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Northern Star (1837-1852), 17th September 1842, Edition 2 of 5, Page 4, Untitled Article

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    • THE NORTHERN STAR. SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 17, 1842.
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      Untitled Article

      THE COUNCIL OF THE RATIONAL COMPLETE SUFFRAGE UNION TO POLITICAL REFORMERS OF ALL SHADES OF OPINIONS . ' We address you , fellow countrymen , deeply impressed ¦ with the moral obligations of men and cirzsns , whtse duties h * ve been imposed on . us by an authority greater than princes or rulers , comaisndiu ? us to ' do u *!» aU mennsure vxmld wish them to do 8 » to us . " consequently requiring us t * lend that aid , -which ourselves would desire , to extricate from their condition the millions of our brethren who , by the oppression or neglect of rulers , ars plunged in the lowest depths of misery , groping iz Ignorance , and daily sinking in crime . _ _ ,, _^__ Christian

      Tboush -we believe that that great obligateon calls upon all ma . to assist in freeing their brethren from the power of tbe oppressor , yet , at this crisis , we address ourselTes especially to you , the Reformers of the United Kingdom ? becaraa it rs *« you—the-acttoe and intelligent spirits of progession—you , who desire to see justice established where justice is enthroned—it is for you in your energy , onion , and seff-sacriising resolution to dct « mice , whethet our country shall rise in freedom , knowledge , and happiness , or sink * s a land of bergared serfs , beneath tie paralyting power of a oo ? - rupt and sfcifisb oligarchy . In thus addressing yoo , we desire not to arouse your passions , we would only awsfcea the noMer feelings of justice , humanity , and Christiaa duty , considering our caure too sacred to be proinottd ty violence , or benefited by wrong .

      To you we need vSt depict the widespread misery at our chantry ^ most of you are familiar with it in all its sickening f jrms , and Tast numbers of you are afready its victiiis . But ^ ra ask you , with all the sober earnestness of men and Christians , whether you will anite witk us in one general bond of brotherhood ? and by perse-Tenct ; , peaceful , energetic means , resolTe , at : my persona ! sacrifi . ee , to stay the progress of crar national oebisement—to check the ravages of starving poverty tj rstnova the drag chains of monopoly , the overfeurdea . rg pressure of taxation , the progress of crime , the r&ce-dtatroyiag curse of war , tod , under the blessisg of heaves , free our country from the accuusxlafcing eYils of corrupt and selfish legifilatioa ?

      Felrow coun ' jymen , we axe not desirous of interfering with your present local arrangements , but we call upon you to meat us in the spirit of train and justice , , to determine , with singleness of purpose ichat is text to be doxe te rfcti the political axd social-teAvcrance of our conx ' . and Laving once determined to concentrate our all cur energies to the accomplishment of sucb-a glorioua cun > nmnistion . This w « thick can bo d « ne , _ without the iuia ! raniauon of societies between whem differences cf opinions and modes of action exist ; this can be done le ^ a-iy , constitutionally , and effectively ; all that is nec * ssiry fcr its accomplishment is union , energy , and eelf racriSce , on aU points vf agteeTiient , and forbearanca , tokration , and Christian chariry , where differences of opinion to exist .

      But in the election of representatives to meet in such a Conference , all party spirit mu . it be excluded , all efforts for ioicing individual Yiefrs through t ^ e power of numbers kusS be avoided ; a victory obtained by fuch intolerant , overbearing policy , would be to defeat oar object—that cf having a fairly consiitxied National Co > F £ RENCE , a body m whom all shades of reformers among the middle and working classes may plane confidence , and under whose peaceful and legal guidance we maj unitedly c ^ ntea

      We are also desirous that the timing Conference shall be the means of effecting a better understanding ami dostr uabn between the middle a :: d working classes , than has hithtTto existed ; feeKsg convinced , that &o long as the enemies of the people can keep them divided , so loDg -will they bot ' a be vicunr . sed by a corrupt asd liberty-hating aristocracy . We c&U , therefore , npon the middle classes to send iitir representatives to confer with those of the working classes , to see how far they can remove the cause cf animosity , apprehension , and disunion ; how far arrangements may

      be raa-. ia to secure our mutual objects speedily and pecceab ' y , and ttus free ourselves from the grasping insolence cf fiction , guard 3 ga : cst the storm of anarchy , be secure ataiasi military despotism , cud unitedly raislr . g up the intelligence and virtues of the democracy oa th-. -1 asia of free institatiors , Mslen the consummation cf that bappy ptriod , when " our swords shall be beaten ii-to ploughshares , and eur spears into pruning hooks , " and vrhen every man shell tit down in p-aca auJ security to er-jsy the fruits of honest industry .

      Having be * n appointed to make arrrarjgements for the calling of a Conference to consider the details essential for the carry ng out of the principles on which the National Complete Suffrage Union is founded -r and as Its rarimoar . ! - . object is to eSect a union between the tnidd ' e and irorki *;! c ' ass * s , to secure the jusi ar . d equal Tfp . cse . ' ^ aiio ^ of the tehoie people , we think it our duty to iutsai ; siich propositions for the consideration of the CosfercDce as may be best proactive of that end . "We therefore Etbuit the fblowing propositions for the coEsidereiien < jf the Conference , wliich we call upon you , tbs Reformers of the United Kingdom , to elect : —

      1 . To determine on the esssential details of an act ol Parliament , necessaiy for sfeCUiiDg the jus > t representation of tfce chole adu't m& ! e population ef the United K ngc : om of Great Britain and Ire ! and ; such act to embmca the principles and details of Complete Suffrage , eqTi-. l ei-. ctoral distric ' . s , vote by ballot , no property qaiiification , j . ajci « it cf members , ard ajtnuai parliamenta , as adopted by tte first Complete SatTrage Cjr ; fcrt-2 ce . 2 T- > determine what members cf pariJameat shall be appointed to introduce tbesaid act into the House of Commons ; end in whet icsanerother members- of the House s-hall be called upon to Eupport

      it-3 To endeavour to ascertain how far the friends of unrestricted and tbiulito freedom of trade will unite ¦ with us to obtain such r . n act of parliament , provided we resolve to u * e oar ne ^ l" r . rquired franchise infavour of such , frtedom of tr ^ s , aad to vote only for such as "Will pledge thcm ~ elvfc 3 in its favour . i . To cevire the t ** t mea . n 3 for maintaining competent parliamentary caiididstes pledged to cur piincipies ; the must tffectnal mesrj by which assistince may be rtsadered to th > m in uli t ] - choral contests ; and also the best means for registering the elector and noceleci ^ ra throuihont fuo kicgdom who niay be disposed to promote cur o ^ j . cis . 5 To consider ths propriety o ? calling upon tie municipal electors to adopt immtr-iiat * measures for securing the el ; ction of su , _ h men only to represent tbem in their locr . l govcTEmtnts , as are kno ^ n to be favourable to thepriacip ' ijs of complete sufrrr . j ;^ .

      6 . To csll upon cur fflloT-c-. unrryiuen seriously to consider the cr < . v . i estent to which , in various ways , they willictly oepcr ^ te with tb ir orpressors ; and ascertain hovr far they way be dispose-1 to prove their devotion t » the cansr of liberty , i y rtfasing to be used for the pcrujses of war , crucitj-. and injuitice , End particularly by ths clause 6 f iDt ' . x : at . in ? Articles , 7 . To express their opinion as to the propriety of the people giving their ccuatenanos and sn . ' . port "to all tLose who may stffzT from espousing their can ? e .

      8 . To determine the best Iteal an-1 crnstitutionaj me 3 nB for energetically and peaceably promoting the above orj ± cts ; fjr cfieckiag sil kinds of violence and commotion by which the eceEiy trlompts ; for the disssmina ' . ion of sound politiail knowied ;? , and for spreading the principles of sobriety , peace , and toleration throughout the country , bd'I by every just and Tirtaous rnear . s preparirg the pecs " . e fcr tlic proper exercua of their political trd social rights . 9 . To devise i a tin 5 fcr ra : i : L ^ a national fund for the purpose of prcmotmg the above oVjccts , a 3 w ^ : i as to pr ^ ttct all ptrsoES who , in their peaceful j-rc 5 : cu ; ion of ttem , shall becoaie Y ; ctini 3 of unjust laws cr d-. sj > utic ordicasces . In Grd = r to conTincfl the middle cI ^ eeis th \ t the

      "Workicg popuhtson tavs t 9 uitericr otject ir .: ra : cil to the gexiciwi welfare of society , we idviee that tney meet ia the forthcoming C'jnfeienco on terms of perfect ¦ equality to discuss ttes j important proposition ?; feeling convinced that our principles nted no other aid tiiiii their own intrinsic excellence ; having truth foT their b-tis , and the happiness of the human faniLy for thtir e ^ d , sud sfLrding the b ; st guarantee for the Security of private property , which we repaid as sscred and invi-ji ? . ble , tquaily in tLe "Door Elan ' s labour and

      the rich nuaa " s poisesiiun . "Wo thertfore advise" that public meetings be called by advertis £ a = nt orp ' . acird of Eot \ bbs than fear gets in every tovra throughout thii kicgdotn , invittag tlis ithabiUiuts to elect repre-2 s . -nta : iY £ s to LolJ a Na ' . icral Conference ai Birmiagham , en Tues-icy , the 27 th oC Dcscemt-er . 1842 , fcr the purpose of decioisg on soi Act of Pirliarnectf-Tfscaring ttt jc = ' . iepTv * eatatic-n of t ' ua whole p-. ople ; and for dttvri ^ ining on Eucb peaceful , lezal . and consti : c : ional means ^ 3 xuay cause it tu become tnu law of these realms .

      That two repTt ^ entaUves sent from smaller towns acd bo : ou ;; hs , taving less than 5 . 000 inhabitants , and fuur from the larger ones , excepting that linden , Edinburgh , BLrmirgbam , Manchester , Glasgow , and IJverpool may tend six representatives , but no more . That one half of the representatives Bhall be appointed by the electors , and half by the non-electors . Tho meetings for snch purpose to be held separate , unless th * t both classes can agree in having all the representatives chosen at one meeting , wliich we earnestly recommend ; but where they do not so agree , the two classes are not to interfere with each other ' s meetings , otherwise the election shall be declared Toid .

      That , jfeould the authorities interfere or trespass on fthk eowtttational right of public meeting , so as to firarait any meeting from being held , the leading men ai tte two « Uases shall then cause nomination lists to te jade cmt , recommending their respective candi-< iates , « nch iiits to be publicly notified , and left in pnhtte ntoatiau to receive the signatures of the inhabitant * , thaw hwing the greater number of signatures to to declared duly elected . That the places sending representativjs make siningenjenta for defraying their expenses . Thit , a * our Iriih bigthren are prohibited , by exeln-*^? find oppreseive h \ wf , from Bending representatives i " -A a conference , "W 3 especially invite , and will ji :- vc as victors , all who approve of the object of cur meeting , and who share the confidence of the people of that country , £ •* >< id the polka or the authorities of any town , in their ' - < -tire to rtifle public opinion , wilfully interrupt

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      or unjustly intexfere irith the right of public meetings , called for legal objects , ire advise that the people in those places causa proper evidence te be taken of such interruption , bo that the question Kay be tried in our higher courts of law ; so that Englishmen may learn whether those rights of which they are proud to boast , the rights of pi&lidy assembling , « nd reasonably declaring their opiidota , are sacred and inviolable , or whether tbey depend « n the fiat of some local magistrate—on a portion of those who hate liberty—or a servant of Government « nned with stiff und sabre . Believisg that the above objects are perfectly just and legal , being in conformity with our ancieut constitutional * sage 3 , being the only rational and proper means for ascertainhtg the public opinion of the country upon any great question affecting the general weltsre , we especially invite your co-operation and

      sup-We renwin your friends and fellow cltisans , the mem ben of tha "Complete Suffrage council . Signed on their behalf , Joseph Sturge . Binatagham & » h Month , ( September ) 12 th , 1842 .

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      THE PROJECTED NATIONAL CONFERENCE . Elsewhere we give tbe address of Mr . SruBGE . and the Conncil of the national complete sif-? BiCs r > io > -, to political Reformers of all shades of opinioD , m reference to this important subject . The Conference is now fixed for Tuesday , Dec . 27 th . This arrangement is much more likely to be an effectual one , than the former hurried project of holding the Conference on the 7 th instant . Nothing can be more important than that at this time the intelligence and

      the energy of the -whole people should be brought together into one focus ; concentrated and directed towards one object—the establishment and maintainance of universal justice . To effect this it is necessary that the people should understand and know each other ; that their leaders should understand and know each other ; that as one mind and one spirit actuates all the honest friends of freedom , as to the end sought , bo one purpose and opinion may pervade them also , as to the means by which to comp as 3 it . Hence we hailed with delight and satisfaction the announcement of this National Conference in the first instance .

      Precipitate and ill-judged as we thought it , in the matter of the time selected for its session , wo still pressed on the people the necessity of rendering it as effective a 3 might be , at that short notice , for its avowed purpose . We saw , however , very serious objections ( independent of the despotic terrorism which might interfere with the election of delegates ) to the holding of the Conference without giving to the country due time for the consideration and

      discussion of the many and important matters to be brought before it , It mu 3 t of necessity , had it met at the former period , have been regarded rather as a Conference of individuals in whose talent and honesty the people had Eome confidence , than as a Conference of delegates dnly instructed ; and acquainted with the wishes of the people . This must of necessity , however wise its determinations , have detracted much from their due share of weight and influence .

      "We regard as an object of the first and highest consequence the securing of unity among the people's friends ; the breaking down of those barriers of distinction so artfully erected by the enemy for the separating of the people into groups and companies ranged under different leaders , and actiDg without concert or agreement . The robber factions know well tbe importance of keeping up disagreements upon what Mr . Sturge and his friends very properly denominate " shades of opinion "; and hence their Tillanous , and , but too successful , efforts to

      draw wide the line between the people generally , whom they style O'Connokites , and such among 3 t them as , while agreeing with their fellows upon all main points of principle and policy , may hare dissented from them upon minor and more unimportant points , snch aa leaderships , and personal attachment or dislike . It has always Baited the purpose of the enemy to magnify these " shades of opinion " into serious and important matters ; to land those who stickle for them , as patriotic , wise , intelligent ,

      and peaceful politicians ; that they may the more successfully array them against the main body of the army of liberty , upon whom they of course charge violence , physical force , and all sorts of frightfnlness , without the least regard to truth and honesty either in their laudations or their denunciations . Snowing this , we felt no surprise at the followiag spicy matter , which we give from the Morning Chronicle : —

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      H The doctrine of Universal Suffrage has taken such a dei > p and general hold $ t the mindB of the people , that it ts thb poucx . op ihe gqvehnkbnt TO LABODB BATHER AT SRPABATING THE EN 0 BM 0 U 8 MASS OF ITS ADHERENTS INTO THEIE DIFFERENT shades of greater or leas incompatibility with the present order oC thinga , than at confounding them all in the same sweeping censure and reprebensioH IT IS THE INTEREST OF THE GOVERN-___„

      MENT ITSELF TO MAKE A WIDE DISTINCTION . * * * * ¦ ¦ "Wb « ave seen with great pleasure the tendewcf op events to widen thb © iffebence BETWEEN THE TWO SECTIONS OP CHARTISTS—to diminish the numbers of the violent O'CONNOR section , and augment the force of th * se who hold with STURGE and LOVETT . " Of course it is the game of the Chronicle and

      its patrons to keep up division in the Chartist ranks ; while it should be tha cbief object of the people to put down divisions , to draw themselves into one firm indissoluble phalanx , and for that purpose to distinguish carefully between such public characters as advocate measures likely to produce and insure a union of thought and action among the friends of right , and such as , while they talk much of union , yet minister to the upholding of division .

      We think the first and chief business of a National Conference to be the devising of means , whereby the whole body of Chartists may be banded together for one object ; seeking it by simultaneous and perfectly harmonious efforts . It was on this account , and on this only , that we disagreed with the decisions of the first Sturge Conference . We thought them to evince a desire rather to divido than to unite the people ; hence we suspected the sincerity of their professions . We could not understand why , having declared themselves Chartists , by the adoption of the Charter , they should seek to lead away the

      people from strict unity of action , by establishing a distinct National society for Chartist purposes , instead of aiding that already in existence ; the more especially as they assigned no reason why they considered the existing Chartist organization deficient or impolitic ; and as they always disclaimed any intention of interfering with it , or any wish that it should be given up in favour of their own . This appeared to us to be inconsistent with their avowed desire for union , and we still think it so . Our opinion has undergone no change . Had the Complete Suffrage men objected to the National Organization as ineffectual , or even as illegal , and had

      they , therefore , desired to supersede it by an organization which they supposed to be better suited for the accomplishment of the intended purpose and the effectual uniting of the people , we should have regarded that as a much greater evidence of sincerity , in their avowed desiro for union among the people , than the course they did adopt . They did not attempt to supersede the National Organization . On the contrary , they have always said that they had no wish to do so ; that they desired to see the Chartists go on with their own organization ; while they established another scarcely differing from it at all , but yet serving to prevent the cordial co-operation of its adherents with the great Chartist body .

      This very expression of a wish not to supersede , or interfere with , the existing Chartist organization , though paraded by the Complete Suffrage men and their apologists aa liberal and conciliatory , has always been , and still is , to us , a very dark-looking presumptive evidence of an intention , on the part of those who urge it , only to divide the people into distinct sections , that faction might deal with them more easily . It has been urged , however , in justification , that this course was necessary , because some persons among the middle classes had expressed

      themselves favourable to thp principles of the Charter , but had not enough of patriotism to overcome per sonal considerations ; that there might be some who would join a Complete Suffrage Union , and work with Joseph Sturge , whom no consideration could induce to join a Charter Association , and work with Feargus O'Connor , and other known leaders of the people . This argument seems plausible at first sight , but is deceptive , and furnishes an admirable answer to itself . The object of the National Charter Association and Feargus

      O'Connor is well known ; it is to carry the Charter ; the avowed object of Joseph Sturge and the Complete Suffrage Union is precisely the same thing . If then < Joseph Sturge and the Complete Suffrage Union _» ntend to carry the Charter , and if they be sincere in the expression of their opinion , that it cannot be carried without union , and of their consequent desire to promote union , they must intend , however dissevered in name , to woik in unison with Feargus O'Connor and the National Charter Association ; the more especially as they openly avow that they do not wish to see these set aside , but want to see them * o

      on And if Joseph Sturge and tbe Complete Suffrage Union be seeking precisely the same thing as Feargus O'Connob and the National Charter Association , and working in unison with them for its attainment , these fastidious sticklers must be arrant fools not to see that in working with Joseph Sturge and the Complete Suffrage Union , they are working with Feargus O'Connor and the National Charter Association . It comes then to one of two things , either the Complete Suffrage Union is intended to counteract the efforts of the Chartists , and so to prevent the attainment of the Charter , under the guise of seeking it ; or the advantages of

      perfect unity of action by the people are sacrificed for the mere pleasing of a few fools who suppose a difference between sheep ' s flesh and mutton , and who thus prove themselves incapable of bringing to the movement any such stock of sense or honesty as may be useful to it . On either of these suppositions the existence of the two bodies is an evil . Nothing is of so much moment and consequence as oneness . Every other consideration ought to be unhesitatingly thrown overboard by the people until they have that first of all requisites to a successful publio struggle , an agreement of opinion and operation , among their recognised leaders , and the consequent concentration of their own powers .

      We believe that a really National Conference , chosen" freely and fairly" by the whole people , would do much towards the effecting of this object ; and we therefore rejoiced at the proposal of Mr . Sturge to summon such a conference . We are always willing and desirous to ascribe whatever we dissent from rather to imperfect judgment than to evil purpose ; and we regarded this step of Mr . Stukge aud the Council of the Complete Suffrage Union as the first evidence we had yet Been of their sincerity in desiring to unite in one virtuous phalanx the people and their friends .

      The time , originally fixed on was , as we have before said , ill-chosen for tho honest carrying out of the avowed purpose ; it was calculated to engender a suspicion that the real purpose was to take advantage of the confusion which the League scoundrels had succeeded ia creating , —of the temporary consternation among the people—and to " widen tho breach between the two sections of Chartists , " as the Morning Chronicle hao it . We did not overlook this , but we never impute motives wrongfully ; and as we had no proof that this was the motive , we of course did not impute it . We implored

      the people only to take care that the Conference should be really National , and that its members should be men whom they could trust . That ground of suspicion is removed . There is now enough of time before the meeting of the Conference for the fermentation to subside , for the coolness of the people to return , and for all proper and necessary Bteps for the « Bfotion of delegates to be taken . We assumed , and took for granted in the first instance , that the avowed object of the

      conveners of this Conference was their real object ; that they purposed , by a bringing together of the " people's friends , " "freely" chosen so as "fully and fairly" to represent the people , to decide upon and adhere to a " specific course of conduct ; " that their purpose was to inquire into the causes of division , with a view to their removal , and to form the whole people into one compact body . We were delighted at the prospect , and prepared to help forward so desirable a project with our whole might . We feel a little disappointed , therefore , at

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      perceiving , or thinking we perceive , in the very outset of the address now issued , some evid « tce that our pleasing anti-cessations were unreal . We may misunderstand the following p aragraph , though we are desirous not to do so : — ¦ " Fellow countrymen , toe are not desirous of interfering wilk your present local arrangements , but we call upon you to meet in the spirit of truth and justioe , to determine , with singleness of purpose what is best to be done to effeot the political and social deliverance of our country , and having once determined to concentrate all our energies to the accomplishment of Buoh a glorious cor summation . This we think can be done , without the amalgamation of societies between whom differences of opinions and modes of action exist . " , .

      This seems to us to indicate , on the part of Mr . Sturge and the Complete Suffrage Council , a purpose to withstand any effort to obtain-unity of operation by an amalgamation of the two societies . We thir k we have shown sufficiently , already , that two National societies , having the same object , cannot co-exist without materially weakening and injuring each other . We think , therefore , that whenever a National Conference of the people ' s friends may be holden , one of their most grave and serious matters of consideration will be , the best

      means of amalgamating the whole people into one body , which , animated by one soul , guided by one head , should prosecute one object , and that object the downfall of faction and the establishment of right . It will be for those who think that separate societies may exist , and pursue the sameobjeot unitedly , to show how this can bo done ; and if it be made apparent that the people's cause can be better served without such an " amalgamation , " none will more earnestly , more heartily , and more cheerfully subserve purposes , and adopt recommendations so sustained , than we .

      The Council of . the Complete Suffrage Union have very properly suggested several propositions , which they think ought to be discussed by such a National Conference as should freely , fully , and fairly" represent the whole people at this crisis of affairs . If we understand rightly the address , it is intended that tho discussion of the nine propositions therein contained shall constitute the whole business of the Conference ; and in truth they seem to us to be sufficiently

      comprehensive in character for all the legitimate purposes even of suoh a Conference . We request attention to these nine propositions . It is most important that the people should well understand them . There is room for much discussion , and for a variety of opinions , on each of them , except , perhaps , the seventh and ninth , on which we fanoy there is not much room for discussion . The seventh runs thus : —

      ** To express their opinion as to the propriety of the people giving their countenance and eupport to all those who may suffer from espousing their cause . " We presume that on this question there can be but one opinion among those who deserve the name of " friends of the people ; " and amongst these we desire certainly to rank Mr . Sturge and the oouncil of the Complete Suffrage Union ; but we can

      not permit that desire to iuduce us to conceal from the people our knowlege of the fact , that at a meeting of that Council , we believe the very same meeting at which these propositions and this address w « re agreed to , a copy of an address from the Committee for the defence of George White , presented by deputation to the Chairman , requesting the cooperation and assistance of the Council in raising funds for his defence , was returned with the single word " NO !" ¦ written on a bit of paper I

      This fact is testified to us by one on whose veracity we can rely . We leave it to give to the people its own evidence of the anxiety of the Complete Suffrage Council to " countenance and support those who may suffer from espousing the people's cause . " We can entertain no doubt that the people and their friends , through the whole country , will gladly help the Council of the Complete Suffrage Union , in the words of their ninth proposition , " to devise means for raising a National Fond for the purpose of promoting all the objects connected with the attainment of the Charter , as well aa to protect all

      persons who , in their peaceful prosecution of them , shall become victims of unjust laws or despotic ordinances ; " but we scarcely think that this fund would be best raised , or those persons best protected , by the mode which the council thought fit to adopt in reference to George White . " NO , " will pay " no" fees to counsel ; will provide " no" sustenance for starving wives and children ; will give " no" encouragement to others to fill up the gaps made in our ranks by tyranny ; will give no" impetus to the desponding energies of patriotism whilst suffering in the people ' s cause

      will furnish " no" motive , such as usually acts on human nature , to increased ardour or perseverance ; will give " no" check to the rude licence of authority ; offer " no" bar to the inroads of faction ; give " no" furtherance to the cause of right . In fact , this " no" is just the most useless thing that can be , as a means for the effectuating of any good purpose ; though it is one that we can well recommend the people ro make use of when their consent or co-operation to or with evil , however well disguised , may be required . This act of the Complete Suffrage Council , in writing

      " NO" upon tha application of the Chartists for poor White , may form a useful precedent . We like short replies , and to the point . We hope that the people will take lessons in this school of brief eloquence . We recommend them , when they are next asked to " countenance and Bupport " those who are countenanced and supported by the Morning Chronicle , to write "NO" across the paper We advise them , when they are asked to " widen the breach between the two sections of Chartists , '» to reply " NO . " We advise them , if they are asked whether there are or can be " two sections of

      Chartists , " to reply " NO . " He that gathereth not with us scattereth abroad . " Seriously , we regret much this act of the Complete Suffrage Council . It tells little for the sincerity of their much-vaunted liberal and charitable views and of their avowed desire to unite the people in one holy bond of brotherhood against tyranny in all its forms . We have said that the propositions o be brought before the Conference are important ;

      hat they require and deserve the best attention of the people . We again recommend them to attention : especially the third : — " To endeavour to ascertain how far the friends of unrestricted and absolute freedom of trade will unite with us to obtain such an A cl of Parliament , provided we resolve to use our newly-acquired franchise in favour of such freedom of trade , and to vote only for such as will pledge themselves in its favour "

      The great point to which we have always sought to keep the attention of the people , in connexion with the Sturge men has been this : however anxious they may really be for the obtainment of the Charter , there is too muoh reason to suppose that it is not from any love of the Charter , but because they regard it as a means whereby their Free-trade theories can be wrought out . We detest all subterfuge and triok . We desire to see the people bind themselves to no course but that which they are prepared to follow ; and we desire to see them universally regard their pledge as binding . Henoe we would caution them most seriously against sending delegates to any Conference with instructions to pledge the people to use the frwohiso ,

      when they get it , only for "Extension" and " League" purposes , and to vote only for such candidates as pledge themselves in favour of those purposes . The object of this proposition is , most clearly , supposing it could be carried by the Conference , to deliver the whole movement and give the whole strength of the agitation to the Free Traders ! the very thing ag ainst which we warned the people as the purpose of the Sturoe men on their first coming out . It anything could have increased our suspicion of the Stdbob men , and confirmed our opinion of the insincerity of their whole movement , it i the wording of this proposition . And if any further confirmation had been wanting ; if we had wished for evidence ,

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      which God knows we did not , that this Conference was projected without any reference to , or oare for , the people's interests , but simply for the purpose of making them toolB in the hands of faction , we have that evidence abundantly supplied in the conditions laid down in this address for the election of the representatives . Those conditions are : — " That one-half of the representatives shall be appointed by the electors , and half by the non-electors . The meetings for such purpose to be held separate , unless that both classes can agree in having all the representatives chosen at one meeting , which we earnestly recommend ; but where they do not so agree , the two classes are not to interfere with each other's meetings , otherwise the-election shall be deolared void . "

      A , more glaring exhibition of the real object and purpose of the getters-up of this Conference , a more certain proof that it is an " extension" and "League" job , that it is a deliberately concocted plot , to sell the people into the hands of the freetrading crew of flesh-mongers , could not have been exhibited , than is here given . A more bare-faced evidence of hypocrisy it has seldom been our lot to see , than the proposition for this " National" (!) Conference furnishes . Mr . Sturge and his Council

      talk glibly , aa if reading from a book , about a " fairly consffluled National Conference ; " the italics and small capitals are their own . They say that "in the election of representatives to meet in such a Conference , all party . spirit must be excluded , all efforts for forcing individual views through the power of nufloVers must be avoided . " They Btate the object of the Conference to be"lo secure the just and equal representation of the whole people ? and yet they insist' that one-half of the representatives to this " National" Conference shall be appointed by the electors , and tho other half by the non-electors , and that , in any case , of this rule being deviated from the eleotion

      shall be declared void !! And this is Mr . Sturge ' s way of securing a just and equal representation of the whole people !!! If the people need any further argument to convince them that Mr Sturge and the whole party with whom he acts , seek only to use the people a 3 tools for the serving of their own ends , they are much duller than we take them to be . Nothing can be more important than that the people should know their friends ; that they should know who seek to promote their interests , and who seek merely to use them for the promotion of their own interests . We have all along suspected that these very democratic middle classes were not the men to trust , and we are now satisfied of it . We trust

      the people are so too , and that the Sturge men will have the glory of their Conference to themselves . The people want no " national" Conference , in which " individual" and " party" views Bhall be " forced through the power of numbers . " They know that the present House of Commons is appointed by the Electors ; they know how that house has treated all matters and things appertaining to the Charter ; they know how it received the National Petitions ; they know how it treated the Dorchester Labourers ; they know how it now treats Frost and his co-victims ; they know how it supported the Whig Government in its crusade against Chartism in 1839 ; they know how it now

      supports the Tory Government in a like crusade . ; they know how it has invariably , by every means and at all hazards , perpetuated class distinctions and class domination ; they know all this ; and they know that that House is appointed by the Electors ; and they know consequently that it needs no conjuror to find out that a " National" Conference , with onehalf of its delegates appointed by the electors , and with friend Sturge and hia Council to make up the majority , would adopt no " specific course of conduot " that they did not think likely 3 till to perpetuate class distinction and domination . No , no , friend Stuhge ; we guess the people will write " NO" upon that document .

      Besides , what a piece of vile hypocrisy to cant about "full , fair , and free representation ; " to call this a " National" Conference ; and to talk of its " securing a just and equal representation of the whole people , " while the half of its delegates are appointed by a fraction of less than half a million out of twenty-seven millions ! ! ! " Full , fair , and free , " eh , friend Sturge ! We guess , " NO . " The people have been at that shop too often .

      The Conference was chiefly valuable as it might afford an opportunity of testing the sincerity , and determining the character of those who affect to be leaders in the Sturge movement . It was chiefly valuable , as it promised a settlement of differences , and a bringing together of the people ; who had been separated by the " new new-moving" project . This was the chief useful object which the Conference , had it been held , and had it been national , could have accomplished . Sturgb and the Council have accomplished it already ! They have shown us plainly

      their objeet and their drift . We know them now . The simple and unsuspecting who have been entrapped by them into their new move" snuggery will speedily escape . The people will , if we mistake not greatly , do that effectually now which in our first article upon the last Conference at Birmingham , we told them was what they should do : they will leave them alone in their littleness ! They will point at them the finger of scorn , and say , "Ah ! Messrs . Full , Faik , and Fbee , you had baited your snare with chaff ; but its no go ! The Chartists are old birds , and not to be thus caughtJ "

      We think , then , the question of the Sturge Conference . is' now settled . The people will not be so " green" as to take the least notice of any thing said or done by such a " National Delegation , " even if the super-farce ; tha bye-play , of hypocrisy and idiocy , should be enacted . We trust , however , that it will not ; or , at all events , that if the Sturge men are determined to have a " talk" of their own and call it a " National

      Conference , " they will recall the present proposition , and issue one in which there shall be less risk and more common sense . If in every other respect the calling of this Conference had been perfectly unexceptionable we should have implored the people on no account to permit a single delegate to be appointed to it without a revision of the terms in which it is called . Mr . Stubge and his Council ' advise that public meetings be called by advertisement , or placard of not less than four days , in every town throughout the kingdom , inviting the inhabitants to elect representatives to hold a National Conference at Birmingham , on Tuesday , the 27 th of December , 1842 , FOR

      THE PURPOSE OF DECIDING ON AN ACT OF PARLIAMENT . " This is either rank folly or rank treachery . We presume not to say which ; though we hope aud beliive it to be the former The Conference cannot decide upon an Act of Parliament . It may deoide upon the preparing of a Bill , and upon the asking of some M . P . to introduce that Bill into Parliament . This is all it can [ do ; and this is all it can legally meet'to do . If the Conference meet to DECIDE ON AN ACT OF PAR-. LIAMENT it commits Treason !!! It usurps the funotions , and sets aside the au thoritt of Parliament

      makingitself into a legislative body . We should think Mr . Sturge and his Council need not to be instructed , how very necessary it is , just now especially , in all popular movements , to be cautious ; to commit , neither by deed or word , an infraction of the law ; and to give no pretext to the tools of despotism to interrupt our operations . It surely is not necessary to remind those who write " NO " upon the applications made to them to support those who are suffering from alleged violations of law , that they should at all events be careful not to lead the people into violations of the law .

      We say nothing of the fact , that it might have been a foul plot to get together all the people's friends—all those in whom they have trust and confidence- —all those upon whose talent , energy , and perseverance the movement hangs , and consign the whole batch at one swoop to Government . We say nothing of the fact , that this might have been the intention of the concootors of this " national" affair ; we do not believe it was so ; we have no doubt that the matter which we hare just pointed out , land which will entail the legal crime of treason upon every man who may attend that Conference , is a mere blunder , a mistake ; and we can only say , God help the simpletons who trust to these blunderers as leaders ! The Complete Suffrage Council , in the whole matter of this Con-

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      ference have shown themselves to te ^ asutterly void of all business capacity ^ m oM- « U political honesty . It ia always , a most painful thing to us to aea any man , or men in , * . position which of necessity writes knave , or fool upon the forehead ; and we are doubly sorry when it happens , aa ia the present instance , that we are reluctantly compelled to replace the or by and . So it is , however ; we are sorry for ik , but cannot help it . The people now know the Stueqk men ; they have wr itten their own character in words which can never be washed out . They have proved their whole movement to be now , and to have been from it » beginning , a dishonest movement , and they havd proved themselves to be utterly incapable of sustaining with any degree of decent tact , the prominent

      position they have assumed in that movement . We now repeat the opinion we expressed respect " ing them at their debut . On the 16 th of April , in this year , the week after the close of their Confer * ence at Birmingham , and when the Complete Suffrage Union was but resolved to be established , we wrote thus : — " We shall probably be looked to for some opinion upon what course the people should pursue as to tho future movements of this new self-constituted " National" Complete Suffrage Association . Here then is our opinion at once . The people should have nothing to do with them . They should leave

      them alone in their littleness , and laugh at them . The people must not oppose them , for , they profess to be seeking the advancement of our principles ; let them , therefore , goon their own way ; and if they are determined to go alone —if they are determined to make a foot-road for themselves alongside the people ' s turnpike , ia God ' s name , let them walk on in it until their ancles ache and they begin to feel their loneliness . But support tbem against the factions in all their assertions of the great principles of liberty . If they should be weak enough to take the open field in defence of our principles relying

      on their own strength , rush to the rescue , lest the enemy should overcome them ; let them not , by any means , be beaten by the open and avowed advocates of class legislation . Oa every publio occasion when the-Complete Suffragites muster for the assertion of our common priucipleo , there let the Chartists mjister with them to a man ; let there be no such division inour ranks as the enemy ean take advantage of ; let them be well protected , and by our assistance made triumphant , in every publio assertion of our principles which they may attempt . But never ¦

      leave them without letting them - know to whom they are indebted ; never leave a meeting without a resolution pledging the people to their old leaders , so long as these remain faithful ; to their tried friends , who have braved the battle and the breeze ; to their own national organization , which they know to be legal and efficient , aud to the evidence of sincerity to the cause by enrolment in tbe National Charter Association . This is the advice we give the people ; we give it in all sincerity and earnestness ; and we tell them , that if it be not heeded , they are likely to have bitter and abundant reason for repontance . "

      We have not one word to add to , or alter in , this advice now . All that the people have to do with them is to do nothing with them—to let then alone .

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      THE LAST OF THE "STARVED VIPER . * Mb . O'Connor's letter will be found in our sixth page . We have just one word to add to it . Mr . O'Connob might have stated an important fact which he has omitted , for what reason we know not : we shall supply it as it affords a key to the whole conduct of the " viper" for some months back . While in Lancaster Castle he told Martin that he saw no other way of getting through the world but by opposing O'Connob and the Star , Martin made this statement immediately after his liberation ; and all succeeding events have served to verify it . The people have now the key to the whole mystery . — It has been dragged from us very reluctantly , we had much rather have shrouded than exposed him ; but since nothing less would serve him , "there it is . The people now know "Jemmy , O'Bkien ;" and we have great pleas 8 S % in shaking hands with bo disagreeble a subject . He may now be-foul his own cess-pool at hia leisure . He may rave as he pleases ; lie as he likes ; we have nothing more to say than farewell" Jemmy O'Brien " . ' His name shall never again , if wejsan help it , be mentioned , even incidentally , in our columns .

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      THE IMPORTANCE OF DEFENDING OUR VICTIM-PRISONERS BY COUNSEL . We were about to write an article on the subject , when the following , in the Evening Star of Wednesday arrested * our attention . According as it does exactly with our ideas on the matter , we transfer it entire : — "We beg to call the attention of our readers to the communication of our Leicester correspondent , by which it will be found that the Chartists of that town , with more prudence than some shortsighted and pugnacious politicians , have resolved

      upon employing oounsel for Coopeb ' s defence . We rf joice that their notice of the matter has called our attention to the subject , inasmuch as we attach all importance to those trials which took place at York , and others which are to follow . Perhaps there was no one circumstance connected with the Chartist movement , that gave a greater impetus to the cause , than the manner in whioh counsel for the political prisoners of 1839-40 exposed the oppressions to which the working classes , were subjected , and also the manner in which the many brilliaDt and effective speeches of counsel

      were made to tell upon individuals , whose opinions , feelings , and sympathies were proof against popular eloquence and the unsophisticated language ot reason and of truth telling its own unvarnished tale . Added to this , nothing more tended to evince the sympathy which existed in the minds of those who had a penny to spare , for those who were made victims of oppression . We know that the employment of the first men at the bar for the defence of any prisoner who would have counsel , struck terror into the Government , and taught our rulers that the time was come when tyranny

      should not stalk unopposed , or unexposed , through the land . Had Fbost , Williaj 6 , and Jones been left to their own resources , instead of now anticipating their return to their homes at some future period , the country would be mourning over their tombs . This , we think , was worth the expsnee . Had it not been for the firmly-expressed resolution to defend the Bradford and Sheffield men by the best talent at the bar , the Attorney-General would not have abandoned his charge of high treason , and have tried them only for riot , sedition , and conspiracy ; and although poor Holbebrt has come to an

      nntimelyend , yet would it have been anticipated by his fate upon the scaffold had not counsel for the defence threatened tyranny with further exposure . Flaws in an indictment , and admissibility or inad * missibility of evidence ; are questions for men yersed in legal knowledge , and not for unlettered persons and many are the men who have escaped the law ' s vengeance by the discovery of a single flaw , ot the rejection of inadmissible evidence ! Could a poo ? operative have elicited the damning facts , wrung from the monster ruffian Harrison , as counsel did We may be told that his exposure served his victims

      but little . True ; but it opened the eyes of roany » who were before strongly prejudiced . Again , has it not been made subject of boast , that while public opinion was smothered , every Chartist trial was a Chartist meeting , with a Judge in the chair 5 It is always well for the caviller andithe dissatisfied to attempt distinctions between the eases of some who were acquitted , and who had not counsel to defend them , and thus attempt to leave aQ prisoners , however charged , to the single mero y « a jury , and to challenge legal men with being in *

      terested in damning our cause . We beg to assure our readers that the love of praise , the gratification of ambition , the hope thereby to gain notorwty W promotion , very much outweigh every &&' * ment that the greatest legal profligate ! , «««*¦ have to gratify his political bias at theexp ^ of his legal character ; and never wasr * " * fact more forcibly evinced , than in the . b * stand made by Sir Frederick Pollock and # *• Kelly at Monmouth , and subsequently by coo ^ for the Bradford and Sheflield men at . ;**

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      TO THE CHARTISTS OF SCOTLAND . "Fellow Countrymen , —Our country is now an that state that calls for the active exertions of every o » 3 that hiLB its welfare at heart . Borne down by tfee bondage and injustice of class legislation , and its manifold "wrongs , the convulsions that at present ^ agitate it tell that the momentous crisis of its fate is at hand ^ in which its native strength and energy will subdue and expel the disease that afflwts it , — or it wSl sink under it and bo destroyed . If ever our principles were needed , no excuses bat those drawn from imbecility ot dishonesty can be offered ; therefore , we address you with the conviction that you are men who will not idly survey the destruction cf your coustry ' s happiness without as effort to avert it .

      Millions of our countrymen are starving , and whHe writhing under the fangs of hunger , feel also the mental torture of an enslaved , insulted , and degraded condition . They have asked for bread , anil received bayonet stab 3 , musket shots , sabre wounds , and the bludgeon fractures of the most oswardly and vile , yet blood-thirsty rufSans . Sir James Graham has usurped the power of the legislature , and made the vagabond mercenaries -of the land judges of the law—while the political partisans of the bench are labouring to subvert the constitution by declaring the Queen ' s proclamation to be law ; and thus laying prostrate the rights of the people at the feet of an unprincipled Home Secretary and corrupt magistracy . We are

      convinced that only by the establishment of our principles can we be relieved from this misgovernment Oar principles are widely spread through the land ; associations from them are numerous , but we have no common centre in which our powers can meet and be united ; each locality is left to its own individual exertions and knowledge ; thur , the means of union are wanting , and the efficiency of our agitation impai red , the proof of which may be seen in the late occurrences in Scotland , where , when the whole country was agitated with the question , " What 3 hall we do" there was no authorised or known source through which the opinions of the various localities could be gathered , which led to much misunderstanding and injury to our cause , and to individuals .

      When the year commenced , yonr delegates met in Glasgow , and laid down the plan of an efficient organization and communication . They elected a National Secretary , on whose office depended the proper working of the system . Is can be no misfortune to say that the office is vacant now , for it nev * r was filled . Whether from want of confidence of the people in the person appointed , or a want of desire in him to nil it , the country knows best ; but that it never was filled all will admit . If necessary when he was appointed , the National Secretary is more necessary now .

      In compliance with letters we have received fro n various places , and the desire that we know exiBts in others , we have taken it npon us to call a meeting of delegates , to be elected at public meetings , and to meet in Wnitechapel , Edinburgh , on Monday , the 3 rd of October , at two o'clock , to take into consideration the Dest means to give efficiency to our agitation , and establish our principles . Among these considerations will be the organization , the election of a National Secretary , with or without a council , his or their powers and duties , the best mean 3 to improve our present organization , and to extend it ; what we should do as to the infringement of the rights of public meetings , passive resistance , and the way and means to carry on our agitation . We trust that all parts of the country will respond to this ca'l , and Fend representatives of honest intentions , sound judgment , and stern determination , Thos . Blackie , Secretary . Edinburgh , Sept . 8 th , 1842 .

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      PREPARATION OF THE ' POOS KAN'S COMPANION , j FOR 1843 . I IN the Press , and will be Published in the latter end of October next , the POOR MAN'S COM- j PAN 1 ON , and POLITICAL ALMANACK , for , 1843 , by Joshua Horsox . ; Particulars of contents ia future announcements . I

      The Northern Star. Saturday, September 17, 1842.

      THE NORTHERN STAR . SATURDAY , SEPTEMBER 17 , 1842 .

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      A THE NORTHERN STAR . ^* - . —¦¦¦'¦ ' — : — - —— - - ¦ - ¦ ¦ >

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), Sept. 17, 1842, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct448/page/4/