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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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TO THB EDITOR OP THB BOBTHEBK STAB . Warwick Comity Gaol , Oct 23 rd ., 1842 . Deas Mb . Hill , —I am happy to bear that yon aw a gain at that port which is bo eawaitial to us at the present time , and a > yon , or yonr readers , might not Jure heard of the change which has taken place in my sffiurs , I take the first opportunity of forwarding the eeeesssry information . I was informed , en the 15 th , that my case had been removed , by cerHorari , to the Queen * Bench , on the application of my prosecutors ; I shall , therefore , be ¦ tried at the ensoinc Assizes , and as I thought that the _ Td THE EDITOR OP THE BOEIHEBK STAB .
county magistrates might be entrusted with power to take bail , I applied to Sir Eardly Wilmot , Chairman of the Session * , to favour me with an interview , as I ¦ Wished to make an application to the bench ; I was acei-rdiosly brought before the court , which adjoins this prison , en the second day of the County Sessions , when I was informed , by the County Clerk , that my case wa * jejnored , by writ of cerUorori , to the Queen ' s Beech . I then applied to the Chairman to be admitted to bail , and was informed by him that the magistrates had no power in the matter , that the application would hare to be made to the Judges , I shall , therefore , have to apply to the Judges .
I hare been scandalously treated by the Birmingham Magistrates . Upwards of twelve respectable shopkeepers and men of business , whose qualifications were beyond doubt , have been tendered as bail on my behalf , and were refused . A true hill was found against me by the Grand Jury , for the Warwick County Sessions , on Wednesday last , and two true bills were found by the Grand Jury of the Birmingham Quarter Sessions , on Saturday . I skill , therefort , have to face three indictments at the forthcoming assizes ; the evidence for whitb , > s you will already have seen , are of the most abominable character , but I have so doubt of being able to procure sufficient evidence to prove the falsehood of their statements , as I have not made use of the language impnted to me by them .
I am still confined in a room by myself , and am well attended to by my Birmingham friends , and also by the -Chartists of Leamington and Warwick , especially Mr . and Mrs . French , and Mr . Donaldson of the latter place . I have been visited three times last week by Mr . Charles Thorpe , who was sent here by my Birmingham friends to render every assistance deemed necessary during the sessions ; I have , therefore , no reason to eompain of neglect , and am very thankful to all my "friends in the district for their kindness ; I have also to thank Mr . O'Connor , who has liberally forwarded- £ 5 ¦ to my Defence Committee . I am in good health and -spirits , and remain , Toors truly , Geoege White .
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INCARCERATION OF MR . JOHN WEST . We give the following letter of Mr . West from the Evening Star of Saturday : — Derby , County Gaol , Oct 14 . I write to apprise you of my arrest , on a charge of sedition . I was arrested on Monday in Leicester , and ¦ conveyed in custody of the officers to Ashby-le-la-Zouch , where I was lodged in the lock-up , and in the morning brought be / ore Sir John Cave , at the Red-Lion Inn , in Appleby . The first evidence against me , was Mr . ¦ George Outram , manager of Lord Granvilie ' a c 6 al works , who deposed that before the 18 th of September , bis men turned out , and by persuasion , he got them back again ; that after the ISth some of them refused to co to work again ; that there had been some Chartist meetings before at Grisley ; on cross-examination , he said he never saw me before , nor did not know that I ever attended any meetings in that neighbourhood . The next witness was — Charlton , a
special constable ; he swore , that on Sunday , the 18 th cf September , he saw me elevated above the people on & form , that there might be 150 people present We commenced with prayer and singing , then I took a text from the first chapter of the second epistle of Peter , fourth and following verses ; that I said many good things , but that at last I launched into politics , and said the aristocracy are our greatest enemies , that ¦ we must unite to get rid of tad laws and class legislation ; and that we must break open the locks of the prison doors , and let our incarcerated brethren free . On his cross-examination , he could not remember any of the good things I had said , and in the quotation from Isaiah , respecting opening the prison doors , ( which is strictly figurative ) he would not say that the impression on his mind was , that I advised the people to acts of violence , but ignorant people might think so ; there was no cheering or disturbance , and the people dispersed quietly—another " spetial" confirmed what Charlton said as to taking notes .
Sir John Cave said be did not know whether I was it Chariitt at not I immediately Eaid , I was . Well , said Sir John , you have not disproved what has been sworn , and I have no other course left but to commit you . I said I had not time to prodnce my witnesses , and even from the testimsny of the witnesses against me , there was no disturbance , and the whole tenour of my discourse wa * anything but of a seditious character . But it was no use , to trial I must go , and I then said I hoped he would not impose a greater amount of bail than a man in my situation could procure . He fixwi it
at myself in £ 200 , and two sureties in £ 100 each , or four at £ 50 . I hope my friends will exert themselves to procure it far me , as it is a long time to lie in prison till the March assizes . The constable Charlten wished the magistrate to prevent ma from taking out tbe copy of the depositions , for said he , "lie will get people to coiUradict what J hate sworn . " The magistrate very properly refused him , saying , I should have every facility of defending myself . I am allowed to w # te two days a week . In my next I will give you an account oJ the prison . Johx West .
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TO THE IDITOB OB THB KOBTBEBS STAB . In the Star cf October 1 st , a letter appeared with the initials W . P ., on the propriety of the working dssses joining tfce Corn Law Repealers , as a means of obtaining the Charter . In the discussion of this preposition , W . P . does not argue fcr the union of these classes , in hopes cf any permanent good being the Efect of a Repeal of the Corn Laws ; knt , on the contrary , after depicting the present condition ef the " working classes in regard to the two great factions Which it present rule the destinies of this country , he say * that a repeal ef these laws would bring immediate * ad inevitable ruin on the middle classes , ( to use bis
own ¦ words , ) ts they ( the Corn Law Repealers ) « xpect from it to have prosperity for ages , as they hope from it to get their feet upon our necks , and as it will ( I am bs certain of it as fire burns ) assuredly trundlB them into the streets , let us by all means assist them to obtain it Here it is at once observable . We are to join-the Com Law Repealers , as it means , to ruin the middle c ' asses sxdj by granting them their pet measure , we would bring them to the Charter . This is the basis of W . P . I argument , viz . the middle clauses will nofrjoin the working classes till th ? y become alarmed at their own situation . But to give the writer ' s argument its full weight , what does it prove ! Ju ^ t this—that the
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middle classes will not go for the Charter an hour swmer than necessity forces them to it No ; our foreign trade ia already damned —the power of competition has forced the manufacturer to reduoe his prices to tbe lowest farthing , in order to effect a sale , and in this he is nnnecssfoL Warehouses are filled with the product of our labour , and the operative is starving for want of employment Now , I contend the interest of tbe labourer asd retail merchant are the sama . If the labourer receives no wages , the retailer receives no profits ; if small wages , tbe retailer small profits . Thus their interests are eo-extenrive . I believe W . P . will agree with m * that the labouring classes were never in a more miserable condition than they now are ; and this , according to bis own showing , necessity being the basis of this union , it was never so likely as bow . But suppose another portion of the middle classes were trundled into the streets , as a matter of coarse , their works middle elmana ^ rfll not to tar tha Charter » n Krm » umi «
would stop and a universal stagnation ( vis . the employers ) would follow . W . P . cannot be ignorant that in all stages of the social condition of this country , tbe poor labourer comes in for the wont share . The employers for some time would procure food from tbe wreck of their capital ; and what , is the name of common sense , are the poor workies to do , whose eating ceases with their employment f It weald be but poor gratification to me to assist in bringing about a state of things , reducing myself and family to starvation , merely for the purpoze of starving my former master , even supposing we were to start this hungry race together . Bat , ssys W . P ., by that course we should obtain one of two good things , either the thing would be set at rest , or , what is mere probable , ( as in my opinion ) the repealers are not sincere , they knowing too well what would be the result , they would give up the agitation at once , terrified at their own success . This would put them to the test
Here W . P . doubts the sincerity of the League . I do know who tola Mr . O'Connor the mills would be all stopt on one day . Ux . Aeland , the avowed advocate and paid agitator of the repealers , and for what purpose ? Why to repeal the corn laws . ( But in this they reckoned without their host . ) Who refused to mix the question of the suffrage with the question of the corn laws ?—the League . Yes , they are in earnest , in right good earnes :. To this fact the dungeons of England bear testimony . W . P . adds : —But let us not give up eur agitationlet us persevere with that , in order that we may form a public opinion , that we may also be ready when the day of trial comes , in order that we may be able to take advantage of every circumstance which offers in our favour .
Now , sir , I frankly rwn that I cannot , for the life of me , s « e my way through this strange plan of agitating for the Charter Suffrage ; either it is my ignorance ( being an illiterate working man ) or the quotation is void of common sense ; . for if we assist in obtaining a measure which we believe to be fraught with mischief to every class , we shall certainly come up to the picture drawn of us by every Whig and Tory scribe in the land . Ko , no , W . P . if we are to cultivate a powerful public opinion in our favour , in so far as we divide that opinion with onr oppenenta in the same proportion we weaken ourselves . Nothing is plainer than this ;
to aid in repealing tke Corn Laws , is to lend ourselvea into the bands of onr oppressors , enabliDg the capitalist to cast labour prostrate at the feet of capital , and rivet the chains of middle-class despotism more firmly round the neck of the people , and then begin an agitation for the Charter . After sacrificing so much time , money , and patriotism , this is a most monstrous monstrosity . No . no ; W . P . it will not da In your second paragraph , in regard to the two great factions that rule our unhappy country , you say , " Let them disagree about what else they may , they always agree about insulting and trampling upon that class which produces all tbe wealth ia which they wallew . "
Now , here you are right ; the premises are true as existence itself , and the conflict is between a powerful public opinion and tbe dominant influence of gold . If this is true , your whole reasoning is false ; the success of the people depends on their singleness of purpose , the strength of public opinion , and the power of their organization . The two former we have ; the latter we want . In your last paragraph , you pledge yourself to the Charter , even the very name . Hold there and feeed not the factions . Convince the middle class of their interest t > y argument , and the day is onr own . True , we suffer at present by the iron grasp of tyrant power ; but this is no proof that we shall not succeed .
I own it is sickening to hear of something called a constitution coexisting with a desire to murder those who have been foremost in the combat of light against might ; but so it has ever been . The tyrant's right to rule has ever been written in the blood of its victims . Its heraldic emblazonments should be a dagger , a sword , prison , rick , stake , and scaffold ; upon it a gold and crimson ground , with the motto , " Blood and gold . " Life without liberty is naught Let even martyrdom come while struggling for its achievment , it will be ¦ welcomed by the patriot , for he
knows" They neverfail who die in a great cause : The block may soak their gore ; Their heads may sodden in the sun ; Their limbs be strung to city gate and castle walls—But still their spirit walks abroad . Though years Elapse , and others shore as dark a doom , They but augment the deep and sweeping tbougkts Which over-tower all others , and conduct The world at last to freedom !" S . K Glasgow , October 10 th , 1842 .
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TO THE PEOPLE OF TODMORDEN . My dear Fbiekds , —I am now at liberty again , breathing the fresh air of heaven I have been in tbe boarding school twelve days , and as a whole , I have nothing to complain of on my own account , but I do complain of Mr . Beswick's conduct towards my companions , Doyle , Campbell , and others . I am anxious to return my sincere thanks for tbe rery liberal manner in -which you have contributed towards my Defence Fund . The committee will issue a balancesheet before long to your satisfaction . The charge that was laid at Todmordenia given up , for what reason I do not know ; but I can say this much , and I think you will bear me out in it , that I used my influence to get the people to keep the peace , as did all connected with me ; and how far we were successful is known . Yen are all aware that there was no property destroyed , or
any breach of the peace ; and I think when I say that the peace of the town may be attributed to the advice we gave , I shall not be exaggerating . I now wish to say a few words to my mostintimate friends the Chartists . Some of you eppear to be alarmed at the present crisis . Lord Abinger's charge to the Grand Jnry seems to have had an effect upon a few of yen ; but I am glad that it is only a few . Remember what Lord Abinger ssys is not law . If you have read the summing np of Tindal and Abinger , you will see a great difference . One says that it is not his business to know anything about the political opinions of the prisoner , and the other makes the opinions part of the charge . My Lord Abicger , in his address to the Grand Jury , dwells at great length npon what he pleases to call the doctrine of the Chartists , and in that address he make 3 use of the following : —That they , the Chartfet lecturers , used
language tfest was highly dangerous ; and they strove to make is appear that the Queen lived out of the earnings of the labouring class , which was anything but tb » trntb ; and in the very next breath he admits that her Majesty lives on * of the taxes , and that she has a right to her salary . Now , I do not dispute the right her Majesty has to a living ; but I do dispute the right to tax individuals , unless they are recognised by the Constitution , * . e . having a voice in the making and enforcing the laws , and the distributing the funds of the state . It is dangerous to let such a man preside upon the judgment-seat , who is too . old and too great a party-man to do justice . A man named Knowles , who was tried for breaking wood npon the Solton Jtallway , was as innocent as a child unborn of the charge laid against him ; Dot that I Bay the jury was aware of it , but the very man that did the
mischief was in the same yard that I was in , ard he has got two years' imprisonment and hard labour . He told me that Knowles , who has got transported for seven years , was not there at all This shows what sort of evidence has been raked up . Now , are you ashamed of the principles of the Charter ? I know that there is a great cumber will say , No . And if the qnestien were asked , are you ready to risk everything for them , the asswer would be favourable . Well then , set to work boldly and determinedly , and do yenr duty . I do not wish you to understand from what I say , that you are to do any violence , but to make use of every favourable opportunity for the furtherance of the good cause , and above all things try to make as many friends £ 8 possible , and as few enemies ; remember that there must be many Chartists before there can be any expectation of tbe Charter becoming law .
Since the commencement of the Evening Star , yon have opened fiTe news looms , or rather reading rooms , for I perceive that other besides political information , is being attended to . This is cheering . Let but the labouring class get information , and I defy all the power of the most infernal tyrants to keep you in bondage for any lergth of time . I see that there are a many in prison for want of baiL The localities to which they belong ought to attend to them without delay , and not leave a stone untamed to liberate them . Mr . Mooney was brought through Todmorden on Tuesday night , on his way to Manchester . It behoTes every one to use his influence for the support of the victims . I am confident that my b » Te companions , who have traversed , will do so , and I am sure that a great number of my Tcdmorden friends will do their duty ; and I hope all will , as heretofore , attend the Lectures , and enrol their names under our banner . The tyrant ' s watchword is divide and conquer ; let ours be union , and good feeling one towards ano-** R . B .
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ESSAY © N THE PRESENT SYSTEM , INTENDED AS A COMPANION TO DR . CHANNItfG'S ESSAY , ENTITLED " THE PRESENT AGE . " Gr eat Britain possesses one advantage which Greece , wraca Borne , in all the plenitude of their power , sighed for a fain . Great Britain Is detached and defended from the continent—we are surrounded by the sea . No wall , bo mountain can equal this , onr natural moat The Alps , tbe Pyrenees , the Apennines were as nothing —they « mld not cheek the Invading career of a Hanibal or a Bonaparte , nor autil she had a navy , could Britain repel the inenrsions of fee Romans , the Saxons , the Danes , and the Normans , —but with a navy , a little navy , the Spanish Arm »«! a , styled the Invincible , was defeated , and th « Imperial Bonaparte kept at bay . And now what continental power will dare to cross our moat , to scale oat clifis , to penetrate into the bowels of our Tfaai-w > r rrnn nnnm .
land ? ^ The sense of security which oar insular position imparts to as , as it renders life and property more valuable in England should make them be more enjoyed , and indeed it is owing to this sense of security that our national character is more domestic than that of foreigners—that we are more independent We have been accustomed to boast of our Government as the best —of our social institutions as the most excellent we are proud of regarding ourselves as a peculiar people . Trade , commerce , and manufactures nave made us the wealthiest of nations—the sun never sets on onr equatorial empire , and England we say is tbe glory and admiration of the whole civilized world ! True it is that she seems set apart a favourite epot in tbe globe—temperate is her climate
—fertile her soil—corn , cattle , and all that is fit for the lite and happiness of man ia produced here in overflowing abundance ! and , as if it were not so , the treasures of other climes , of other soils , from the four quarters of the globe , are poured in our lap as from the cornucopia of plenty itself . Should not such a country—a country bo advantageously situated by Providence—so richly endowed by nature—comparatively free from pestilential airs , earthquakes , or inundations —• with a people the bravest the most skilful , the most industrious—should not Great Britain , esteeming herself the wisest , the best , the most powerful , not only be happy in herself , but capable of rendering all other countries happy—should not we Britons be able to set an example to all nations , and kindreds , and tongues ? But what is the fact 1 In spite of all that God and
nature have done for us—in spite of all that we ourselves have done—in spite of the past experience of all ages laid as in a chart before us—the people of England are now , in the nineteenth century , the most degraded , the most miserable on the face of the earththey are more miserable and degraded now than ever they were—nothing in nature is sunk so low . The Arab , the Hottentot and Negro , may all bless God that they ar 8 not Englishmen , Scotsmen , or Irishmen . But this is owing to the system ; let us trace that system to its cause—let us follow it through its effects . Government is in its own nature democratic ; if not of the people it is not true ; but we in England exist under a mixed Government of conquest and usurpation . What in bad in our Constitution was imposed upon us by foreign fraud , force , or innovation ; what is good
was of native growth . The Norman bastard , who conquered our Saxon ancestors , and reigned ever them under the title of a Conqueror , strove to root out all that was English in the soil , and to plant foreign customs in its stead . His successors trod in his steps , and deepened tbe footprints of conquest and usurpation on English ground . They were as arbitrary as the Grand Turk , whose will is law , whose word is death ; they oppressed even the lords , but oppression made the lords Chartists ! The lords united , and being prepared to take their rights—their rights were granted th « m—tha king signed the Charter . But the lords did but di / ide kingly power to share it among themselves ; it was not their purpose to free the people . The psople , however , in course of time , freed themselves ,
and , under Cromwell , asserted their own sovereignty . But scarcely ripe for freedom , they suffered their leader to usurp a military despotism over them , so that , after his death , a re-action took place . Legitimacy came in again , and monarchy was restored in the person of Charlea II . Grown wiser by experience , our kings no longer regarded the people as mere serfs bcrn for their use , as a kind of personal property , goods and chattels or live stock transferred with the estate , the heir-looms of the crown—they no longer strove to rule by force—fraud came into fashion—the senate was bought by the king , and the senate Bold tbe people . Factions arose—the parties of Whig and Tory , who did not drive , but led the people as sheep to the shearers . Feudal slavery was abolished , but political slavery rose in its stead .
Government determining to act in defiance of the people ' s will and in spite of their wants—the aristocracy with the king at their head , resolving to enslave the men of England , and to crush them so that they should be rendered for ever unable to rise again and re-assert their rights—saw that the first thing to be done was to disarm and disfranchise them—to deprive them of all means " of offence and defence—of their sword , shield , and suffrage . Accordingly an act was passed to maintain a standing army , which though not wanted to repel foreign invasion , was fomid very useful to keep down the people at home—and subsequently acts were passed limiting the franchise and extending tbe sittings
of that body , which sits like a night-mare on tb 6 great body of the people . By these measures the men of property have been banded against the men of labour—tke rich make all the laws asd enforce them—what wonder that the idle enjoy all , that the industrieus suffer all , and that those who enjsy are heedless of those that suffbr . The teeth of the British lion have been extracted —his claws torn out—he is chained and muzzled and given to a girl to be led about and plundered , provoked , tasked or knocked on the head just as the oligarchy please . Such is the origin of the system—let us look into its character . ( To he continued-J
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GREAT FESTIVAL TO T . S . DUNCOMBE , ESQ ., M . P . A Tea Festival was on Monday night given , at the National Association Hall , in High Holborn , to Thos . Slingsby Duncombe , Esq ., M . P ., by a number of the liberal electors of FinBbury end other admirers of that gentleman ' s political career , to testify to him their admiration and approbation of his zeal in supporting the people ' s cause in the Commons House of Parliament . Tbe whole of the arrangements were excellent ; the tea , coffee , and accompaniments were good and plentiful ; and to add to tbe amusements of the evening , an excellent instrumental band was engaged , who performed a variety of appropriate airs at the close of every sentiment , and at various periods of the evening .
About 200 ladies and gentlemen partook of tea , but many more were present at the meeting after tea . Colonel Thompson was in the chair , supported on the right by T . Duncombe , Esq ., M . P ., Mr . Thomas , the barrister ; and on the left by Mr . Norman , Mr . T . O . E Thompson , Dr . Black , Dr . Epps , Mr . Hodgkin , && , fcc The cloth having been removed , and tbe speakers adjourned from the body of the Hall to the platform , — The Chairman Baid that they were met on noordinary occasion , and in no ordinary times ; many were looking upon them with good will , many with ill-feelings , but they would still persevere in their conduct , fearing nothing , intending no ill , but determined not to give up one atom of those principles which they felt it to be their duty to the community to agitate for ; they were as men set upon an hill , not by themselves , but by their
opponents , and because they nobly stood by their name and principles , they were persecuted . He was not going to apologise for many acts which had been committed ; their sentences had been awarded to them , and ¦ whether justly or not , would be settled by future times and ages . He was persecuted because be was a friend to the People ' s Charter . ( Cheers . ) No disgrace was attached to those eight members of Parliament who drew up tha Charter ; they were still honoured and prosperous ; but it was only when Chartism was taken np by the poor and humble that it was disgraceful to be a Chartist . Evsry cause was sure to prosper the more for being enbjected to UDJust persecution ; they 'were met that evening as good , honest citizens , to take into consideration the wretched state of their
fellow-countrymen . Many of them were acquainted with the distress -which existed ; but they had not experienced it in its direst form—in the want of bread for their families ; though doubtless they had in want of employment Tbe Colonel then made some very appropriate remarks regarding the refusal of a licence for music and dancing to the Hall , and stated that if they were driven to think of the more serious business of life than singing and dancing , they would eventually have cause to repent it There never -was any prosperity in a community Where the lower orders were intuited and oppressed . The Colonel concluded by proposing the following toast : " The people , may tbey speedily posseBs ttieir political rights , in order to remedy thsir social wrongs . " He then sat down loudly cheered . Band— " The Marseilles Hymn . "
Dr . Epps proposed the following toast : " May the Queen remove from her councils and the offices of state all those who restrict and misapply our country ' s resources , and call to her aid those only who will extend to the people the full measure of their rights . " Dr . Epps in a long address supported tha toast , and warmly advocated the cause of Complete Suffrage , which raised many voices in different parts of the room for tbe Chatter . He spoke favourably of some of the acts of the Government as compared with those of their Whig predecessors , but denounced in plain terms the conduct of the Government in the Chinese and Indian wars . Mr . HOdgkiks briefly spok » to the toast , and also in high terms of those who by establishing similar halls to that in which they were met assisted so largely to give a sound political education to the people .
The Chaiejcan then stated that he bad the honour to propose the next toast ; one which was expressive of their approbation of the honoured guest whom they now had the pleasure of meeting—a man who had faithfully represented them , and through them , the whole community , in the Commons House of Parliament . Other constituencies often met to congratulate their representative upon seme private or local benefit . which he had conferred npon them ; but they were met to shew they delighted to do honour to a man because he had faithfully served the whole people—a nian who had joined them from no motive of necessity . He had not been driven from other scenes to fly to them as a last resource ; nor yet to indulge in a natural desire for fame or popularity , There
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was n » sc ene of greatness to which he might no * f » P *»» ' ««»« In which , perhs ^ wr , he had not indulged . But he had sacrificed all to the honest , the noble feeling , of f aithf ally servfag his country . When was the popular cause nnsvrved when Thomas Buncombe was present ? where m « there a man oppressed and he did sot assist bin to tlie ntnost of his pewerf Ha political judge hsd-riolrtted the Integrity of the bench by party prejudices , ^ ^ where was there a man bo fitted to ! bring it before-the country through the medium of Parliament as tbe man then before them ?—a man sprang from the aristocracy ; but in all ages and countries , some few of tk » privileged orders had ever been found battling in the ranks of the people . Many had been sacrificed , many bad died In
the cause . They must remember that good blood was sometimes concealed under a mnataehied Up , and the aristotracy must reflect that many of the ornaments of human nature sprung from the ranks of tbe people . He concluded , by proposing the following toast , to which he called upon them to do honour i " Our invited gweat , T . S . Pnncoaabe , a legislator , regardless of party or faction , who having espouse ** Just principles has henestly stood' forward in Parliament , the advocate of his oppressed and Buffering countrymen ; may he continue to pursue the same manly , prudent course , till the rights ef the millions are won , and their wrongs redresbed . * This was received with loud and enthusiastic cheering , waving of huts , handkerchiefs , ko ., amidst which Mr . Duncombe rose , which was tha signal for reiterated applause .
Mr . Duncombe then expressed himself in the following manner and was loudly and repeatedly applauded : — ¦ The higb and distinguished compliment which you have this evening been pleased to pay to the humble Parliamentary services of the individual who has now tbe honour of addressing you , calls for the utterance of grateful sentiments which I v < ery much fear I am not able to express , at all events in that strength of language which your kindness demands , and ay awn feelings make me long to acknowledge . ( Cheers . ) I have often heard it said that popular favour and public esteem are , after all , but transitory and capricious , and that those whom It plesseth the people to honour today , they often turn their backs on to-morrow ; I believe it will be invariably found that , whenever the
psople hare withdrawn their cenfidence from a public man , such conduct has been Justified , an * the desertion has been merited by the man havinc , for bis own private interest , and for personal objects , betrayed the interests and canse of the people . ( Cheers . ) At all events , I can say , that since I have had the honour of a seat in Parliament , public coDndeneo and popular esteem have uniformly been my lot ; and I believe that so long as I do persevere in that course which I marked out for myself on my first entrance into public life , that esteem and that confidence will not be denied me . ( Hear , hear . ) And I now confess that I am proud to stand ' here beholden to no minister for his protectionindebted to no court for its favour—( cheers )—conscious that though I have not merited the kindness you nave extended to me this evening , at all events I have not
done anything to forfeit your confidence and esteem—( cheers ) . It is impossible for any one to look at the present state of political feeling in this country , and of political parties in this country , without some feeling of Bbame and of regret . I know that much of it is to be attributed to the disappointment -whioh has been occasioned to the people by the inefficiency of the measure of reform , carried in 1832—an inefficiency which has been proved by the facility with which the present Tory administration forced itself into a power which they seem to glory in exercising over the few remaining rights and privileges of the people —( hear ) . Aud now , gentlemen , are we not reaping the fruits of that change of Govermect ? Much blame is attributable , and justly so , to the Whigs for their conduct They were told , over and over again , -when in the zenith ef
their power , that they were not then making the best of their time—that the reform which bad been effected was incomplete , and that it was their duty to the people to render it at once a complete and usefal measure . They heeded not the warning which was given to them , but they talked ef finality , and hung to the skirts tt the court , instead of relying on the strong arm of the people —( loud cheers . ) And what has been the consequence ? The danger , as we told tbem , was at their doors , and at the eleventh hour they brought forward measures which were good , perhaps , but which came too late . They called upon the people for aid—upon the people whom they had neglected ; but amidst the universal corruption and intimidation used at the last general election , their cries were unheeded in the hour of need . They fell , I am almost compelled to say , as
tbey deserved to fall , unpitied and despised by all—( cheers . ) Well , then , I say , we are now bitterly reap , ing the fruits of their mismanagement of the popular cause , ( cheers . ) I ask you to look at the last session of Parliament—take it with regard to any party . There never was a session so discreditable to the Tories , so in glorious to the Whigs , and I may say so unsatisfactory to the people . I waB looking this morning at the return of the number of hours during which Parliament sat in the course of last session , and I find that , from February to August , they sat 1 , 008 hours , and 125 of these hours were after midnight . Now I would ask any rational man what did-we do during those hours ? They were passed in crimination and recrimination between this agriculturist and that manufacturer—between the high church and low churchman—between my Lord John This
and Sir Robert That—( cheers)—my Lord John reproaching Sir Eobert , and saying , " You are not satisfied with turning ua out of our places but you absolutely take our measures . ' —( cheers . ) And what are those measures , now they have taken them ? ( Hear , hear . ) We have got a trumpery corn bill , a delusive tariff , and we have got uu inquisitorial income tax . ( cheers . ) Now these great measures are those which Sir Robert Peel required five months to ponder upon , before he proclaimed them to the world . ( Hear , hear , hear . ) But then , what was done with regard to tbe people ? Did we not , night after night , make representations to the Government , and to that House which calls itself the representative of the people , that the people of this country were starving—were dying by hundreds in the manufacturing districts , and that it was necessary to
afford tbem some relief , or at all events to institute some inquiry into their condition , and the causes of that condition ? But every one of these inquiries was resisted . We told them that if they persisted in this course , they would drive the people to desperation ; that the working , loyal , and industrious people cf this country wese not prepared to starve and to die in the ditches ; that they ought not , and would not , submit so to terminate their existence . They heeded not those warnings—tbey prorogued the Parliament , and the moment the Queen had closed its doors , she was obliged ta go home and sign a proclamation , calling on the magistracy , calling on the military to put down the people , because as Parliament would not help them , tbey threatened to help themselves—( cheers ) . These people said , " We had better die at the point of the
fesyonet , or on the scaffold , than see ourselves and our families starving in the ditcbea "— ( cheers ) . They said , " Thousands of us are out of employment , and those who are in employ work from sunrise to sunset ; they are over worked , but they ore under paid / and they cannot get that which the working classes ate quite right to demand—a fair day ' s wages for a fair days labour . "—( cheers . ) AH the outbreaks and insurrection which occurred have been attributed to various causes . Every one tries to shift the odium from his own shoulders unto the shoulders of another . One day it is the result of Chartism ; another it is produced by the Anti-Corn Law L . ague . I believe , however , that neither was to blame . Distress is not the offspring of Chartism or of the Anti-Corn Law League ; but Chartism is the offspring of the oppression of the poor —( loud
cheers );—and the Anti-Corn League is the offspring of a base and sordid monopoly ; but as Chartism is the offspring of the oppression of the poor , the poor are in the right to demand that they Bhould have that'voice and that power in the legislature which might enable them to obtain some relief —( bear , hear ) . Well , then , what is the resnlt ? What is the conduct of the Government with regard to this insurrection ? The police were put in motion , and tbe military were let loose . The magistrates whom Sir James Graham—the rer . egade Graham—¦ ( the cat was out of the bag)—had been so active In appointing during the past winter , were to be let loose for tbe purpose of committing these unfortunate individuals . I do not mean to say that there weie not many of them guilty of criminal acts , but when you
look at their condition—their impoverished and starving condition—some allowacco ought to be made for the misdeeds in which , perhaps , they were uufoitunately engaged —( hear , hear . ) To be sure we have had a judge , who was sent down to try these men , stating publicly from the judgment-seat that the distresses of the people were vastly exaggerated—( cries of ' shame . ' ) I want to know how they can possibly be exaggerated—( cheers . ) It shows either great ignorance or great indifference on the part of the Learned JuOge to nave made that assertion —( hear . ) How , I ask , could tbeir distresses be exaggerated , when we see thousands and hundreds of thousands of human beings inhabiting the manufacturing districts were glad to appropriate even carrion , if they could find it;—that many of them were glad to cull tbe nettles from the ditches and the
fields , and to put them into hot water to make something like broth . Many were without furniture in their bouses , fuel in their fire-plaees , or raiment on their bodies ; and yet these are the persons with reference to whom my Lord Abinger—( biases , and cries of << shame" ) thought proper to say from the judgment seat , at Liverpool , that so far as be was a judge—and a pretty judge he is—( cheers)—their distresses were greatly exaggerated . ( Hear , hear . ) Men not mixing with society , or with the people , might , it is just possible , maka such a blunder ; but Lord Abinger appeared not only as a judge , but he assumed the characters of a politician and a legislator , and u a politician and a
legislator , it was his duty , and it was impossible that he could be ignorant of tbe sad and lamentable distresses of the poor in the manufacturing districts . ( Hear , hear , bear , and cheers . ) Not satisfied however , with thus insulting the distress of the peeple , be makes a most Indecent and unconstitutional charge to the grand jury . He describe ! those of whom he speaks as' a kind of men called ChartUts "—( cheers , hisses , and cries of " He was a Jacobin '') and be saya that this kind of men want the working classes of this country , not possessing any property , to have the power of voting at the . elections for Members of Parliament , and , in point of fact , that they should have a voice to legislate far fcose who have ptoparty . ( Cheers , and .
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cries of " Most monstrom O Now , that is the charge which he makes . Pron * what I have seen of the Chartists in England , I believe that the body is far more numerous than eithe . * Lord Abingei , or the Government , or many member . ' of tke upper classes really imagine—ihear , hear . ) Ib ^ lieve that the opinion in favour of the document eallec ' the Charter is daily gaining strength in the public min d —( cheers ) . Every party is calling for reform in sobm particular branch of the law , sad as each finds the imi < racticability of carrying out its views , they become « m \ 'inced of the necessity of a- efcange , by the effect © 1 ' which the House of Common * shall be entirely remodelled—( cheerb ) . lord Abiager , however , though he may not have possessed tbe same personal aegaafeu ance with the extent off ' the powers of the Chartists * wl * foh I possess , must !
hasre- recollected the petition * wk cb have been presented to Parliament hi the coarse c ? last year , and the present year . He must have reeoCte ' -ted the petition of last year , signed by I . SOOiOOO'pMN * -a ; and that of the present year bearing the signatures' « t three and a half millions-of the industrious alosse *; ai id yet he has the assur ance , and , I will say , the inseTes ce , to insult the industrious classes by saying that Uu yare "a set of men called Chartists / ' who wish to = mI > rert the aristocracy , to divide property , and to overthrow the menarcay —( cheers ) . I- have looked at ti > ¦> Charter again and again ; bot I cam find nothing in ftwln < & would sanction an interference- with the righto el : the aristocracy —( cheers )— -nor could I'flnd a- linewbk a indicates a desire to overthrow the monarchy— ( ebeen )• Qaice the contrary . All the people ask , if 1 nnden > tand it right
is , not that they should' have the exela « ve right of legislating , but an equal-share is thelegisl ition of the country—that labour—tbelr property—shoo Id be equally protected with that of my Lord Abinger ;—( ohsers ) , —and that tne Government of the country shouM be placed , as it ought to be , upon a broad , p < ipular , and ( secure basis , ( Hear , hear . ) ' Well , indeed . . may my Lord Abinger wish that the people sboulc ' hare no greater power in the House of Commons than they now possess , for I venture to soy , if they had poss ; saed that power which they claim , and which they ongh tto have ,, the House as it would then have been coi astitutea , would not have sanctioned , as it did , that which fc commonly called the "Scarlett job , " and the House c * Commons thus constituted would have no hesitation hi . addressing the Crown far the removal from tl xe
judgment seat ef any judge who so disgraced that hi gh position as Lord Abinger has done by his charge to the Grand Jury at Liverpool . ( Loud cheers . ) I nave no doubt that the ehturge delivered by him is well received ; that it is greatly admired and highly approved of by his brother renegade , Sir James Graham—( hear , hear , and cheers ); but whep Parliament does meet , it is totally impossible that this charge , if made—and I am , of course , presuming that the charge is correctly reported In the newspapers , and I have not heard the accuracy of the report doubted—I say it is impossible this charge , -whether in the words or in tbe epirit in which it is reported , can pass unnoticed in the House of Commons . It is impossible that the House of Commons , such even as it is , can allow that charge , dangerous to the liberties of tbe people , to pass uncensured
and unnoticed—( cheers ) , —and I can only say , that if no other individual calls the attention of the House to the subject on its meeting , I feel that I should basely betray the interests of my constituency , and of the working classes of this oouutry , if I did noi call the attention of the House to it —( cries of 'bravo , ' and loud cheers . ) Such , gentlemen , at all eventB , is the lamentable position in which public affairs now stand—In which that question , which is the question of questions , I mean the franchise , stands before the public . It stands before the public thus—that if a man calls himself a Chartist , he is to be condemned from the judgment-seat ;* but it still rests with the people how Ion ;; this state of things shall continue . Much will depend now on the energy , the prudence , and the forbearance , but , above all , tbe cordial union of all classes .
Let us have no more quarrelling and quibbling about trifles —( hear , hear . ) Let us meet the foe openly I say that the question of the day ia the franchise , and until that is settled , it is in vain , constituted as the House of Commons is , to look for any other reform—( loud cheera . ) I know the working classes have much to bear—they have much to exasperate them , but still with union and energy , they must not despair . I am well aware that it is possible for the Government , behind the back of Parliament , to strain the law—to confer upon their police new powers—to appoint an innumerable host of magistrates to commit—to hire traitors to betray , and spies to deceive tbe unwary ( crieB of" hear , hear , andgronns . ) " They may also and pliant juries to convict , aud they may also retain corrupt political partisans as judges to condemn ; but
nevertheless , if the people ate true to themselves—if tbey will but stand within the four corners of the law — Sir James Graham and the whole of his renegade crew may yet find a united people who are too strong for them —( cheers ) . It is stated that the "darkest hsur is nearest the dawn . " And so it is ; there is that elasticity about British freedom that on all paBtoccaaions , when darkness has most prevailed , it has always emerged from it with increased splendour and renown . —( cheers ) . I know that I am speaking to meu who will net surrender one iota of these privileges which belong to them , and which the Goverament seek to take away . If there is anything to which , above all other things , you are entitled , it is the right to hold public meetings ; when that Is taken away be sure despotism is in the ascendant . But I know there are hundreds and thousands—I believe there are millions who—in the words of Sir R . Walpole , " would prefer to die the last of British
freemen , than bear to live the first of British slaves . " ( Cheers . ) I fear that , amidst the wrongs under which this country is suffering , I have wandered too far from the compliment which you have honoured me by faying me —( cheers . ) Believe me that your kindness this evening will be remembered to the last hour of my existence ; and if any reliance can be placed on the word of man , as you have been pleased to approve of the course which I have taken , and as by continuing in that course I sbail meet your approbation , I hog to assure you that so long as it shall ple : vse God to give me health and strength , I will never swerve from that course —( cheering ) . Honoured with your approbation , encouraged by your honest and disinterested cheers , so exertion shall be spared on my part until , in the words of the first resolution , read from the cbair , " tbe just rights of the millions are won , and their manifold wrongs redressed . " Mr . Duncombe resumed his seat amidst tbe most deafening applause , which lasted a considerable time .
Mr . Hexherington proposed the next toast , " Hay Reformers of all shades of opinion speedily perceive the necessity for cordiality and union in favour of the People ' s Charter , a measure framed to confer equal political rights , without which there are no hopes of ever obtaining equal political justice . " Mr . Thomson , Jun . responded to the toast in a bifef and suitable manner . Mr . Cleave stated that the principal object of his rising was to shew them the positive necessity , not of talking about union , but of making some solid efforts towards promoting it . White his friend Mr . Hethering was in such a happy tnoou , he had hoped that he would have concluded what he begun , and shown the trifliDg causes which prevented a cordial union between all classes of Chartists . If , instead of their acting
entirely by themselves they had consulted the other sections of the Chartists , instead of being such a limited attendance on the present occasion , the ball wouM have been too small to hold them . There wns the National Association , the Complete Suffrage body , and beyond both the National Charter Association , from whom Mr . Danccrnbebas presented a petition Bigned by three and a half millions of individuals . As that large bedyofmen had sufficient confidence to entrust their petition in the hands of that gentleman this fettival would have bten cotnsaon ground on which all could have united to express their approbation and gratitude to him for his manly conduct . He rtgretteil that he had not endeavoured to influence his old friends to adopt that line of conduct , but as regrets were useless , he trusted some other , occasion Wiu ! d upeedily
arise , where they could unite together , heart and band , in pursuit of their common object ; wlitn they once ¦ were united , the oligarchy of tnis country would tremble in their seats ; but he waa convinced , that whileeach were pursuing their separate couree , they would go down to the grave without achieving their object . It had been his fate to sit two Wnys under Lord Abinger , at Liverpool , during the recent tiials , and he was proud to hear Mr- Dancombe , with . a courage and a daring almoat hia own , assert that he would do that which many were panting to know , but hartUy ds * e to aak him , the knowledge that he would do bo . when communicated by the press , weald gladden the hearts of millions , and they will truly say that ho 'was tbeir own Duncembe . Mr . Cleave then , iv a style i , f forcible and natural eloquence which ereated a thrill of horror
in the minds of his anditors , described the fierce , the almost demoniac conduct , of Lord Abinger towards the prisoners at Liverpool , and ststed that , ia his opinion , the bench of justice would never be pure vshilst he was allowed to retain his seat en it He himself , and other friends ot the people , had bung tbair ieads like bulrushes , and felt ashanwd that they-vssi « men , while witnessing the manner in which humanity was disgraced Mr . Cleave then dilated upon the monstrous iniqujiies practised in our gaols and workhouses , more especially those at North Leach , Northallettan , Cirencesttr , 4 c ., and gave 9 correct , but terrific piaiaro of the torture in Btorefor the woaking classes at the model prison , Copenhagen Fields , London . He was astonished at the comparative sbeace of tbe press upon that bonrible reinstitution of the bastile . It appeared as though for tome inscrutable purpose an infatuation of apathv was decreed
upon that subject standing before them as an unrepresented man , he would never cease to rake his voice against having such bells erected for bU fellow men , and he Wfculd contend to the death for that Charter to which thesft infernal prison and their dietary tables were monumental beacons to direct tbeir couree in pursuit of representation for the whole people . If the Chartiisto were determined to effect a solid union of all sections of their body , be knew of no man who could so well serve to promote that object , to bring about a feeling of frieiidahip and zealous co-operation amoug them as tbeiv friend , Mr . Dnncombe . Mr . Cleave then in a feo ; ing manner detailed the distress , misery , and expenditure of funds , which had been caused by the result or the special commissions , stated that a fund was opened for the defence of the victims , and tbe support of tbeir fsmiliea ; and that the first ^ oUd in tentioa that couid be given tovtatdg creating a uBionwas by putting the . ii
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hands in their , pockets and liberally supporting that fund . He concluded by stating that he had done bis duty , and now left tbem to do theirs , aud sat dowa loudly cheered . Mr . Paery , in a manly and eicqaent manne ; -, proposed the following toast : —¦ " Way inquiry , ia pursuit of truth , be freed from all legal trammels—may tha press be unshackled from its restrictions—may despotic Judges be deposed , and unjust magistrates be deprived of their arbitrary power—and may every obstacle to the purifying influence of knowledge be speedily removed . " Mr . Parry , during the whole of his address , was loudly and deservedly applauded . Mr . Thomas , in a neat speech , supported the toast Mr . Moore moved a vote of thanks to the Chairman , and stated that if ever a vacancy occurred in Finabnry , he trusted Colonel Thompson would be called upon to flint .
Colonel Thompson briefly acknowledged the compliment , and was prouil to connect his name with their cause . He told them to go on as they had hitherto done , and Government would soon find that tbe kind of men called Chartists , aati Charteases , too , ( for he was glad to see se many indies present , ) wore quite as good as their neighbours . He trusted to meet Item on other occasions . The meeting separated at a late hour . , * " i'i *!"^ rf * i ^ rf * i 0—i j ° \ nd * l gt ^^^^^^^ BB ^^ ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦ m ¦ ^ - ^ . ^^_ _ a a
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THE EXECUTIVE . TO THB EDITOfi OF THE N 0 BK 5 EKN STAB , Dear Sir , —Allow me , through tbs rueoium of tbo Star , to express my thanks-to my Chartist brethren , in Birmingham , for tbe hon » ur > they ha ?* done me in nominating me " to the Executive , and the reasons why I must * decline standing . In the first place I am not one of tho Ganeral Gounsll ; and I believe the- constitution of Cnartism requi 19 s that a candidate fosrthe Execute should be one of tfcafc Council . Secoadly , —I perfectly ai ? rs 9 ' with the 3 entimenta expres £ * din the resolution of cwYotk hret&reson this subject . . T remain , Dear Sir , Years rcepectfaZIy , ' _ John Wa ^ smjs . Battersesj Get 25 , 1842 .
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. EDiNBuada : akd Glasgow RijtWAY . —Ob'Thursday afternoon , abouc four o ' clock , a sensation- was ipioduced along Prinoe ' s-streefc by the appearance of a . train of sixvcarts linked together , laden with the immense rope manufactured by- Messrs . Ha&qie-, of Gateaide , for tho tunnel near th * Glasgow terminus © f tbe railwBjT . The rope was laid in longitudinal aoils along tho ^ aaseofoarts ; it seemed to be about two -inches in- diameter , aud of very ¦ strong tei ^ u ^ e . The rope is upwards of three miles long , and weighs fifteen tons , being Sve tons heavieythan any lioo ever manufactured before . On the wa . yoip to Leith-vra-lk aud Leith-siiBst-nine horses were required to drag thisponderoua-loaid- ; but on reaohia ^ tho level ground of Prince ' s-stiSKt , three of these w ^ ro dispsnsed with and tho remaining six proceeded at ? a . brisk pace with their burden to the terminus- of- the railway . — CLledonian Mbreury .
Mukder . —A , young mau named Marcus Doian v&b killed at Monaiodda , in the Kisg . ' s County ( nesr Roborea ) , on the eyeaing of Friday , the 14 sh inst ., by a blow of a stone which he receiyed from a man named John Hionneoy , who wa 3 lying in wait for him , iii consequence of some dispiii 8 they had about ayouDg girl in the neitrhbourhoed . Owing to the active exertions of Constable Murphy , stationed near Moriafod < la , H « nnecy was soon afterwards arrested . On the 19-h insfc . a coroner ' s inquest was held on the body , and 3 , verdict of ¦¦ wilful murder was returned a ^ aiast Hennecy , who was transmitted to Tultemoro gaol for trial at the ccxt assizes . —Zcmster Expres& . -
Highway Robbery between Chestebfield amq Bip . iunoton . — On Friday evening , last , between six and seven o ' olock , a persou of the name of Elret a . clerk in the employment of G . H ; Barrow , Esq , of Siavely Ironworks , wa 3 returniBg from Chesterfield to Brimington , and wben within a short distance of the latter place , was attacked by throe men , one of whom placed his hands over his mouth , while the other picked his pockets of t ! iree sovereigns , a . quaritiLy of silver , a nold seal , atfiilrer pencil-case , atifi other articles . They then proceeded to heat and abuse him in a shocking manner , and he does noi know how far . they might have proceeded , but as tho Worksop mail happened to bo coming up , the villains made off . On Saturdny . Cottcrell , the constable , succeeded in apprehending three suspicious looking characters , and on Monday they underwent a long examination before Mr . G . Cromplon aud E . G . Maynard , Esqrs ., who ful y . committed them for
trial . —Derby . Reporter . How 10 Cuke a Sulky Wj ? b . —Take her , wrap her in a linen cloth well tied at bo&h ends ; when she sings out you may be pretty well certain that she requires air ; then take a goodsfzvd pair of kitchen btllowSj ana work them till the cloth is well ii . Hated , and the contents pretty well blowa ; now cail her "Dear , " accompanying the adjective with a whisile , gradually dying into a whew , whew ; insinuate a bunch of nettles ( holiy will do as well ) , with which keep her well sfirred up for ten minutes . Should she give tongue ukder the operation , - . immediately open the coveringr ^ &ud add ei ^ htceu lively , humble bees ( apex ( Bsluansj for the EaUe of their honey , which should be quite fresh . She w < ll now speedily simmer down to a proper consistency . Leave her for three hours to come to her senses ; . go to your dinner ; administer three leases of Mrs ' . Fry ' s Powers of Persuasion ; whea cool take her out .. If dry , t , ffer her a glass of Hodgs ' pn ' s bitter ale .. —Maryland Observer .
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From the , London Gazette of Friday , Oel 21 . BANKRUPTS . William Statkio , carpenter , Cutler-street , Hounsditch , to surrender October 27 . at twelvo , and December 2 , at one , at the Court of Bankruptcy . Panaell , official assignee ; Ruck , Miuoing-lane . Stephen Simsonj -watchmaker , Shirley , November 2 , at foar , and December 2 ; at twelve , at the Royal Hotel , Southampton . Pocock and Wilkin , Bartholomewclose , London ; Clement sa& Newman , Southampton * William E-tsfc , builder , Spalding , Lincolnshire , November 10 , and Deoembev 2 , at three , at the White Hart Inn , Spalding . Gaiter and Son , Spalding ; Wil-Hs , Bower , and WiiJis , Tokeahousa-yaed , Lothbary , London . Henry B ; ttton , jnn ., merchant , Liverpool , October 31 , and December 2 , at eleven , at the Clarendoa-ro .. rns , Liverpool . Cotterill , Throgmorton-street , LunJen ; Fletcher and Hull , Liverpool .
Charles O'Neil , Robert S . ilkeld , and George Somsrville DigV . y , Jrorifouwlers , Brinder Works , near Marg / . m . Glamorganshire , November 1 , at ore , and Deceiaber 2 , at eleven , at the Court tf Bankruptcy . Gibson , official-- aisignee , Ba 8 icqb . nU-st . reet ; Tilson , Squance , and Tilson , Coleman-street , London . David Brandon , shoe-manufacturer , Beech-street , Barbican , October 29 , at two , mid Decsmber 2 , at eleven , at the Court of Bankruptcy . Johnwon , official assignee , BaBingball-street ; Hull , Moov-tjate-fctrct . John Cooper , pro-vision-deali r , Livtrjiuol , October 31 , and DeeWibfer 2 , at tin . , Ht . tho Ginraiuon-rooins , Liverpool . . ~ Vii : « ent and Shi rvrcod , Teuiyie , London ; Littedale and E-irdswell , Liverpool . Marcus Haitis aud Solomon Abmham Hart , merchants , Cui ' . um-Btreefc , Fenchurch-street , October 29 , at one , and Dic +. s > ber 2 , at twelve , at ibe Cuutt of Kunkruptcy . Pt-nEcil , official assignee ; Kejnojds , Adamstreet , Adelpbi .
Wiliiam Rowortb , eonft-jiioner , Wt-liinjborough , Northamptonshire ,. Novembar 7 , and Hctamotr 2 , at eleven , at tlio' Gaorgo Hot ( il , Northampton . Church , Bedford-row , London ; Muvpciy , Welliuxbyrough .
PARTNEF . SHlJiS DISSOLVED . G . S . Kut !; eiford , E . Wtst , tnd E . S ^ cty , Britannia metal manufacture-is , SlisiikW . l . O . Jcnes and J . B . Wiliiam 3 , attorneys , Lfrerpool . W . May and H . C . Thompson , -wine nieicha-nts , Liverpool . W . Mullin > J . Seddon , jun ., and K . & « cdon , manufacturing chemists , luce , lancaEhire . A . Tod , J . Faris , aixl T . Jiifray , merchaats , Liverpool J . Tumor p . r . d U . Crummack , lineaiVrapers . -Yin-k . J . Jobnaon and S . Yates , grocers , llausiitster . . R . JoufcB , jun ., and J . Aiilicr , hbip-fci : ii 5 CB , Livwpoul . W . Sibtoy and W . Tcz . t , coal mtrc ' ir . iita , Lvravpool . Jn . Dj ^ n , W . Dyson , aud Js . Djsod , liuendiapera , Hudderisiiela , Yci-knhire .
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.,- ? ¦ Fr » m P » Gazette 0 / ' Tuesday ,. Oct . 25 . : bankrupts . James Wya'A , of Pijnioutb , Devonshire , upholsterer , November 4 and December « , at the Royal Hotel , Plymouth . Baiaam and Hseghttm , Verul&m-tmi ' . diugs , Gtay ' B inn , London ; Batter , Bridnoith ; Elwwtby , Plymouth . John Bavisoni farmer , Marton , and-favthsnware-. manufacturer , Middlesbrough * Yotkbbiie , Novtmbtr 2 and Deoembtr 6 , at two , at the Black Lion Iun , Stoikton-upon-Teea . Gariutt and Co ., Yarm , Yortbhira . Thomas AUen , sUk-man , November 8 act ! December 6 , ai one , at tha Angel Ion , M&cclesfl = W . Biuwlrett and Co ., Inner Semple , London ; E . W . Thompson , JohnAlexander and Henry Gibbons , chenmfs , Wolverharopton ; November 9 tnd DecemKr C , at ten , at the Swan Inn , Wolverbaaapton , Cl »« ke and Medcalf , LincolD ' 8-inxirnelds , London : Edward Benii 6 tt , Wolverbampton
. . . . , __ . _ Henry Hedger and James Hedger , watch-manufactureia Coventry , November 4 , at half-pan ir . ue , and December 0 , at-eleven , at the Craven Anns Ina , coventry . Weeks , Crook ' s-coutt , Lincoln " £ -i&n , London ; Dawe » and Son , Coventry . PARTNERSHIPS DISSOLVED . William Hill -and Thomas Cook : ' of Leeds , flax-spinnera . John Lctming , W'liliem BliZi Lecni ' cj ' , Edward Leeming , Miles Edward Litniing . aud Ji . ir . cs Leeramg , of Manchester , worsted-spinnerB iso far us regards John - Leeming ) . Joshua Platt and Charlea White , of Afc ' Btonuad « -Lynej rsunufacturcrs of cqUob XQTiagB .
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The folio-wing vaB received from Mr . West , on Sunday , 22 nd , though dated Thursday , 18 th : — Derby Couuty Gaol , Thursday , Oct 18 th . Deab Sir , —I embrace tbia first opportunity ef letting y « u know that I am In good health , and in as good spirits as can be expected , considering my situation . You are avsre that I am to find bail in two sureties of £ 200 each , or four of £ 50 , or be in till the March Asriyaj I 5 m in total ignorance as to -what my friends are doing , as I have not received a letter since I came here . In my o-vrn town , the only persons who could
or - would give bail for me belong to the anti-Corn Law League ; and I would sooner rot in gaol than receive a favour from them that might be considered an obligation , and therefore might nave a tendency to cripple my exertions against them , -which I promise you shall be as keen as ever when I get my liberty . I know they are glad that I , for one , am out of the -way ; but though I am laid by the heels , I have the consolation of knowing that I helped to strip the free-trade question of its mask of delusion , and that ihe people now understand it so -well that they will never be able to succeed in seducing them , though they should spend £ 4 , 000 weekly .
I find my situation very lonely , locked up by myself all day leng , and the cell is so small that I cannot take that necessary exercise that would keep me -warm : sad , ss winter approaches , if I have to lie till March , I fear I will engender Eome grievously bodily ailment , ily braces -were taken from me , and my trousers bang so lecsely about my hips that I begin to feel palnsin ay tack already , although the Governor was kind enough to 1 st me wear my belt . 1 am allowed to take En airing—and indeed it is not wrongfnl ' y named—with the other prisoners for twenty minutes , three times a day ; tut it is such a solemn , slow march that it makes me colder than "when I was in the cell . There is no distinction made between me and the greatest ftlon . I am not allowed pen , ink , and paper , except two days in the week .
When I have to go into the cage in the yard , the ssne &s another prisoner , I am not allowed any books but what the chaplain gives , and that kind gentleman his but very few , and those only school books . He is very kind to me . I am completely under tfce silent system , and I have nothing to sit on in my cell but ihe iron frame of my bedstead . I have plenty of good food , t-bupt-q to my friends in Derby . There is one thing , when I get my liberty that I will direct public attention to , th ?\ t is , the necessity of having an elective n ? Bgirtiacy ; there are eo icen bo ill qualified ts perform tiieir dutieB as the present " great unpaid , " as Cobbett called them ; tbey know little of justice , and less of law . Their clerks seem to be their Sir Orades , and they having an eye to fe « s think it their duty to convict a man right or wrocg ; thus , in my own case , when cross-examining the principal witness , and getting him to admit the peaceable tenour of my whole speech , Sir John Cave interrupting me said , he could net see -what good I -was doing by that line cf conduct But I must cenclude . Hoping yen will , if possible , procure the necessary bail , I remain , Yours faithfully ) John West .
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Tisit op Lobd Starlit to Ibelakd . — Lord Stanley , who is now at Knowslej Park , is Bhortly expected in Ireland , on a visit to his estateB in the county of Tipperary . —Preston Chronicle ,
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^ _ THE ypRTHERN STAR . 7 & ¦ . ' ¦ ' ~ " ! ~ ~~ ' '
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), Oct. 29, 1842, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct454/page/7/
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