voters , and each to send an equal number of members to Parliament V For the Abolition-of the Property Qualification for Members of Parliament , whieh will have the effect of putting a stop to the open and palpable perjury of those who are obliged to qualify out of a real estate of £ 300 or £ 60 t a-year , as the case may be , before they can sit in Parliament ; although such persons are known to have neither right , title , nor interest of any nature or kind whatsoever in the property ont of which they have qualified . VI . For each constituency to have the right to pay their representatives for their time and services .

      VII . For a Repeal cf the Legislative Union between Great Britain and Ireland , which cannot be achieved without the aid ' and co-operation of the English Chartists , by bringing their moral power to bear upon the five hundred and fifty-three British Members of Parliament , in favour of that measure , and which would be of no benefit to Ireland , unless preceded by Universal Suffrage , Vote by Ballot , Annual Parliaments , Equal Representation , and no Property Qualification ; and because the enemies of public liberty would have a preponderating majority in beta Houses of an Irish Parliament , with the present constituency of Ireland . Patbick O'Higgins , Chairman of the Commlllee . P . M . Brophy , Secretary . . '

      The Irish Universal Suffrage Association will meet on Sunday , ths 10 th of April , at six o ' clock in the evening , at their rooms , No . 14 , North Anne-stre « t , which will be their usual place and hour of meeting thenceforward . There is a printed declaration t * the following effect in progress of signature through the city , and which has already obtained a great many names , some of whom were wholly unexpected : — " We the undersigned Electors of the City of Dublin hereby pledge ourselves never to vote for any Candidates for this city but those who will give us a pledge , in writing , that they will support no ministry but one that will give its official advocacy to Universal Suffrage , Vote by Ballot , Annual Parliaments , Equal Electorial Districts , Abolition tf the Property Qualification , and Payment of Members . "

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      A VOICE FROM PRISON . To the Labouring Classes of Great Britain and Ireland , especially to the Associated Chartists , —Let me advise you all to be total abstainers , not only from all intoxicating liquors , but from tea , coffee , tobacce , and snuff , and all Excisable articles , except paper for letters and newspapers , and the postage for letters and stamps upon newspapers . Let do man say it is impossible to do without the use of Excisable articles , for I have now been upwards of two years , and have neither tasted tea , coffee , sugar , or snuff , and I pledge myself that I will never eat or drink any Excisable article , uatil the Charter becomes the law of the land . Let every working man do the same , and they ' will not be long before they have the

      Charier the law of the land—let them at the same time commence exclusive dealing . If yon will abstain from the shops of the Whigs and Tories , and all places where intoxicating liquors are sold , and support thote shopkeepers which are favourable to tbe Charter , and frequent the well and pump taverns , where the landlady ' s with one arm , never refuse to draw their wholesome and refreshing beverage , without money and without price , except they are unable to draw for want of some repairs , and the inevitable consequences of your doing BO , will bs tha Chaster foi Great Britain , the political freedom of Ireland , the Repeal of the Corn Laws , and the obnoxious Poor Law Amendment Act ; and surely , it will be better for us to- sacrifice erery luxury for a short time , and put an end to the contest ,

      than leave our posterity to dragon a miserable existence for years , for as long as we have aristocrats , millocrats , and money-mongers for law-makers ; the faces of the poor will b « kept upon the grindstone . And now , my dear friends and fellow slaves , let me prevail upon you to use liquid as you receive it from the pump , in preference to the beverages which are made from exciseable articles . You have all the Chartist big guns at liberty , flock round them , and support them with your small anns to the utmost of yeur power . For O'Connor , Broaterre , and all the re&t of the big guns put together cap do nothing without your assistance ; and with your assistance they can do every thing . Be firm and temperate , and you will be able to carry every thing your own way . Encourage the corn law repealers to call meetings , and turn them into Chartist meetings , and you Will » oon rout tha enemy and put an end to their agitation . And last of bII , I most earnestly implore

      you to assist and relieve the wants of the poor women and children who are vlctimiasd , by their husbands and others being incarcerated and disabled by the malice and brutal treatment ef the base , bloodtbinty , and crnel Whigs . If every man and woman profeasing Chartist principles , woald only subscribe a single penny each , for the poor helpless victims , it wonld drive want and misery from their dwellings , and be a means of eheering the hearts and raising the spirits of these poor , distressed women . Surely their sufferings are Bevere enough in being deprived of their husbands , the partners ot all their joya and sorrows , without being oppressed by hunger and nakedness . I agaia earnestly appeal to your sympathy on behalf of these poor , helpless victims of Wtiggery ; and I hope , nay , I feel confident , that you will nobly respond to my appeal on tkeir be half . I now bid yon farewell for the present , and I have the honour to style myself a victim of Whig malice , bound fast in iron , brick , stones , and mortar , WitLUM Brook . House of Correction , Northallerton , March , 21 st , 1842 .

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      THE CASE OF MR . JAMES BRONTERRE . . ¦¦' : ;¦ ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦ " ; , O'BRIEN . ' - ¦ ' .. : , . _; . ¦; TO THE CHARTISTS OF ^ GREAT BRITAIN . BRoruEE Chartists , —I lam infbmed . on good authority , that your well-tried friend—the champion of your political and social rights , Jaaes Bronterre O Brien , is , in * few w&s&b , about to issue a newspaper , solely devoted to the people ' s canse , which paper , to succeed , must of course be supported by th » people ; and it is to impress upon you the necessity of giving the required support that I n » w address you . . Youjire all doubtless well aware , that of the many talented men whom We have amongst us . not one is more feared , and consequently mpfe hated , by the fac"ons . than is our redoubtable *• Schoolmaster . " He is feared by them , because they know full well the power W ^ V ! i mind " *» his exeits over public opinion ; and bated , in consequence af the direction which he gives to that power . 1

      He has been prosecuted pnWicly , and persecuted privately ^ with a virulence unparalleled in the annals oi despotism . The law-enforced shafts of a tyrannical Government have been discharged at him unsparingly ; and the much more keenly : Pointed arrows of class selflshness and Mammenist cupidity have been profusely "J # y" a 8 ^ mt to * unconquerable philanthropist Theformer—that is , his public prosecutions—are known to all ; out the Jatter—private spleen- can be known only to those who are acquainted with hfe private history . ' , - .. ¦¦ . ¦" : " -:,,: . ' , ...:- . '¦ • ¦• ¦ . ¦•¦ ¦•¦ : - ; : ¦ ¦ - ¦ : -v . ' : ¦

      This man—this bright star in our political finnament —he who has suffered ;¦ has undergone so much for us , has not been—iB not properly supported . The Chartists do not seem to appreciate his services ; they seem to forget his manifold exertionB in 1 their behair ; they forget his labours in the Poor Man ' s Guardian , in ^ the Weekly Dispatch , in HetheringtonSTxtiopenvy'Dispatch , in the Destructive ' , ia the London Mercury , and in the National Reformer ; they forget the : incalculable service which he has rendered to the cause of Radical Reform by his Translation of Buonarotti ' s History , and by his Lifa and Cnaracter of Maximilian Robespierre or , at least , if they do not forget these things , they do not manifest ithe disposition towards him which they ought . . : . . . ¦ ¦ ¦ ' ¦ .. ¦¦ [ '¦ ¦¦ . ' ¦ '¦ ; :. ¦ ¦ ' . .-. ¦ . ; ¦ ¦ ; . - . ' -. .. ; . ¦¦

      He has not new in his possession anythfng like the funds adequate to the arduous ¦ ndert ' ttking . in which he is about to engage ; and yet no efforts are being madeor comparatively none—to assist him in this emergency . Every reflecting man must feel sensible that if O'Brien be not supported , and : that energetically , it will be an irremediable injury inflicted upon our good cause—the cauae of the poor , oppressed , degraded millions . Would it not be an sternal disgrace to us as a party—a party desiring the overthrow of tyranny—to have deprived ourselves , by onr apathy , of the aid ot one who is in himself a phalanx . This backwardness « n par part operates in a two-fold manner : it not only drives from among us an individual of talent ; but the example tends to prevent men of a similar stamp endangering their prospects of success in life by connection with a party who are unwilling to support them in their efforts to secure their country ' s freedom .

      The Chartists have done much , they may do more ; " where there is a will there is a , way " -M' ways and means' * will accomplish wonders . Allow me , then . publicly " . to- anggesfc a " way" by which the " means " may be acquired , to essentially accomplish the end in view , that ifl to say , the bringing out of a people ' s paper . . - ' . ¦'¦ ' . : ' : . ; . ' -,. .: ¦ - . .. - . . " ; . ; ' ¦ . ; ' .-. , ' .. - ¦ ¦ : ' . ¦ : Let the members of the General Council throughout the country commence at once a simultaneous canvas of the Chartists generally for subscribers to the forthcoming paper ; let them exhort all who can to pay a quarter in advance ; l « t them get two or three conjointly to subscribe , where they are unable to do so individually , and supposing the quarterly subscription tojbe five shillings , it would amount bo but two shillings and sixpence in the one case , and one shilling and eightpence in the other . Let the Bums thus advanced be transmitted by the receivers to Mr . O Brien , receiving in return an acknowledgment for the papers being sent when issued direct to the subscribers .

      By vigorously pushing this plan forward , you would not only guarantee a good circulation to begin with , but you would secure the success of this great undertaking , by enabling your champion to overcome the financial difficulties under which he nowlabours . And now one word in conclusion , when tbe paper does come out , you are morally bound in justice to the great principles yon advocate to see that the combined efforts of open enemies and pretended friends do : not in this ease ( as they have In many others ) burk the endeavour of O'Brien to spread sound political knowledge amongst the people . Wariily watch with eagle eye the" " agents , " see that they get you the papet , do not be refused , have it ; and you will have gratified the earnest wish of Your friend tod fellow labourer in tbe cause of Democracy , - 1 Arthur . O'Neill . Manchester , April 4 th , 1842 .

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      THE STONE MASONS ON STRIKE , FBOM THE NEW HOUSES OF PARLIAMENT , AND KELSON'S MONUMENT , LONDON , AND THE W 00 LVflCH DOCKYARD , To the Public and the Trades of Great Britain and Ireland . " Can ' ye' believe your' living is a life , S » stinkingly depending ?"—Measurefor Measure . — ———— " If thia ,. be sure , To do ought good never will be our tost , But ever to do ill our sole delight "— Paradise Lost . Brethren , —Notwithstanding the privation and want unto which we are unmeritedly subjected , an unbroken and decided front is still maintained against that citadel of crueltyi and corruption from which we bave so brutally ana determinedly been assailed . We , however , amiast all onr poverty , are equally determined —under no circumstances will we relinquish a single jot of onr position— " come weal , come woe , " weVwili . struggle with the enemy to the very lastgrasp . At the Houses of Parliament , as we have before reported , little progress is perceivable . The number now on the funds from these works and the Monument are reduced to eighty . <

      As an evidence of the close-driven position of our opponents , we quote i&e following from the Sunday Times newspaper of Sunday , the 20 th inst , and by which y « u will perceive it has gone the round of tae Metropolitan press : — -

      " PROGRESS OF PUBLIC WORKS . " The two men who have been long employed upon the Nelson monument in Trafalgar-square , have , it is mentioned in the papers , been obliged to suspend their operations in consequence ; of an inadequate supply of granite . ' The result is , that this national work does not proceed with iiM for ? mer rapidity of about an inch of pedestal every three months . " From Woolwich we have the following : — " March , 1842 . " I have to inform you that there was a number of the black diamonds' discharged on Saturday nightthe exact number I cannot give . Three smiths , three , carpenters , and a number of labourers , wire also discharged , -which is a strong proof that we are very fast gaining ground upon our opponents . ' —Numbers out 37 . ¦ '¦' . "¦ !¦ •'¦ •"

      At Plymouth and Dartmoor matters are much the same as last reported— e « och party using every possible means to defeat the other ;—Number out at these places 53 . From Penryn our delegate writes , " That Mr . Hoskihg , who needs at thia time a hundred men to execute his orders , has only eighteen—as also that G . & P . have been again unsuccessful in their atterapta to induce other quarry-masters and atone-merehants in that locality to furnish them with granite . "— -Number out 5 v ' ¦ ¦ . ' ¦ ¦ ¦ . ' .. . ¦ '¦¦ ' ; , ¦ . . ¦ . ¦ . ' . ¦ . ¦• • ¦• . : ¦ - . .-This is a brief outline of the circumstances under which we are atpresent placed . Refleot upon them in connexion with bur general conduct thua ; farf through tbe trying ordeal , and say are they worthy * continuance ef that confidence and support almost universally pledged to us at its commencement . V ? . * . ¦ ¦• • ¦ .: ¦ . . ¦ ¦ ? ' ¦ : ,. ¦ » . " ' ' * . ¦ ¦; .- . " ¦ ¦ . . * ' ' : * Alluding to the inevitable consequences resulting to a community when from a low rate of wages itsr producing portions are in " stinkingly depending" and depressed circumstances , JSi'Culloch has the following observation : — : . " Itothinij can be bo signally disadvantageouff , eo overwhelmingly disastrous to any people , as a permanent depression in the rate of wages , or a deelinB in the opinions of the labouring class respecting what ia necessary for their comfo table and decent subsistence . No country cftn be flourishing when the rate of real wages is low , and none can be long depressed where that rate is high . The labourers are the sinews of agriculture , of manufacture , and of commerce : their

      numbers are not estimated like those of the other classes , by hundreds , by thousands , of even by hundreds of thousands , bnt by millions ! It is by their labour that oar machinery is constructed and Jtept ift'iuotibn , and it is ; by their industry and ingenuity that we are enabled easily to support burdens , that could hardly be snpported by any other people ; every thing , then , that , may haTe the slightest tendency to depiesB their condition , or to sink them in the scale of society , ought to be particularly guarded sgainsfc Those who feed , and dothe alLthe red , ought themselves to be well fed and well elolhed ; they are tha foundation of the

      social pyramid ; and bo long as the standard of natural or necessary wages continues high , this foundation will be solid and secure , lot so long will the labourers be industrious and orderly j but if this standard be permanently reduced—if the labourers be once brought to place their dependence on the cheapest food , and to rest satisfied with mere necessaries , the want of sufficient motives to exertion will infallibly render them idle and dissipated , the spirit of Industry by > fhich they are now so eminently distinguished will evaporate , and with it the morals , the prosperity , and the happiness of Britain . '¦" . - ' ; ¦" : ¦¦ - ¦ - . ¦ ^ ¦ ¦ . ¦¦ .::. ¦ / . / ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦¦¦ : ,.

      The depression here contemplated is already too manifest . Intolerant fanaticism anil class legislation ( both of which it ifl broadly asserted are essential to the social order of society ) bave made frightful inroads upon the r ighta aad immunities of ttta IfldustrioUS

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      classes . ' . But , " says Channing , " were I , on visiting a strange country , to see the vast majority of the people maimed , crippled , and bewft of sight , and were I told that social order required this mutilation , I shonld say perish this order . Who would nofc think hia understanding , as well as best feelingB ineulted by hearing this spoken of as the , intention of Odd . " Not ought "WE to look with less aversion on a social system which can only be upheld by " crippling" by excessive toil , and starving by Inadequatet remuneration , the great mass of omr order , r 0 Frem BRA'S we quote the following : —

      " In dtf « nce of the present social system , the capitalists and employers , when they hear of digssaUsfactibn , tell us that the working class of the raited Kingdom have little or nothing tof complain of—that they live under institutions comparatively free—that they can either work or let it alone—and that they are better fed , and clothed , and edueated , than / even kings were in times of old . To render yet more striking the con ? trast between the present and the past condition of th » producers , old records are brought forth to show that the working men of former times were bought and sold , like so inany horses , along with the estate to which they were attached—that their houses were but assemblages ' of sticks and stones , with windows destituta of glass—that they elept npon rushes strewed upon a

      damp clay floor , and hai a log of wood for a pillowthat they lived upon the coarsest feod , and scarcely tasted flesh a dozen times in the year—that they had neither books , newspapers , not knowledge , and bad to eithet work or fight as their masters and owners thought fit If all thia be true , and the working class be now much better off than their predecessors were , it is no reason why they should not be still better off , and equally as well off as those who tell them to hold their tongues , and be intended with the position which they now oecupy . AH happiness is comparative ; and it ia not in human nature to remain satisfied with any station , so long as it is cognizant of a better ; nor will

      men submit to be measured by a low standard , so long iis there is a higher one in exlfitence , Why should enormous masses of wealth be in the possession of tbe Idle and the profligate , when the industrious and the honest are without a penny f ; Why should well-fed and welU clothed insignificance roll slothfully along in its splendid vehicle , in pursuit of new pleasures to tesipt its palled appetite , and the toil-worn artisan be coiapelled to plod to his daily work with half-clothed hack ; and hungry b ^ lly ? There is no reason given ., foe there is not one to be founS . The immaculate spirit of jostlce -which exiBta tbroughomt creation , tells men , in accents of eternal truth , t hat he never instituted these most uDjust distinctions amongst them .

      •• The productive classes of the United Kingdom are weighed to the earth by such a variety and multiplicity of burthens and wrongs , that enumeration and description both fail in bringing into view the sum total . The ills they suffer are brought home : to them throagh every sense ; for sight , heariDg , smell , tastei and feeling ^ alike proclaim the wrong , and tell men that remedy is needed . / - ¦' ...- ' " - . ¦ ' ;' . ' ' ' : . ' :: ¦ . ' .:. . " : ' \ ' : . . ¦ ' ' :, ¦;' :. - ' " that remedy is in the bands of the wording classes themselves . The appropriation of their united means in a manner calculated to benefit them , instead of placing it in the bands of those who convert it into weapons to scourge them , would prove a panacea for the entire of their miseries . Channing says— " Tbe great obstacles to tiie improvement of tbe ^ labouring

      classeB are in themselves , and may therefore be overcome . They want nothing but the will . Outward difficulty will shrink and vanish before them , just as far as they are bent on progress—just as far as the great idea of their own improvement shall take possession of their minds . I know that many will smile at the suggestion that the labourer may be brought to practise thrift and self-denial for the purpose of becoming a nobler being . But such sceptics , having never experienced the power of a grand thought or generous purpose , are no judges of others . They may be assured , howeverj that enthuBiaflm is not / wholly a dream , and that it is not wholly unnatural for Individuals or bodies to get the idea of something higher nnd more inspiring than their past attainments . "

      The subordinate and humiliating station in society we at present occupy can only be the effect of our own sarvility—rawantof confidence in ourselves . We have long had the power if we had had the will to improve our condition to a much greater extent than we have experianoed , but hare been either too indolent or too careless fully to exercise it , Thia apathetic conduct must be abandoned .: The mutual dependency of the trades , and the identity of their interests should stimulate them to gather up their energies and consolidate their strength , that an unbroken : front may be presented to the common foe . It is by our own efforts only—by being true arid faithful to each other—that out tegenc ration can be effected . /

      • ' Think not , indead , the despot ' s heart , For you can feel—for you can part With what he ne ' er sweat to obtain , Not e ' er yet felt oppression ' s chain ; Nobly then hasten to the call , Onward we stand—backward we falL "

      We beg to subscribe ourselves , Gratefully yours , THE MASONS' SOCIETT , Thomas Shortt , Sec « , Agnes Street , Waterloo-road , Lambeth , March 30 fch , 1842 .

      3empmal 3&&Vxiamnt

      3 Empmal 3 &&vXiamnt

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      HOUSE OF COMMONS-ilfoncfay , April A . The House re-assembled this evening after fun Easter recess . ¦ . ' .- ' - . ' : ' - . ' ' ' . v . - ' ¦ ¦ ' ¦ . ¦• ¦ ¦ ; : : ' ' .: ¦ . Out of consideration for the anxiety of the maay persons whose private interests ate involved in the subject of the forged Exchequer BillSi Sir R . Peel gave It priority before the other business of the day . The House having accordingly resolved itself into Committee on the bill for appointing a Commission of Inquiry into the cases of the varions holders . Sir T . VVilde moved amendments « n several sections ; and proposed two additional clauses , one for enabling the claimants to be heard by attorney or counsel , and the other for compelling an early report from the Commissioners . ' " ¦"¦' ' ;' : " ' ' ¦ ' . : ¦¦ ¦ ¦ '¦ ¦ -.. : ¦¦ ' :. ¦ ¦ ' ¦ ¦

      The I 3 oiicW . ok-Geneb . ai . stated it to be the intention of the Government that the evidence in general should be reported ; but as there might be particular cases in -which the publication of the facts might be inexpedient , he would rather not make the bill compulsory in this respect . He thought there might be much inconvenience and delay in giving a general right of being heard by counsel . Sjor R . iNGLis urged the necessity of despatch . Sir H . Peel acceded to the general principle of giving publicity to the evidence , but wished to allow to the Commissioners , bb beinjf men worthy of ail confidence , a discretion both as to this point and as to the circumstances in which counsel should be allowed . ¦ " ••; . ¦ . ¦ - " ' , " . . ¦'• :: ¦ ¦"••¦ ¦¦ . ;¦• ¦ '' ¦ - '¦ ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦•

      Lord J . Russell thought that the Commissioners ought to report the whole to ; the Treasury , and that the Treasury , and not they bught ^ to determine what should or should not be pubiished . ' He contended for allowing the liberty to be heard by counsel , woerover the claimants raigit desire it . Tte ; ATTdBXEY'GiSNERAL argued that the - " inhUif * - rious and unlimited character of the inquiry would make it extremely inconvenient to JVllow an absolute right of being heard by counsel . Colonel Si btiiorp wished for a clause to make those high offlceiB reBponsible by whose negligence this loss had occurred ; and he desired to know something ' about the remuneration of the Commission .

      Sic JX . PEEL answered , that it might be better to postpone this last coiisideration until it should be seen what was likely to be the weight and duration of the labour ; and he added , with rcferenco to some further observations interposed by Lord J . Russall , that the Treasury would take the responsibility of determining what should be published and what withheld . ; SirT . Wilde observed , that this was not a case in which the general regard due . td tha [ interests ! of individuals ought to be waived by reason of the confidence claimed for certain Commissioners . If the bills had been private securities , the holders , in any actions upon

      them , would have had the benefit oflegal aid . But these Securities being public , and the holders having therefore no remedy by action , all benefit and indulgence ought surely to be enlarged ratherthan Harrowed . There was rip such multifatlousuesa as ; tho Attomey-Gtetietal suggested ; theJssuea wouid beaitflpleenough . How should the Commissioners , Bitting &g judges , know to what facts they wer « to examine ? The delay which might be caused by some lengthy speeches was not a consideration to be set against the substantial interests of justice ; nor were the ordinary rights of parties to be denied them merely because their judges were men of Undoubted character .

      Sir W . " FOLLETI admitted the general fitneBS of hearing counsel on these cases ; but objected to give such a right as would virtually take the conduct of the inquiry away from the Commissioners , sad place it in the hands of any party who might choose to employ counsel before them . : ' . - . •! -: ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦' ¦ :: ' . ¦ . ¦ ¦ ' ¦ . ¦ [ : : : " ¦ ' ¦ . - ¦ •;• ¦ ¦ ¦¦ ¦ ¦ ¦ •¦ ¦ ' ¦ . ' - ¦ Si * R . Inglis was content that the matter should be left to the discretion of the Commissioners ; Mr . WaKLEY thought that if there was a clear understanding to the effect intimated by the Solicitor-General , if the admission of counsel were to be the general rule , arid ttieir exclusion only the exception , Sir Ti Wilde would have substantially gained his object without pressing hia clansa Mr . C . Bif / iiEB hoped that in the constrnction of this tribunal there would be no deviation from the general mode of conductins legal inqniries .

      Sir R . Peel said that if there must needs in all cases be counsel against the Crown , there must also in all cases be counsel for the Crown . These Commissioners were not to decide , but only to report . . Sir T . Wilde insisted on the injustice or allowing the Cununiaaioners to admit or exclude what evidence they pleased . Were they to fleleet the witnesses for examination ? If there were objections against any particular claim , how were they to learn those objections ? Not , he hoped , by . private xommunicatien ; the only fair way ' was the open one , the counsel for eadx claimant stating his case , and the counsel for the Treasury theirs . If this inquiry had been left to a Committee of the House of Oommona , wi ? uld counsel have been excluded f He yroviA aoV j ^ j HOT

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      tent with a mere understanding on Buch a subj ect ; Wl » t was fit to be understood was fit to be directed . Mr . Granville Vebnon , though himself quita satisflod with the argnmenta against the clause -was sure Us rejection would produce bo much dissatisfaction among the claimants , that he much wished to see the Government concede the insertion of it . ¦ . Mt . Eemble feared that the clause would bu * injure those who sought it , by bringing the Attorlisy and Solicitor General before the Commission with all their weight to pposa each claim supported by Counsel . -v .. 1 ¦¦ . ' ¦' . '' ¦ "¦ ' ¦ ¦' ¦ . ] '¦ ¦¦¦ ' '¦ ¦ ¦ . : ' '¦ ¦ ¦' .. ¦ ¦• : -: Jrlr . BARING considered that the parties and the public ought mutually to have tbeir interests protected by the thorough siftiDg of Counsel on both sides , No steps ought to be taken wiiboBt the presence ot Cannae ! for the Crown , and counsel ought therefore to be admitted for the claimant

      The Solicitor Generai acknowledged that if counsel were heard on one side , they must be beard on the other ; but he thought the Commissioners might best determine in each case whether counsel b&ouM be admittedatall . ^ Mr . HARDy observed , that if the Commissioners would be . obliged , as he thought thai in point of decency they would be , to admit counsel in every case , this waB a contest about straws , and the best way would be to accept the clause . ; Mr . HaWES said , that to exclude connsel oriso ; ue claims and admit them on ethers ) would raise a pre « judice against the merits of those cases in which it should be decidftd that counsel were necessary . Mr . Attwood and Mr . Wason said a . few ¦ words each , and the committee . divided , ¦ ¦ '¦¦

      For the clause ... . ; . ... ... 77 Againsti . it ......... . ; . 64 Majority ... \ . ... Tho remaining clauses having been disposed of , and the chair hiving been resumed by the Speaker , Sir R . Peel moved that the House should resolve itself into Committee of ways and meanB . , This step , necessary in order to the passing of the resolutions on . finance and commerce , was opposed by Mr . Blewitt , who moved , by way cf ameudmeat on the motion for the Speaker ' s leaving the chair , a resolution of his own , purporting that the House would postpone the consideration of the Ministerial resolution for raising a tax :-. ; . uppit income nntU they should be further infpxmed about the dutiea prepoaed to be ' reduced ' ' ¦¦' ¦ ' ¦" : - ¦ ¦' ¦ . ' ''¦ ¦ ' '¦ ' : '¦• .. - ' ¦ - ; -. v \

      Mr . Sharmak Crawfoed disapproved both the budget' of Sir R . Peel arid that of the late Ministry , but desired to have it understood that he was not speaking asaparty man . _ ' . ! . '¦ "'¦ ¦ - / . ¦ ¦ . ¦ ¦ " ¦' . : ¦ ' .: "'¦ ¦ ¦ ' . Mr . T . DUiNCOMBE said , a notion had gone abroad that tho tariff was likely to be postponed ; he wished to know Whether it had ever orosseel the mind of Sit R . Peel to postpone it ? ;; Sir iB . Peel said it had riot , except for the purpose of consideration . The tariff , so re-considered ,, would be ready on Monday , arid he trusted it would not be

      found by the House to require further alteration in any material respect Beyond that short and necessary period he had never thought of postponing the subject There was a : general impression that : the sooner the public should definitively know -what the financial arid commercial measure was to be , the greater would be the advantage to the national interests . He hoped , now that' the holydays had given time for the explosion of popular indignation with which he had beaa threatened , that there would be no further delay in the preliminary vote on which that measure was to he founded . ¦ ; : ¦ ¦ . ¦ ¦"¦ ¦' . : . /• ¦ ' :-..-:- ' .--.: ¦¦ ¦ . .. ¦ ¦ : ¦ -

      Mr . ELLtCE thanked Sir R . Peel for his general progress towards commercial remission ; but he did no 6 approve' the reduction of duty on timber . Heshould have preferred a present addition to the duty on Canadian timber , which could well have borne it , with a view , when the circumstances of the country micht allow , to take oiF that duty and the duty on foreign tiriiber both together . As it was , he thought Sir R * Peel was making a needless sacrifice of revenue . He had no objection to the general principle of a direct taxation , kut he could not sanction a tax upon the income Of a profession , or of a perhaps declining trade , like that of his own constituents . He hadr howe- » eir , too much confidence in the honest intentions of Six Robert Peel , to vote against the preUminary reso * lotion . . ;; . ¦ •;¦ . ¦ : ¦; . ' . . . .. . . . ¦ . : .. . . . ; . ' . . - ;; Mr . T . Duncombe explained , and , after a few words from Sir Robert Peel , Mr . Blewitt withdrew bis amendment , and the House went into committee .

      The first resolution was passed without a debate . On the second ; Mr . M . Gibson said , he saw no reason for hoping that the proposed income tax would be a merely temporary imposition . This tariff woulcl never make up the deficiency . Perfeapa there were farther cbmmurciai reforms in view ; if so , he wished they had been brought forward now , whtt © the country gentlemen were yet subservient to the new ( Joverriment . He knew not , however , why there should not be a property tax permanently superseding all other taxes . The people could not pay pnblic ; taxes , anil also taxes for the benefit of particular classes . To the inequality Of an income tax he Wholly objected . It would lead to evasions and frands , arid so to the employment of spies for the counteraction of them .

      Some discussion followed , whether the Chairman in putting the question on the first resolution had given smfficient ' time 'for members to riss in opposition , to it ; Mr . Rice , who had wished to speat , caving lost hia opportunity . " : - ¦ ; - ¦ ¦ - - ¦ ¦ . ' ,. ¦ "¦' , ; ' . . '¦ ' " - ;; - ' ¦ ¦ . ';¦ . ' ;¦ """¦ . / " . . ¦ . '¦ : : Mr . Rice then Baid a few words , intimating bis disapprobation of the prkciple of an income-tax . In consequence of some further observations from Mr . Gibson , : ' . '¦ :. _ . .. '¦¦ ¦'¦ ¦'¦¦•" .. . ' : ¦ ¦ -:.- . : ¦ ' - ¦ ¦ Sir Robert Peel explained , that though he adhered to hi 3 opinion in favour of the principle of an Income Tax , arid intended to do his best for the purpose of obtaining a vote . tp that effect , he had nnVflT said that he would ihrow « p hia measure rather than allow of any alteration In the details of it . He had never stated nor intended any thing so disrespectful to the House . ?

      Mr . Wallace objected to an Income Tax on the ground of the inducement which it would hold out to commercial men to everstate their incomes . He proceeded , in a strain . which raised some laughter , to defend himself and his friends from the charge of factiftn in their midnight divisions before the vacation . Mr . Christmas , who spoke amidst much noise , -was understood to support the resolution . ; : ¦ Mr . Waklet wished to know why a provision was made for the farmers , exempting them from that

      scrutiny to which all the trading interests were left liable—a provision exempting them from all payment upon the income of any farm rented below £ 300 a year , and limiting their liability on any higher rent to one-half of ita amount . Great reductions in the import duties were' about to be made , from which the working people would suffer severely j for the Right Honourable ¦ Gentleman would thus bring various foreign articles into the home market without at all lowering the price of bread to the manufacturers of the same articles hera ¦ . /

      Mr . Wortley . said , the answer to Mr . Wakley ' s question was , that in the case of the farmer ttiere was a test of income , which in the case of the trader was not to ba obtained . But- he must say , that the farmer would rather submit to any scrutiny than to the heavy tai which this tost imposed upon him . Sir R , Pbel observed , that the opposite opinions expressed by Mr . Wakley and Mr . Woitley were some evidence that ministers had endeavoured to steer a middle and a fair course . In answer to Mr . Wakley , he Teferred to a repreaentatipa'which he had that : day received from a numerous body of . farniers , desiring to be taxed like persons in other lines of businesa , rather tiiaii by the proposed test . Among the turners , however , as w « ll as through - . the country in general , he fouitil a strong disposition to make an exertion for the of it ob

      maii ^ snance public credit ; though was se rvabl e that each class remonstrated a little against the particular mode in which itself was tjxed :- He had never promised , as some apprehended , to propose the re * moval of this tax at the end of three years he kad , indeed , framed' the present measure tor three y ^ flTS only , bnt he had , on Its very first introduction , " , ex ~ pressed ; his hope . that at the expiratiori of that term it would becontinued by Parjiament for a coriple of years longer , by which time he trusted that the benefits of the tariff , would have come inte full operation . He repeated his conviction that much relief : would meanwhile be derived top all classes fripm the greater cheapness of Uyipg ; and he exhorted the House net to diminish tbe efficacy of sj important an instrument as an Income Tax by qualifyin

      Lord Joi * j Russell fdlt the lnexped'ency of bo qualifying the income-tax j but he also felt that Very inexpediency as a strong argument for not imposing it at all . The Cariff did not present a fair arrangement ^ for it exposed the British workman to the disadvantage of foreign competition , without giving him a corresponding cheapness of foreign corn . He thought the farinerstoo bad been rather ill-used in Uie tariff , especially by a Ministry calling themsalyes the farmers ' particular friends , when foreign cattle were let in with so little warniog . The farmers thought they Were Safely following the front rank , when auddenly tfiat front ranfe turned round and flred in upon them . The present plan would have been better if its own principles had been carried . ! into full effect ; but they -were executed only in a partial and imperfect - mariner , '

      Tho Chairman requt-sted permission , before he pti . % the second reaoiution , to say that in puttipg the first he had not been aware of the intenUoa of any member to address the chair . ' , : ¦ ¦ '¦¦ ; . "¦ ¦¦ : . ' t ; r ' ' . ¦ ¦; . . .- . ; ¦; : _ ¦ ; ; Mr . Williams said a few Words ; after which the second and third resolutions were passed , without divisian , and the House resumed ; the report was ordered to bo received on Thursday , and the House adiourned .

      Untitled Article

      Execution . —Joseph Wil&es , convicted at the Stafford assizes of the murder of an old mm of the name of Adams , at Delves Bank , Wednesbury ^ was executed on Saturday in front of the Stafford Cpnbty gaol . His associates , James Wilkea , his brother , Thomas Boawell , and George'Giles , were acquitted of the murder bit convioted of the burglaty . The two former Were sentenced to transportation for life , » nd € Hlea for fifteen yeari . The wrabahoiyouth A * BRted that Se hid struck the oilman , Vat withrntthoelishte 8 ki » tenti » nofkilJin « hljr .

      Untitled Article

      THE NORTHERN SjAR . ' ¦ ¦ , /¦ . ;¦ ¦ = ¦ ^ :-r ,:: KiAM ^ y fc :

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), April 9, 1842, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct425/page/7/