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Northern Star (1837-1852), 1st October 1842, Edition 2 of 8, Page 4, Untitled Article

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    • THE jTOETHEftN STAR. SATURDAY, OCTOBER 1, 1842.
    • STo iScauerjs antr Corregpomrenta
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      Untitled Article

      INQUEST OX THE MEN KILLED AT THE FIRE . Oeigix of the Fire . —An inquest was held on Uonday before P . F . Curry , Esq ., ceroner , touching the death ef John JIartin , Xnke Sniith , and James Bell , the three men -who . -aB has been previously mentioned , were killed by the falling of a wall , and whose bodies are lying at the Northern Hospital . The -witnesses examined were EdwaTd Knight , Warehouse keeper ; Samuel Tack , police c £ . iei ; Hugh Falkner , labourer ; Joseph Massey , inspector of police ; Michael Martin , labourer ; Mr . Harris , surgeon of the Northern Hospital . But the most interesting- portion of the evidence which had reference to the origin of the fire was given by the servant of Mr . Peniston , tie bone-merchant , in whose premises it is said the fire originated , and was to the following effect : —

      John Coghlan . —I am the engineer at Mr . Peniston ' s , in Crompton-street , and have been in the employ of Mr . Peniston for the last three years . I have the charge of the engine , have to look after the fires , to lock up the place at night , and I have charge of everything in the yard . The last time that I locked up tie gates on Thursday night last was at ten minutes to t ? n . Before leaving the place I drew the red fire out of the stove , as usual , and filled np the bars with slack , in order that we might have a small Sre ready for use on the following morning . Sometimes , when I have slacked the fire , it had been completely burnt out when I went next morning ; but generally there was a little fire in the stove . I haTO followed the practice of slacking the fire for the last four months . The engine was get up with brickwork . The smoke was carried off

      through a flae which went under ground , the whole breadth of the yard . The engine-house was built of bricks and wood . The roof was of wood , and the back was of wood . There was a sufficient brick wall sround the boiler , as is the case with almost every engine , and then there was a wooden partition between the engine-house and the next yard . The furnace has an iron door , divided into two halves . It was not closed at night . If we had closed it , there would have been no draught , and the fire would have gone out . It was always left open at night . The engine-house is flagged . There were no chairs in the engine-house , nor any seats of any kind . There was not a joiner's bach in it There was a bit of a board temporarily fastened to the wall , and to which the vice was made fast We used it to lay our tools upon ; but never as a seat

      Inspector Murray—That is the bench of which I spoke . It migh < have been used for laying tools on , and also as a seat . John C ? ghlan , in continuation—I was rousea out of bel on . Friday morning , at ibout a quarter before three o'clock . The man who knocked at the door informed me tha . the yard was on fire . I first ran to my master ' s [ honse , told Mr . Peniston , and then went to the yard . I found the whole of the building belonging to my master on fire , and other places besides . There were two buildings , one on each side , on fire . I have no idea where the fire originated . On Thursday night I ordered the lads to flil np the slack , and they threw their spades , three in number , into the fire-hole . The Bpades were lying there next day , and the handles were not at all burnt We left no light of any description in the place . We would not be allowed to do that . We have a dark lantern * which was not lighted more than one night in twenty . We were very cautious about lights ; for if it had been known that I hail htd a candle about the building , I should have been turned off .

      The beadle mentioned that he had in waiting another witness , one of the boys in the employ of Mr . Peniston , who was also present when the place was locked np . He could corroborate the evidence of Coghlan . Mr . Curry remarked that be had no reason to doubt the truth of Coghlan ' s testimony , and that it was unneesssary to call the lad . He added , " The fact which the last witness has mtntioned about the spades is sufficient to convince me that the fire did not originate from the stove . Inspsctor Murray—When I went in , the fire was confined to the engine-house . I did not see anything of the spades . They might have been there , though I did not see them . The Coroner—Have you any idea , Mr . Peniston , how thiBfire originated ?

      Mr , Peniston—Not at all . I feel confident that it could not have originated in icy yard . I feel very sorry , for I am a sufferer very much by it . I had not a farthing of my property insured . I have examined all over , and there was nothing at the end of the yard that could have ignited . The Coroner—It is now a question for you , gentlemen of the jury , whether we should adjourn this inqnest for farther evidence as to the origin of the fire , or not llr . Peniston—I should be very glad if any gentlemas would come and examine my premises , to see whether there is any proof of the fire having originated there . The boiler is all good .

      The Coroner—Do you think , Gentlemen , . there is any occasion to adjourn , in order that we may hare farther evidence as to the origin of the fire ? Or , supposing that the premises were maliciously set on fire , would that have any effect on-the verdict yon would return ? I have not any doubt on my own mind ; but some persons have doubts , though they lean to my way of thinking . We are of opinion that though the place was maliciously set on fire , and these parties were killed in » " « Httg to extinguish it , the only verdict could be accidental deith . I h » ve put the point to one or two , and they think that there is something in it ; and , si this m soehk melancholy event , and involved such a loss of property ( with which , however , you have nothing to do ) , ai wen w of life , I think that it would

      be better to adjourn for farther infonnstian as to the origin of the fire . I sent a note tc Mr . Sbuttleworth , and he ha * returned me an answer , stating that the point to which I have alluded involves a very important question , and one he should not wish to decide upon in a hurry . I should not myself hesitate to give my opinion on the law of the case ; bat it will no doubt be more satisfactory to the public to have the case sifted as thoroughly as we can do so . What witnesses can you get , beadle ? The Beadle—There are several police officers whom I can get , and the man who fiat saw the fire . He can , perhaps , throw some light upon the origin . Then there ia Mrs . Isaac ' s man . He was in his mistress ' s place the last , though alone-

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      Mrs . Isaac vras present , and stated that she could give no evidence which would at all tend to elucidate the origin cf the fire . She added , " My place is an oil and colour store , and we have a boiler in it ; bat the last fire we had on the premises , and the last li ght , either candle , match , or anything else , was on Tuesday , when a small fire was lighted to heat some water . " The Beadle—There is some tar scattered about the yard , and that is thought rather curious , as tar was more likely to burn than run aboat A Juryman—It is quite necessaiy , I think , that farther evidence should be heard , if only for the sake of these two persons here , Mr . Penbton and Mrs . Isaac , who are blamed about the town . The jury thought it was very desirable that further evidence as to the origin of the fire should be obtained , and agreed to adjourn .

      The Coroner remarked , " Suppose the premises had been maliciously set on fire , would it alter the verdict or not ? I have no doubt about it ; but as one great legal authority holds a different opinion , I shall accede to the wish of the jury , and adjourn the inquest " The inquiry was accordingly adjourned .

      THE ADJOURNED IK QUEST . The inquest on the subject of the deaths of Martin , Smith , and Bell , was resumed on Taesday morning-, principally for the purpose of hearing further evidence respecting the origin of the fire . It may be as well to mention here , that Mr . P

      Mains . Bonus . Behold Love Reason and Justice by Beauty for ashes where The Poor asked for bread but the rich gave stones . Behold the cross adore the crown . Now Christ casts guilty nations down In blood and fire millions rattle The Devil Bankrupt falla in battle . Great Babylon . "Beat your ploughs into swords and your scythes into spears . " Read 3 Joel . Brule tout Elias . The Coroner said there appeared to be no certainty as to the precise spot where , or the manner in which , the fire had commenced . He did not see any good which could arise by keeping the inquiry open for any lender period .

      The Foreman announced the verdict of the Jary as fellows : — "W * find that the three deceased parties were accidentally killed while they were employed in removing goods from a ¦ warehouse which was contiguous to one that was on fire , but how it became on fire no evidence doth appear ; and we wish , at the same time , to clear Mr . Peniston of the charge that his premises bad been purposely set en fire by himself , or by the neglect of any of his servants . " On Taesday , Patrick Doran , who kept the marine store where originated the fire of Monday night , was tsken into custody , on suspicion of having wilfully set fire to the same . He underwent a private examination on the same afternoon , in the presence of the Mayor , Mr . Rushton , a large body of other m gistrates , and the Town Clerk and Dapnty Town Clerk . The event was , that he was remanded for further examination , which was to take place in open court , at one o ' clock , on Wednesday .

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      ANNUAL PARLIAMENTS . The following able dissertation appears in the Evening Slar , of Tuesday and Wednesday , in the present week . We leave eat an article of our own thai we may hare room to present it to our readers entire : — So much importance do we attach to the question of Annual Parliaments , that if we were in a situation to make our election between Universal Suffrage , accompanied with Septennial Parliaments , or the

      Saffrage as at present settled with Annual Parliaments , we would much prefer the latter . Having said so much , we shall nowproceed to a consideration of the right to petition , and the effeota of petitions in those times when elections were annual , and when they were triennial and septennial , distinguishing the relative effects which petitions had upon the Legislature under those three separate tenures . The delegation of representative power was in the first instance a great convenience to the community at large , and could not be attended with any disadvantage to the whole people , so long as they had a

      controlling power vested in themselves . The right of petition in olden times , when Parliaments were annually elected , was cherished as a certain appeal of the good sense of the majority of the people against the premature , iBjudicious , or hastily conceived projects of those to whom tLe right to legislate was delegated , and seldom or never failed of producing its legitimate effeot . Indeed , in those days when the people's representatives were obliged to return to their constituents at the close of each session , to receive their smiles as a reward for virtue , or their frowns as a

      punishment for vice , the best title that the candidate could plead was his observance of the popular will , and a ready compliance with its commands . The time wa 3 so short between the commission of wrong and the certain punishment of the wrong-doer , that few were found hardy enough to resist the remonstrances of those who were so speedily to constitute his judges . Thus we find , that in the times when Parliaments were annual , the House of Commons in most instances anticipated the popular will , and was the first to Eound the alarm when the royal prerogative or the power cf the Lords threatened

      any abridgment of popular rights . The successive invasions upon the people which -were commenced by Hekrt VIII ., and which have been going on increasing in enormity from the period when the duration of Parliaments was extended from three to seven years , in the reign of Grouse I ., have one and all been direct consequences of the abrogation of the right of annual elections . When Henry ' s subservient slaves abrogated Sessional Parliaments , and extended the tenure which their constituents had conferred upon them for only one year , to a period of three years

      the Constitution of England was virtually and actually annulled , and the people would have been justified in falling back upon Magna Charta , in arming themselves , dethroning the tyrant , ejecting the Commons , and resuming again that trust , whioh in the hands of their delegates had been violated . From the days of Henry the Eighth . to the expulsion of the Second James , and the conferring of these realms upon a foreigner , the tyrannical and bloody acts which characterized eaoh successive reign , were one and all consequences of the lost right of annual elections . The popnlar will lost all control over its

      elected servants ; while the partition of the plunder stolen from the people , among the slavish followers of Hakkt , at once laid the foundation of a bribed , subservient , venal , and corrupt I oligarchy . From this period we date the establishment of our oligarchy , whose interests were bound op with those ot the reigning monarch , and separated in toto from those of the people . Protestants would not have waged deadly wax against their Catholic fellow-countrymen in honour of God , had the people not lost the right of annual election . Charles would not have lost his head on the scaffold , had

      the good sense ef the people been allowed to use its controlling influence for the correction of abuses , before they became magnified into a general charge of high treason against the monarch . Neither would the rightful King ( if we may use the frightful term as an illustration ) , James the Second , have been driven from the throne to make way for a foreigner , whose religious feelings were more congenial to the recipients of that property whioh . Harry had stolen from the people . Neither would the bloody murderer , Crohwell , have been

      allowed to lick up the remainder of the plunder , or to murder , burn , shoot , transport , or otherwise destroy the brave Irish Catholics , had the English people not been fir 3 t robbed of the right of annual election . Neither would a stranger ( William the Third ) have been allowed to establish the Bank of England , and to create a funded debt for the support of an oligarchy , and to bo paid by the people , had the people ' s representatives been subjected to tho settlement which annual accounts were certain to produce . From the moment of the abrogation of the right to elect annual ser-

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      vants , we hear no more of Hampdens , Sydneys , Rdssells , and aristocratic opponents to royal encroachment . King and oligarchy from that period became one in interest , one in action , and one in principle : no more do we hear of stopping the supplies for the purpose of arresting invasions upon popnlar rights . If the change from Annual to Triennial Parliaments worked so much evil , let us now enter upon the consideration of those results which have issued from a further extension from

      three to a seven years' tenure of office . A Parliament elected only for three years extended the right to itself to sit for seven years , and the act would have justified the ejectiou of the Commons who passed it , and the dethroning of the Monarch who gave to it his assent . It was a violation of the compact of Magna Charta , of the Bill of Rights , and of the spirit of the Constitution ; and , as the Tory , Lord BoLiNGBEeKE has well and trul y said , it is , in such cases , as much the duty—mind , the duty , not the mere right—of the people to rebel against a corrupt House of Commons as against a tyrannical prince . From that period , when the

      people ' s representatives had unconstitutionally conferred upon themselves the right to hold their trust for seven years , we find the lines of demarcation between the electoral body and the nnrepresented people become wider and wider ; and schisms , theretofore unknown , jealousies theretofore unheard-of , and suspicion never before entertained , causing discord , disunion , strife , and discontent in the human family . Now we come to a vital portion of our subject- From that time when Parliaments were not elected annually , we find that the people ' s petitions were looked upon as mere waste paper , until at length it was reserved for a reformed House of

      Commons to turn them into a mookery and sport . The three great events which have taken place in the world from the period when Parliaments were elected for seven years , are , the American war , the French Revolution , and the Irish insurrection of 1798 . And tho first and last of these two great events , which were more immediately consequences of British policy , we shall be able to trace distinctly and irrefutably to the loss of annual elections , and the consequent disregard of the people ' s petitions . As regards the American war and the subsequent declaration of American Independence , much as we rejoice at the

      glorious T ( suit , and although we can trace it to the abrogation of Sessional Parliaments , yet the friends of American freedom cannot hail the change as advantageous to them , because those grievances , of which they justly complained , never would have been allowed to exist by a Parliament annually elected , while the right ' self-government would have been conoeded to right and will , instead of waiting upon force and superior strength , by the same rightful authority of a Parliament , constitutionally elected , or rather constitutionally controlled by the appellate jurisdiction , which never failed of having its due effect upon annual servants .

      We prove our case thus : —When the Americans first complained of the injustice of their step-mother ' s rule , they couched their grievancos in the most modest language , embodied in what , even now , would be considered fulsome adulation of the monarch , and reprobation of the British oligarchy . They asked not for separation , nor yet for equality ; they merely petitioned , and that right loyally and humbly , for a remission of heavy taxation , which they considered injurious to the well-being of the country , and UDJust in principle . Their petitions breathed the strongest sentiments of

      loyalty to the Crown , affection to the laws , and respect for the Constitution , while they remonstrated against the unequal manner in which all were extended to their country . To these petitions , insulting answers were retnrned ; when remonstrance followed petition , and which being unheeded , were succeeded bv the freeman ' s last appeal—a recourse to arms for the defence of right and suppression of wrong , America succeeded ; and the very man who was spurned from the royal presence as a mediator , was shortly afterwards received by our mad monarch as an accredited

      ambassador from free America . The achievement of American independence , and the French Revolution , which quickly followed that everrglorious and memorable event , gave hope of justice to oppressed and unhappy Ireland , where the conquered Catholic was compelled to bow his proud neck beneath the yoke of the murdering Statechurch conqueror . The Irish Catholics also tried petitions for a mere remission of grievances , to their own subservient Parliament , and also to the

      King in person ; but the Irish , as the Americans , were reminded of their weakness , laughed at for their audacity , and mocked for their pains . And as in America , bo in Ireland , disappointment broke out in revolution ; but , unfortunately for poor Ireland , her day of retribution had not arrived , and her hour of freedom was delayed , but we trust is now near at hand , when that brave and generous people will rise in their majesty and glory , and throw the whole incubus of State-church , and oppressors of all shades from them , and that for ever .

      To the loss of the right to elect the people ' s servants annually , we ascribe not only all those grievances heretofore mentioned , but every other under which the nation now suffers , from a demoralizing State Church , and its standing army of butchers to support it , to the " gold chain" of eight hundred millions of debt with which " the great statesman now no more" has bound British eociety in amicable bonds . The right to elect Members of Parliament annually is the leading avenue , the principal approach , the front door to the Saffrage , and the rampart for its protection . We hare broadly asserted that the

      question of the vote falls into utter insignificance when compared with its frequent exercise ; and that whereas the possession of the Suffrage would but retard the principle of annual elections , the return to annual elections would very speedily put the people in possession of the Suffrage . We shall now proceed to a consideration of this allimportant subject in all its phases , shapes , and forms . We shitll endeavour to drag truth from beneath the heap of rubbish whioh a servile press has , as if by right , for centuries , shot over it ; and , for

      onoe , place the question in asimple form before the unsophisticated , whose rights have been so long buried amid the prejudices of faction . We commence with the principle of annual elections , as breathing through the spirit of this country's Constitution long before Parliaments existed . Alfred called the Whittena-Gemote together twice a year , or oftener , if need were . In William the Conqueror ' s reign , it is said by an anoient statute and custom , laudable and approved , the King was , once in the year , to convene his Lords and Commons to Ms councils of

      Parliament . By Oldfield s " Representative History of Great Britain , " in 6 vols ., Vol . I ., we find , M the Charters customal and records of the Cinque Ports positively state that Parliaments existed in the 11 th year of the reign of Henry III . ; " and many other proofs of equal authority can be adduced to establish the fact , that Parliaments existed at periods antecedent , and , what is of more importance to us just now , that their duration was only for ONE SESSION . By 4 Edward III . it is accorded , u a Parliament shall be held every year once , and oftener if need be ! " By 30 Edward III . " Parliaments shall be held every year . " At this time prorogations were of rare occurrence ; and if any did occur , fresh summonses were , notwithstanding , to be issued for a new Parliament once A YEAR

      AT LEAST . In the 10 th year of Richard II ., the Commons sent a message to the King , in whion they stated , " We have it settled and confirmed by ancient constitution , from a laudable and approved custom , which none can gainsay , that the King ought to assemble his Nobles and Commons of the kiLgdom once a year . " In the reign of Henry VIII . Sessional Parliaments were abrogated , and in the reign of Geo . I . Septennial Parliaments gave the

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      finishing stroke to liberty . Now we have established the fact , not only that Parliaments , from their earliest existence , were held annually , bat , further that the same Parliament never sat for more than one year before the reign of Henry VIII . Such an embodiment of the living geniua of the times was the spirit of our Constitution . In fact , the Constitution of a country can mean no more , or less , or other , than the exercise , in the most oonrenient way , of the living geniua of the nation . And if our forefathers , living rudely , measuredly and evenly in one dull course , found it necessary to make

      representation hold pace with the progressing geniaa of their time , how much more necessary does suoh a course become in these our days , when the genius of to-day may leave the notions of yesterday , as things only to be fonnd in "the wreck of old opinions . " We affirm , as we shall presently prove , that a Parliament under the present system , in its third year , would not , if even it were a faithful mirror of the public voice at the time of its eleotion , be a fair representation of the improved opinion then existing . Public opinion does not mean the whimsies of a mere mob , or the

      adopted notions of . a mere se ction or fraction of the community . It means , the best digest of the living genius of the age , and will naturally seek vent , through that valve of representation , the Parliament , and which , if closed against it , will assuredly explode . We shall bow proceed to show the justice of Annual Parliaments . All communities having care of their separate interests , attach a paramount importance to the power which they possess of holding their officers , directors , managers , and servants in oheck , by the right of examining their aocounts at any moment , and of dismissal for

      the slightest dereliction of duty . Indeed , men , where their own interest is at stake , guard against the frailties of human nature , and eleot their servants only for one year in the first instance . Governments , no doubt , from the consciousness of the evil use of power made by themselves , receive tenders , and enter into contracts only for one year . Corporations , societies , and separate bodies elect their officers only for a year—honest service for the past being the best pretensions for future favours Now , if separate classes , having tender regard for their own interests , should find themselves proteoted by

      the frequent exercise of the right of electing their officers and servants , upon what ground can they refuse the same wholsome check to the people as a means of making the combined representation of all classes a faithful mirror of the popular will ? The answer is easy—Because unitedly all live upon labour ; and however any other class may now and then suffer a trifling injustice at the hands of their servants , yet do they prefer the worst that oan befall them from that corrupted source , to the anticipated evil of being compelled by a faithful representation of the people to earn an

      honest livelihood . Anxious , however , to sift this question to the bottom , let us now examine by what rule of right servants can hold tenures for seven years , from masters who are compelled to make an annual tender for that qualification , which entitles them to vote for a representative . Now , this opens to us a wide field for consideration ; and let the lovers of things as they are attend to this palpable evil , whioh may come upon us under the present system , while we shew that it is now within the power of the landlords of England to constitute themselves , if relieved from the controul of

      public opinion , into a permanent legislative body . The right given by the clause of the Marquis of Chandos to tenants occupying fifty pounds' worth of land at the will of their landlord , confers upon them the right of voting for a representative , who iB to hold office for seven years , while the voter himself may have lost the qualification which the tenure vested in him , the moment after he has exercised it . Now , this is anomalous ; and is rendered absurd by that law which compels a bankrupt to surrender his Beat upon the declaration of his bankruptcy . Let us follow up the

      illustration further . A solvent man is returned by a solvent constituency , a majority , perhaps , having interest for life in that property out of which they vote . He becomes insolvent , and loses no portion of the confidence of his constituents . Yet dees the practice of Parliament look upon him as an unfit person to represent a constituency ; while upon the other hand , a person may be returned by a majority of fifty pound tenants at will , a majority or all of whom may lose their votes the moment or immediately after having exercised them ; they may become bankrupts , may be

      disfranchised , and yet does the tenure conferred by them hold good for seven years , thus making representation a complete mookery . Lord Stanley , during the debate on Lord Morpeth's Irish Registration Bill , asserted unblushingly that the English farmers consider themselves as mere tenants at will of that trust , which , as as voters , they were called upon to exercisa . He said that tho understanding between English landlords and their tenants was , that the tenants should vote according to the will of their lord ; and therefore to this portion of our subject we desire to draw particular attention ,

      for two reasons ; firstly , because it establishes the fact that the fifty pound tenants at will have in reality no franchise , and that the House of Commons consists of a body of self-elected landlords , who may retain office , those who elected them having lost the franchise . And , secondly , to deduce from the fact the advantage which the landlord must have in his political capacity of thus turning his landed property to political rather than to social purposes ; but , above all , to show from the practice the advantage which farmers of public will , have in conveying to their tenants as short a period of tenure as possible . This subject is so important , that even at

      the hazard of being considered prolix , we shall probe it to the very bottom . We have shown the great controul which landlords have over those tenants , who hold their property merely upon their will . Now , mutatis mutandis , the people being farmer of the representative trust , and the representatives being the mere tenants at will of that trust , a fortiori , it follows , that they , the people , would have a like controul over their tenants , that the landlords now have over the farmers of those estates , which lose the distinctive value which they ought really to have , and receive a counterfeit value for the political power with which they invest the lord .

      Thus we have traced Annual Parliaments and the right of petition , from the earliest period , when both existed and were in force , down to the present perio ' d , when the one is lost , and the other in consequence become a mockery ; and now let us sum the whole in brief but convincing terms , thus : — The country now divided into two antagonistic forces , —the non-elective power on the one hand , and non-eleotire influence on the other , let us consider how that unrepresented interest could best make head against the elective power , whether by Universal Suffrage with a seven years' tenure , vested in the

      farmers of their will ; or under the present franchise ; or with that annual control whioh the spirit of living geniu 3 , though unenfranchised , would be sure to exercise at annual elections . Firstly , it iB admitted , and truly , that with Parliaments no great measure of liberty ever originates ; that , in fact , they are rather the drags upon , than the propellers of , liberal principles ; that they lag immeasurably behind that public spirit and existing order of things , whioh fairly struggle for representation ; and

      that they are only driven to measures of relief and improvement by the force of public opinion , —not that opinion whioh originates with , or is advanced by , the electoral body , but by that which is to be found in the rising genius , which daily becomes manifest among the unrepresented body , acting not in concert with , but in opposition to , the will of the represented party . Confer , therefore , a tenure for seven years , even with Universal Suffrage , and the whole of that period would be spent in the violation of every

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      pledge given upon the hustings , and in the ooncootion of measures best calculated to render the possession of the Saffrage as harmless as possible to the interests of the several classes , who would still contend for their separata rights to live out of the plunder of labour . Upon the other hand , let the Suffrage remain limited as it is , slip publio opinion annually from that leash in whioh despondency and the law now hold it , and so powerful will be its control and influence , that it would smile vice out of countenance , and compel the most canning slave to act upon the maxim that "honesty is , in truth , the best policy . " Who would be foolish enough to

      submit a bankrupt fame to the annual revision of a virtuous publio opinion f and who would be bankrupt enough in character to dare to vote against him who had honestly discharged his duty , and indefenoe of the will of those for whom he had thus discharged it ? In consequence of elections being septennial , we now find the action of the unrepresented brought into the field without vigour or concert ; but let it be understood that that will is to be exercised aunually , and then it will be brought into action under a perfect system of discipline and order , before which the marshalled force of faction shall fall and perish . The publio will , and not the

      Parliament , carried Emancipation and Reform ; the publio will , and not the Parliament , established the freedom of America ; and when once the public shall decide upon the right to reserve to itself the appointment of those who are to represent it , for a term not exceeding one year , then will the nation HAVE WILLED ITS FREEDOM J —THEN WILL ' nation be free . Thus we establish the fact , that Universal Suffrage is the sanctuary of the Constitution ; and that of the many ways of access to it , Annual Parliaments are the grand approach and front door , by whioh alone it oan be securely entered and protected . After this exposure , none will

      wonder at all parties professing affinity with Chartists , expressing their disapprobation of Annual Parliaments , and their preference for triennial elections . With a perfect knowledge of the great value of annual elections , Mr . O'Connell says , that he is a Chartist upon the principle of Triennial Parliaments ; while Dr . Black , the mouth-piece of the Metropolitan Parliamentary Reform Association , another section of professing Chartists , says " If you had Universal Suffrage , with Septennial Parliaments or Hundred-year Parliaments , how soon oould you alter the matter ; the great question of the Suffrage was the thing . " Again , we find Mr . Sturge , the

      leader of another section of professing Chartists , declaring that he found it almost impossible to reconcile the middling classes to the principle of Annual Parliaments , These objeotioDS of themselves must establish the fact , that from Universal Suffrage , cramped by a long tenure , faction would have little to dread , while from the annual control of the popular will it would have little to hope for : — made up , therefore , as our mind is , to stand by every point of the Charter , whole and entire , to the death —we give it freely as our opinion , that were we to receive any one point of the six , we would imeasureably prefer that of Annual Parliaments to

      the other five put together . Hereafter , we shall treat separately of the several other points—Vote by Ballot , Equal Representation , No Property Qualification , and Payment of Members , —establishing , as we trust , the fact , that the whole , with , perhaps the exception of the mask , the Ballot , constitute a complete machine , the want of any portion of which would render the whole incomplete . The Charter IS OUR PRINCIPLE , AND No SURRENDER IS OUR Motto . And with these as our arms , we will fight faction to its teeth , in whatever shape or form it may present itself .

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      EMIGRATION . CONDITION OF THE EMIGRANTS IN AMERICA . We commend to general attention the following extract from a letter lately received in Leeds , from a very intelligent and observing man , who , while in England , was externively known among the Chartists : — " Do you want to know any thing of thia country ? if you do , I hope that you and all my friends in Leeds will rest satisfied with my assurance , that all had better remain at home . What I some would exclaim , amidst poverty and wretchedness 1 Yes , my friend , even so , for nothing bat poverty and wretchedness of the worst description awaits them here . Thousands are out of

      Untitled Article

      work in every direction , and was it not for the " alma houses , " or what would be termed " soup shops" in England , thousands would be without food inrifie city of New York alone . Do not imagine- that . this account is in any way exaggerated , for I solemnly assure you that that it is strictly true , as 3 , 885 are living upon what they receive In the alma houses in New York , whilst , according to the different publio , papers , the whole country is in a similar condition . Hundreds are daily returning to thia place ,- seme of whom have travelled thousands of miles without being able to pr * . cure employment of any description . All that can raise the means , are returning home , 475 have done so laat week , and three ships leave this week , crowded with men , women , and children in the mo ot destit ute condition , having had to sell their olotblng to pay their passages and procure provisions . They ( the ship owners ) are taking passengers home for two or three dolhtg per head . Bat even this hundreds cannot procure . Scores are compelled to lie in the open air , under trees ,

      in the public walks in the city , for the want of money te pay for beds ; whilst the streets are crowded with men , women , and children craving charity . The pies * of New York is daily ' calling upon the authorities to put down the begging , and provide houses for the destitute to sleep in , but as yet no steps have keen taken to accomplish either . I have had , several times since my arrival , to give money out of my pocket to starving families , that I was keeping to buy food for myself and family ; and we have had to go without nntil we could sell something . Oh , my friend , it wonld make yon * heart bleed to see the misery that I daily witness , for although I have been accustomed to wretched sights nearly all my life , I cannot remain an indifferent spectator to the sufferings of my fellow creatures—no , in whatever part of the world I reside . I am now in an office for the forwarding of passengers and emigrants to all parts of America j and this brings hundreds to miserable beings under my notice , that I might foa otherwise see . "

      This but confirms many other accounts that we have seen , of the wretched state which the temporary dominance of the rag-money men , and the extraordinary pressure , by emigrants , on the "Labour market , " has brought about in the United States , Under such circumstances , no man of sense will emigrate who has not either connections already there to take care and advance him . or money to carry with him , which may enable him to buy land .

      Untitled Article

      T . M . Wheeler , London , correspondent to the Northern Star , informs the public thkt he has removed from Knightsbridge to 243 $ , Temple Bar , where all future communicatiohs must- be addressed . Timely notice of all public meetings , 4 'C , is respectfully requested . The order to withdraw the address of the Testimonial Committee to Mr . Watkins , and that gentleman } reply , came too late to be ^ attended to . That part of the Star in which it appears had gone to press .

      J . C . Grady , near French Park , County Ro > common , Ireland , writes to say that he has received a - letter from a gentleman of Bath , stating that thirty Stars ( old ones ) had been sent him , and of w"hich thirty , eight only have , come to hand He requests , therefore , that all parties who have sent him Stars will be good enough to write and say how many they have sent , and also furnishing their particular addressses . ; Thomas Boardman . — We cordially concur in his opinion , and have sent his letter to the proprietor

      of the Northern Star for his consideration . "The Old Commodore" must excuse us this week ; we are full . "A Chieetain unknown to the Queen . "—Next week . P . W . B . means well , and has our thanks ; but his acrostic is deficient in poetry . Thomas Gerrard . We have not room for his letter . Wingate Grange Chartists . — -Their feelings do them honour ; but the like sentiments are fortunately he'd by so many who would be happy to have leave to express them through the Star , that we fear to make the precedent . Notice . —All communications for the Derby Chartists must be addressed to Mr . T . Brians , at Mrs .

      Parry s , News-agent , Cheapside . Am Exile . —His address was received too late for the chance of insertion this week . John Hindes . —His letter to the " Tars of Britain " . was received : but its publication might subject us to prosecution . . A Constant reader , Dunfermline . —His remedy would be worse than the disease . The people are by no means prepared for it . Bernard M ' Cartney . —His letter was received on Thursday morning : too late for insertion . John Mowbray . —Too latejor this week : shall appear in our next . Con Mi / bray . — We have not room this week either to insert his letter or notice its contents . We shall notice it next week . L . Swelling . —Never mind the scrawling fool . John M'Knight , Liverpool , after some very pertinent remarks anent the brutal behaviour of the

      middle-class blues and specials on the occasion of Poor Lyon ' s funeral , tells the following story by way of counterpart to it : — " On Sunday last , it was rumoured that an Orangeman was dead , and that the order would walk in procession . It turned out to be true , The body went to the residence of the deceased , which is three miles from Liverpool , a place called Bootle . The dead Orangeman was an attorney . About 300 formed Into procession , with black scarfs and orange ties , and . many with broad ribbons round their necks . The very horses that drew the hearse sported the rampant faction ' s colours . On their way to St . James ' s Cemetery the streets were lined with people ; and , mind you , Sir , the police was walking along side to protect them . ' If the Mayor of Manchester had been here to have seen this , I wonder what the sleek-fao'd man would have said !"

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      The Portrait of T . Duncombe will be given to all our Subscribers on November 19 th . They will be in the hands of all the Agents by November 16 th ; and by about September 24 th , we shall have sufficient of Duncombe's printed to supply those Agents who desire to have both Plates in one parcel . The charge for the Star on the day the Portrait of Duncombe is distributed will be the same as the charge for it on the day the Petition Plate is delivered . The Petition Plates are not yet ready for our

      Lancashire Subscribers ; but as soon as received they will be forwarded , tfhose for all the other Agents have been forwarded . The price of the Star when each Subscriber receives bis Plato is Is ., and no more . The Agents are allowed a per centage upon betb . the Paper and the Plate , to cover carriage expences : they can , therefore , n » t have any excuse for charging more . All Agents who have received their accounts are requested to send the amount due by return of post . Pate , Padiham . —Five Shillings .

      Chalmers , Leith . —Call at Drummond's for PUtes . John Philp . —Call at same place . Bailey and Son , Cockermouth . —Enclosed to Ar « thnr , Carlisle . Parcels of Plates have been sent to the following Places : —Robson , Durham ; Barry , Thornhill , and Arkle , Wingate Orange , to J . ' Williams , Sunderland ; Bowman , Richmond , and Thompson , Darlington , to Oliver , Darlington . — Hebden , Stokesley , and Medd , Middlesbro' , to Nash , Stockton . Mitchell , Aberdeen , to Legge , Aberdeen , via Hull . Hudson , Carlisle , and Bailey , Cockermouth , to Arthur , Carlisle , pel France , Newcastle . Johnson , Galaahiels , to Hogg , Hawick , per France . Wilkinson , South Shields ,

      vasey , Barnard Castle , and White , Qateahead , to France Newcastle . M'Larn , Leitb , Eiston , Leith , and Raskin , ^ Edinburgh , to Drummond , Edinburgh . Nicol , Tillicoultry , and Stein , Alva , to Thempson , Alloa , pet Paton and Lore . Motherwell , Paisley , to Aitken , Paisley , per Paton and Love . Iniies , Greenock , and Lennox , Greenock , to Marshall , Greenock , per Paton and Love . Whitelaw , Goatbridge , to Young , Airdrie , per Paton and Love . Tosh , Fisheracre ; Thompson , Saltcoats ; M'Clintock , Irvine ; Carruth , Kilmarnock ; Anderson , Colquhoun , Barnes , Campbell , and Jack and Currie , Glasgow ; Davie , Campsie ; Simpson Falkirk ; M'Pherson , Perth ; Ross , Forfar ; and Millar , Dumbarton ; to Paton and Love , Glasgow . Brown , Settle , per carrier .

      The Plates to Cardiff , Portb y GIo , Newport , Tredegar , Merthyr , and Abergavenny are all sent to Mr . Bearding , Monmouth . Parcels for Avery , BarnstapZe , to Mitchell , Collumpton . Elms , Newton Abbott , to Mann , Ashburton Hancock , Redruth , to Burridge , Truro . Mitchell , Mann , and Burridge , are seut to Smith , Plymouth . Plates for Lowe , Newport , Salop , will be forwarded from Shelton to Wilcox , Wolverhampton , where they have been sent per favour of S . Bevjugton . Plates for Mr . Heaton , Clitheroe , and tot Mr . Clegft Burnley , are sent to Mr . Rickards , Burnley . Parcels for Rickards , Burnley ; Pitfleld and Woodburn , Chorley ; Gill , Blackburn ; and Liddle , Preston , are enclosed to Mr . Halton , Preston . Parcels for T . Traverse , Prescot , and R . Dunn , Liverpool , are enclosed to Mr . B . M'Cartney , Liverpool .

      The Parcels for Ireland and Brighton are at Mr . John C leave's , Shoe-lane , London . T . Holbrook , Abergavenny . —We cannot take post stamps for such sums ; if he wishes to do without post-office order , send half a sovereign . Tha plates are forwarded to Monmouth . W . Wilkinson , South Shields . —Send them b y post to thia office . ;

      The Jtoetheftn Star. Saturday, October 1, 1842.

      THE jTOETHEftN STAR . SATURDAY , OCTOBER 1 , 1842 .

      Untitled Article

      SECOND OUTBREAK OF THE GREAT FIRE AT LIVERPOOL . ( From the Liverpool Standard . ) Last night ( Monday ) , shortly before ten o'clock , the fire again broke out within the area before noticed , in premises that were thought to be quite safe after dark . It was first discovered by a boy , who communicated it to Inspector Moors : he immediately made it known to Mr . Whitty , who fortunately was just then making a tour of the ruins . The alarm was given throughout the lower part of the town soon after ten o'clock , by the springing of rattles and the tolling of the station bells ; and from the destruction of life and property that had already taken place , the most painful apprshensions were entertained , and thousands rushed to the scene , rrhich vras indicated by the glare on the sky , nearly over the site of the previous conflagration .

      On reaching the Bpot we found that the premises ignited were Webster ' s small house and extensive yp-rd behind , and Devan ' s marine store adjoining , and also some premises occupied by a carter named Bushell , who bad s « veral horsea in tha stables behind . The lrhole ef the premises are situated at the lower part of Crompton-street ( the northern boundary of the gTeat fire ) , and the fire had communicated from the interior of the area where the buildings are in ruins , and yet burning in the sublime manner before described . The flames from the buildings though low , being almost "wholly ef wood , gained a rapid head , and the cooperage , the marine store , and Bashell ' s / at the back ) were rtl speedily in flames , over a frontage to the street of aboat twenty-five yards . Tws or three of tha horses and some pigs were got out alive , but some were burned to death- Just above , in the same row , and to the east , was a double cotton , shed , longitudinal with

      the street , whieh was for some time in great danger , but SnperinteLdent Leverett had tha door burst open , and got the fire extinguithed just in time to save it . When the fire began the greatest alarm naturally prevailed amongst the inmates of the premises , several of whom were in their beds—females as well as males ran out in their shifts and shirts . A number of engines were HBeedily on the spot , and were worked by the police , " nsder Mr . Whitty and . others , with as much energy , notwithstanding their previous fatigue , as if they had come fresh to the Ecene of action . We can form no estimate of the Ios 3 , but we may say that this fire , as well as the greater one we have had the pain to- record shows the necessity for some law to prevent the bnilding of sheds and other premises of timber , and other combustible materials , particularly in the mercantile and crowded parts of the town , where much Valuable property is stored , and many lives are endangered on the spreading af a fire .

      Ha'f-past twelve o ' clock . —We have just returned bom the scene of devastation The fire , we trust , is for the present got under ; and , but for the amazing rapidity Trith which it burst , | we may say , amongst the wooden buildings destroyed , would have been arrested in a few minutes by the large and active- force at present on the spot We regret to say that six valuable herses belonging to Mr . Bu 3 h « ll are destroyed . We saw amidst the emokiDg ruins upon the site of the stabling , the carcases of two , burned to a cinder , and the bones perfectly wh te in parts , from which the Ekin and flesh had been stripped off . A donkey ¦ was the only tenant of

      the stabling which made its escape without assistance ; and as it rushed through the gates of the yard into Comptoc-street , with its long ears all aflame , and Khafcing its head , furnished a laughable exhibition contrasted with the horror of the remaining scene . "We know not as yet the fate of the pigs which were upon the premises . We were told , however , by the inspectors and firemen cpon the spot , that they were in all probability saved , having promptly made their egress from their Bties , and distributed themselves in all directions amongst the legs cf those engaged in arresting the progress of the flames . The stench which we exprrienced , whilst seeing the remains of the fourfooted tsnnnts of the stable , was dreadfnL

      We cannot conceal our impression that the state of the entire locality of the fire is far from aattefactory .

      Sto Iscauerjs Antr Corregpomrenta

      STo iScauerjs antr Corregpomrenta

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      THE COLLIERS' STRIKE . We some time ago laid before our readers . copious extracts from the reports presented to Parliament , developing the horrors connected with the system now obtaining in the working of the mines of this Christian Country . Those extracts furnish a bird ' s eye view of the hardships endured by the adults and youth of both sexes , who earn , or essay to earn , a livelihood by toiling in the bowels of the earth . Those extracts supply a solution to the question , why ignorance and vitiated morals—to say nothing of emaciated frames and premature old age—are more prevalent among the miners than any

      other class of operatives . Tis a base , inhuman , unohristian , and murderous system to which these men , women , and children are subjected ; and one , not of their own creation , but emanating , root and branch , from the tyranny , rapacity , and cupidity of a band of unfeeling capitalists . Taking the facts embodied in the report to which we allude , in connection with the more recent conduct of the masters towards the employed , we unhesitatingly pronounoe them to be the veriest tyrants that disgrace the haunts of men . The condition of those who are doomed to their accursed controul must be dreadful in the extreme .

      Their burdens are in reality unbearable , and those who lord it over them are alone responsible for all the consequences that may ensue ; and we trust all the evil will ultimately recoil upon the heads of these worse than Egyptian task-masters . . Elsewhere our readers will find an address from the Yorkshire colliers to the consumers of coal , in which they dilate in touohing terms , upon the many evils to which they and their families are exposed ; shewing that their labour is more severe than that of the victims doomed to toil in the Siberian mines . They are incessantly exposed to dangers from

      various causes—dangers more perilous and frequent than that of the soldier and sailor , who , in case of misfortune , may be pensioned for life , and in case of death , their widows and orphans may be provided for in some of the established institutions , which provision the colliers have not . They also depict tho scarring state of their families , on whose behalf they make the appeal , in hope of reaching the ears of the benevolent . We trust the call will be responded to , and that these poor men will be convinced that the demon of money-grubbing and class domination has not yet entirely extinguished the old English love of fairplay in the land . '

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      THE STURGE MEN'S "NATIONAL"' CONFERENCE . We give in our present paper a letter from Mr . John Campbell , the General Secretary , in reference to this subject , which we recommend to general attention . We perceive that Mr . Sturge and his co-lecturers are most busy in their vocation of going round from town to town to J 3 tir up the embers of Complete Humbug , though the'fire burns so gently that but for the official notifications of

      their organ , the Nonconformist newspaper , we should be unaware of its existence . We have no fear whatever of the people being gulled by this projected Conference . The bulk of them know too well " what ' s what . " But we desire that not one individual should be deceived ; and , therefore , pray all to read Mr . Campbell ' s exposure of the " national" character of this intended tub for the whale . '

      We add to Mr . Campbell ' s our own exhortation , that not a single delegate be appointed to this humbug Conference by the people . On the contrary , let the people at every meeting which may be held to elect delegates attend , and speak outlet them show them that they are awake . Let them look to the factory and mining districts for an abundance of samples of middle class sympathy , and let them returri friend Sturge his "NO . "

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      4 THE NO RTHERN S TAR .

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), Oct. 1, 1842, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct450/page/4/