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iAKCASTBB ASSIZES.
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- - ( Continuedfrom our eighth page . J i&Efl sfi ^ Committee issued an address , it was qtdte Stfttat itoi * 2 dres » was in ns way brcmght . h ^ mB to wkeBs'k 2 t srasnot proTed to have been In Ms hands , 2 i Htere " »» nothing -whatever to Aow that be Sjad sDJtnirglo io with tbe cencoction of it . This S « n the 36 tfs ef Ansnrt . On the 17 flnrhafc did SwfiBd liseBeBt doing ? - He-was at the meefing of Conference . Tfot one smgleiyllabls-was proved to SJ , &Hen -i * ^ Bps--Neither Cartledge or Griffin ^ j « j a single jsyllabla of evidence except that he was ? Sj 6 Ccmfaence . Thro iru a resolution passed , and Sprayed the jury to attend to the wording ^ f it , Zgsx if he understood the incasing of laBgna ^ s , his
Atf ' vBi there lor tne pnxpoae ollooiingafter the ^^ crgaiifjatioa ,-and ha defied hi « Learned Friends zTt&fl other » de to exiraci &e jibing pryndioial ftom ? > j apinst him .- The resolution was That -whilst »! , < 2 is rtistT » dj < &d not originals the present cessagga from latoar ' ? W * Conference of Delegates , from 0 aDT » : i » r& ° England , expras thrir deep sympathy _^ thai . c onitltataits , tlie'wexking men now on strike , oj -tbst-ve strongly approve the extension andeonti-^ jite of iheir present straggle till the People ' s Charwbscomf * » legislative enacttneni . and decide , forth--ijk to issne an addrew to that tfiect , and we pledge -g ^ re , on oar Tetmn to our localities , to giro a l ^ ei direction to the people ' s tfiorte . " Bad the S ^ jtu ee of IWegfttes no right to express thai wits caeir asctceatat classes
UBpstn / cu- , ae worcmg 7 5 , ^ intained thattbey had , and be knew no law -jS ^ i prevented the people txpressing the Bense of the ypffO , ** * & * % ^^ " ^ y * snd the inconveniences , if fatten any , to which these poor people were exposed wtji \ s strike . Had they no right to approve the ^ jgsaoa of tbeir present straggle 1 He said they had . jjjfjladaTJghtrasindeperdajtnjen , to stand by any £ 3 s , » d toxrpprove their conduct in holding ont . tUl git h > d got * fair remuneration for their labour , pro-^ 1 &ej did Bot * io that which was dararedagainst ^ i cTiEai in this indictment . He did not say tfeat the Gtttixto were light -He had his own opinions as to g £ gber universal suffrage was a good thing , -or wheisr a fenrrsl extension of the franchise would he a for the ef the
jj ^ edisl measure wrongs working classes . jsjfljeyliVEdinafree country ; they had aright to fss&a the question of -wages , and they had a right to QHtfl their opinions upon them , though they might ^ lambed at bj zone , and attacked and denounced by jgjCT * He BaiEiained that Brooke had a right to do g& HenMr . Pundas ) was of opinion that some of the jjwof the Chartists were wild and visionary , hut gay hsd a right to hold those opinions , provided they gj jo in a legal and constitutional manner . Then what TO the next they heard of his client ? They find him gi meeting on the 18 th of August , one day after & ioJ flmj of the Conference . Tfcere he was spoken
jsiy one witness as being at a meeting where there to i good deal ff aisbuibance and excitement , where EOT "was no person to keep order , and where everyjj ^ wa trying to gtt a -word ir . How , xhey had laud that at thai meeting Brook * - said that Ihe people fca g . j » . m tncusands to Leeds , and < Mvm the sol-&n &oa tt » bsrracfe . If bb had said so , it -was jtetj Iodise thing , hnt there was no greater < l&ngbr ; gas for a Jury to place implicit reliance upon reports TaiTxicK ihen in transactions of that nature . "Wiy , pHtsA had an IBostwdon of this in the evidence va oe wxtnes , who said that he could not remember lie&sr a word nsedwas *» resolution" or ' -revolution , "
nSia another case , whether it was " Hoole"or " fool , " jBi&sgto ^ di . Holland HooX a Magistrate of the town rftoneiater . The witness who appeared against his get , had said not a word about the three letters t > wMeh Brooke was said to have referred at the Meeting of delegates , as stating the tuzning out cf the Hfiets at Leeds , and he supposed lhat his Learned IriEnd i&e Attorney General ) , thinking that the faience was ftnj weak , called a "witness to prove fiat a copy of the "RrpentJve Committee ' s address had ieen found at Todmerden , in order to crtite a supposi fsm fiat it h&eVbeen taken there by Brooke . How stood fiefact ? . It was proved tfeat the adortss was not jo ^ ad at Todmorden to ] the 27 th , at which time Brooke mat Manchester , and had nothing more to do with
gesodresa than the constable himself . Brooke was xtEabte for the acts « f others . A man had enough to h ncw-a-daya , to look after himself , and he hoped Saltbejcry would not in consequence of any rath oalaaTB evidence as that tke defendant had been at jjocttin ? at Mjtncbegtgr , and at another at Bosintae , as te n = tnni against him * -reniict of guilty . But aiha look for a moment at the Executive asldress , oi see whether it would bear the terrible construction l&h bad been put upon it "by the Attorney- ( KneraL iB ^ it he a very foolish production . "Why , they Bred Jibe aje of foolish proelsmatiocs ; but if the party who late this address did so with a good intention , and inbded it to have a proper tfi ^ ct , it oaght to he viewed J& a liberal allowance . Be anhmiti ^ d to them that
iru an argument in -favour of the Charter . There Effci he a hard word here , and a hard word there , but i 2 hs maintained that it wzs not seditious , as was taaaded on the other side . tOus address wbicb had been « xach eomme&ted upon sin tints— ' » Brother Chartists , S » great political truths which kave been agitated teisg tbe last half century , have at length aroused She degraded and insulted white slaves of England to » » EE 9 e < & their cntj to themsel «* es , their childreD . " isi HiiBt country . " T ^ kite slaves 1 said his learned triad , ife A'toroej-6 eneraL Y « , he ( Mr . Dundas ) leered tiat thtre were many of the working classes a tbe condition of white slaves . Their condition was aaen&B zud wretched . That which constituted tha tat jolaee of Eoglidunen , and which might be said
m to make life itself desJrable—domestic comfort , bS » very mtans of procuring it , was wanting to fea . Tfcey were poor , they were Dl clad , and they kd iiitte er no education . He did sot pot tl'e Saae « ptn any one—perhaps , they might all take a iSecf the hlame upon thtmselTes , but however that ^ ihe , the fact was unquestionable , that a large "JotSm of the working elssses were steeped in the * 5 E * poverty , and that their education was at the RT lovest He should not have said a word on 6 a jart of the placard , if the Attorney-GeneraJ had Jtoppared to have expressed soiuucb astonUamtnt i &b ispresaion of tie term *• white slaves . " Tbs . lfe « r-wait on —** Tens of thousands fcave Sung ; fe » a ibar . implements of labour . Tour
ta&k-Wilgn trfcmble at your outcry , and expect-« UaKs eagerly watch this grtai crisis of our W : This was a specimen of grandJloquence—the « a * jle , or that of Buonaparte , —a Sourish with Jfcdi high sounding proc-amatious were sometimes ** 2 ed in . •* Labour mTiit no loneer be the common J& ef masters and rulers . Intelligence has beamed 9 a Qb mind of the bondsman , and he has been con-* $ jix& list all wealth , comfort , and produce , every-* O | valuable , nseful , and elegant , have sprung from » T » im of his ' hand ; he feels that his cottage is ^ W » Hi back is thinly « lad , his children breadless , ?¦* & hoptless , bis mind harassed , and his body ^^^ sd ; that undue riches , luxury , and gorgeous £ * & , Eight be heaped in the paiaces of the
task-^ tes . aa&ibed&d into the granaries of the oppres-|^ - 3 » aSnre , God , and reason , have condemned this ^^ O lhji and in the thunder ot s people's "roice it ^^ P eiBQ for etet" Bb JMi . Dnnd ^ s ) could * a * 3 y T ^^ tt ^ * I *» i man looking at the condition of ¦** Berensat--hi 2 proper ^—in ships , in houses , if it fflPi'bB , *—in EacbiEtry , and he could imagine fciai ' ^ S Jbat thesa things were protcctta smefi more g ft insrcfcant , than -was the sweat of his brow i ^^ n . He might be wrong , but if he iS ^ S ^ c ^ 1 * ! . be tad * wrongs which 5 r to hi redreoed by the Government under which ¦ fired , "Hekcows that labonr , —the real property S ^ ety , the sole origin of actnmulaied property , tit 5 ttae of aa national wezlthai ? d the only
sup-, ^«^ dfcfenca , and contributor to the greatness of ?^* sk ? .--is not possessed cf the same legal protec-^ TC ch is jmii to tbose Mfeless tSccts , —tbe huusea , S ^ ^ r ^? D er y »—which labour has clone created . ^* ** 0 Ta that if labour bsx no protection , wages canteV ^ 1 ' B 0 T m the sligiitest degree regniated iS-5 ^ y EaB of tsrenty-one years of age and sane ^ aa on tbe tam e politi cal level as the employer- He ^*? ihit the Charter would remove , by universal 3 z ^* Fes * d in TJniTeisal SafErage , the heavy load - ^*? " » lich now crush the existence of thelabonrci , ^^^^^ e tfforts of cummerce , tbBJ It would siffl ^*»» ErBma ^ as TreH as cheap fo * d , high wsces , ^^ w-aj low taxes ; bring happiness to the hearth-SVpiaUT to the table , nrotecticn for the old ,
edu-E ^^^ *** y . 0111 * pamanent prosperity to the counr |^^ -oatiEued protfcctivB power to ; abour ; and r ^^* r ^» ad ptaee—to ^ exhausted humanity and t ^ ^ nations . " Jfow he ( 3 ix- Dasdas ) was lljSpepsred to say that file Charter and Tiial ^^ v ^ ftage would fee a remedy for all IIPviU Hnder " ^ tich the -Ktirking d&sses laboured . 1 ^^ sot think so , but he remtmbered bow the i ^^ rfeuicctte had been extended tbronghent the IJ ^' V' « ad especially in their own country ; be thought llgWa b > ja \ her too bad to say that he was a bad E g ** «> sought for a further extension of it . Difr I ^ y ^ ^ held oifferent views as to what wauld bring fSSl i : tt * ° mfey- Some parties thonghs that a HgS « - tteCora Laws would bring aboct a tetter ISwJ fii * 8 ' " ^ othera laughed at them for avowiug pSr ^ n- But an . an had aright to his opinions , Kg ?? ° nM not be-wcrth while living in England one ! i ^ g ^ a . if ever they put the law into the hands cf
- fe ^ . * ^*» e solemnly sworn , and ece and all ^^^** the golden opportanity now within eni S ^^ - " *^* ^*?*" ! 688 ' t 21 ** ihe ch **" tf ^^ tts aftorded to Bs , "bya wise and anseeing Lijg ^ fliof be lost j but that we do now universally - ^^^ T 0 io ^ es ° lae labour nnmiabour ^ grievanees 1 l ^ S * Je d » and prelection secured for ourselves 3 tm ^ r * " HiTea > ** & helpless children , by the enactfjj ^^ pa People's taiartet" What was the Isir | W tB ^ a of me aeaning of tuis language ?* $ *» * aa * Eteke iCI "wagea . What Jij ^ yPeople ? They said , "We think this is a very * *^ S ^? H ? Drtllmty fcff csnj ^ S ^ e Charter . T&e ^^ to ^ Mt taivEiEal ; we never had Buch an opporf % * S v 01 ^ tt ^ Te ^ J * i ^ 5 bJ S ™ 1 *** & legitimate ®^ T Sttaj ic « aBpudicnr oJgect" This was t » e | 'i »«^ - Slae £ Qastaiction wbMi he put upon tbe rf ? Ssa- i . * ^^ S ^ itat at the acts of those I !* 1 mvI ** " **» assply xoifiimed him in tie view v ^ u ^ acf it , "inttllitaiKi Mb reached ia of
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the wide ^ prea ^ ng of strike , and now within fifty miles of Manchester , every engine is at rest , and all is still , save the millers' useful wheels and the friendly sickle iatke fields .- Tcis was very poetical , sod it ¦ was very iiear whnt was the case . There was nothing at all illegal in saying that within fifty miles « f Man- " cheater every engine was at rest The were at TBbU bat who put ihem in that position ? Notthe meetfog of delegates , not his client , nor the Executive Cjaai mittee . It was the result of a proceeding which _ he &tt not appear there to c efend , but which had no connection whatever with the individual whom he represented . "Englishman ] the blood of your brothers -redden the stre&tB of Preston and Blackburn . " This was a passage which had been
commented upon with much severity by the Attorney-GeneraL , If o man could regret more than h « did the unfortunate eventa that had happened at Preston , and which had led to a loss of human life , but was it not a most extraordinary fact that in connection with that lamentable transaction , a small civil force amounting to not more than eighty persensj and a few soldiers , had been able to drive away a body of men composed of some thousands ? They would £ sd that instead of offering any resistance to the authorities , or seeking to place them in collision with the soldiery , by which blood might have been spilled , they peaceably retired—a fact which bethought afforded the strongest possible evidence that the people had no intention of employing physical force for the
attainment of their object . M And the murderers thirst for more . " He would admit that this was a very improper word , but when they took into consideration the circumstances under whicfc the address was written , and the station in life of the parties , it might be looked upon with some degree of excuse . *• Be firm , be conrageous , be men . Peace , law , and order , have prevailed on our side—let them be revered until our brethren in Scotland , "Wales , and Ireland , are informed of your resolution ; and when a universal holiday prevails , waich will be the case in eight days , of -what use will bayonets be against public opinion ?" No , of what use would they be . If there was a \ mi-Tersal holiday , and people were of one mind , there would be notalng at all * o fi f fct for . What , then , was
the construction he put upon this passage 1 Why this — " If yon will en ' sy do this fat eight days , you will carry the Charter . —not by bayonets , but by peace , law , and order , we will carry out the work . " This he conceived to be tbe true meaning of what the writer of this address intended to convey by a universal holiday . "Wbat tyrant can then live above the terrible tide of thought and energy , which is now flowing fastJTunder tbe guidance of man ' s intellect , which is now ' destined by a Creator to elevate his people above the reach of want , tbe rancour of despotism , and the penalties of bondage ? The trades , a noble , patriotic band , have taken the lead in declaring for the Charter , and drawing their geld from tbe keeping of tyrants . Follow their example , lend no whip to rulers -wherewith to scourge
you . Countrymen and brothers , centuries may Toil on , as they have fleeted past , before * nch nniytrsal action may again be displayed . Wehavemads the cast f or . liberty , and we must stand like nun the hazard of the die . Let none despond . Let all be cool and watchful , and like the bridesmaids in the parable , keep your lamps burning , and let your continued resolution be a beacon to guide those- who sie now hastening far and wide to follow 5 cur memorable example . Brethren , we rely on your firmness ; cowardice , treachery , and womanly fear , would cast our cause back for half a century . Let no man or child break down the solemn pledge , and if they do , may tbe curse of tbe poar and tbe
starring pursue them—they deserve Blavery who would madly court it . '' Tsis was Ossian again—a flourisluEg proclamation , very poetical and very pretty , but suieJy not sedition ; . " Our machinery is all arranged , and your cause win in three days be impelled onward by all the intellect we can summon to its aid ; therefore , whilst you ate peaceful , be firm , and whilst you look to the law , remember that you had no voice in making it , and are , therefore , tbe slaves to the will , the law , and the caprice of your masters . " He believed it was the opinion of many high authorities that taxation and representation ought to go hand in hand , and they often heard that
* ' Laws grind the poor , sod rich men make the laws . " Tbe -s-ortrag classes of this country thought that they had a right to make laws for themselves . They might be wrong , but if that was their opinion , they had an undoubted right to act upon it , and to impress the opinion upon others . The last passage in this address was— " All officers of tbt Association are called upon to aid and assist in tbe peaceful extension of the move-Hi tut , and to forward all monies for the use of delegates , who Bsay ba txpreasfcd ottr the country . Strengthen our hands at this crisis . Support your leaders . Bally rsund our sacred cause , and leave tbe decision to the God of Justice , and ef Battle . " The Attorney-General had laid much stress on the last word of this passage , and had put a meaning upon it which be ( Mr . X > nndas )
contended it did not bea-, — that it was calling upon tbe people to take arms and do battle against those who might oppose them . He believed th&t this word was applied exactly in the same sense as tbe address of the Cotferenct—the battle of justice against iiijustfce , —the battle of right against might , —the battle of the poor against tbe rich , —if it might be , and no other . This was the construction which he put upon the passage , and he did not think it could be made out to have that meaning which was attached to it by the other side , name ly , that it was a physical force battle , and not a moral battle . He had read through this address only because it was proved to have been posted at Todmorden , at which place his client resided , and but for that fact , he should not have tronbled the jury with asy observations upon it He was afraid be had detained their attention too long , especially as he only appeared for one of tbe defendant ? . He felt a strong sympathy for the true happiness of the working classes of this country . Whatever greatness England had achieved as a commercial nation , —whatever advances she hsd made in all that constituted tbe characteristics of a great people , — to whatever point of refinement the means of national and individual comfort had risen , ehe owed it all to the Ekill , the industry , and the perseverance of her artizans . It -was because be felt thiB that he should bs delighted in any opportunity cf bettering their condition , either by educating them by giving them better la-ass , or by removing tbe grievances of which they complained , and enabling them to live happily and codttmtedijr nnder tfce inslituiiona of tbe coHEtry . Tbe Learned G = nUeman concluded by asking at vie hands ol tbe Jury , a faTeurable censid ^ ration for biB client , against whom , in his conscience , he believed that no charge of conspiracy existed .
Mr . BiiKES , for > 3 r . Sebolefield , said that be had occupied very little of the time of the Court in crossexaminatiDn . Tbe csse of his client was so plain and simple . If the jury would simply apply the rule laid do-sro by the Attorney-GcDeral , not to convict any one on mere suspicion , 2 : 8 could have little donbt as to their verdict . He conld not help expressing his disapprobation of the course adopted by the Crown . The present indictment was a monster indictment One ol a kind unhesro of before , and -which he trusted wouU liever be Been again . Wbat a hardship it imposes upon each of the flity-nine defendant *; many t , f whom are not defended fcy counsel , and who are still expected each to examine and analyse tbe mass of evidence which it ha . } ocenpied the Crown five days in laying before them , and to be able to select , and to answer tbe fariout facte scattered through tbe heap -which might
apply to his individual case . But tbe prosecution sought also to apply « aeh cf the niae counts in this indictment to each of ihese defendants , so that but for the manner in -which the record had been shortened , on tbe suggestion of tbe Learned Judge , there would have been no fewer than 531 questions to be submitted to them He would now proceed to consider the case of his cl ent Mr . Scholefield was a dissenting clergyman , who had succeeded a Mr . Coward , the founder of the sect to ¦ which he now preached , and he also acted as an apothecary . Mr . Schoitfield -was , no doubt , a supporter of the Charter . He thought tbat the working classes in ibis country were de * ply obliged to Mr . Feargus O'Connor . " He claims Bimply that indulgence for his opinions which Mr . Dnndas had alieacy so eloquently of
claimed for Ms client For every »> ect political opinions in this country there Bbouid be the most unlimited toleration—however mistaken—if argued peaceably , and legally submitted to the choice of the people . He would call their attention to a position laid down by the Attorney-General . Theie never were , be must , in tbe first place , Bay , a set of men who had to struggle with greater pitjudices than tbe defendants at tbe bar . He would but refer tc the circumstances of the Magistrates of a whole county , that of Stafford , having set aside a man as bail simply because he was a Chartist It could be no offence to a Jury to caution them against such prejudices . He was not there ao advocate the Charter . It might be right or it might *» wrong ; but -. to the character of those maintaining it he that them
must say . in common justice , among were to be found some of the best husbands and the best fathers , and that their ?^ induct might be liex ample to many who despised them . He would proceed to the position laid down by the > Attorney-GmeralaB to thilaw of conspiracy , by which he sought STfcTevery one of a body acting for common purpose with the acts of every one of the othera . He £ 3 aj xliEsent ^ from this position when laid down £ flat extent It was only true when the object 2 n in itself illegal . But the , object in tbto 22 was * legal one . Suppose people unib ^ topther for Beform of the Representation , wonld . it not £ f ^ ° ^^^ - -= « Sink *** by doing somstiuag illegal h » *** adwnc
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ing the common cause ? The learned Counsel then went on to analyse the particular evidence applicable to the case ot Mr . ScholefieW . He was Dot at all af > '& *** 4 . by U » e evtdeocs of the iliree first days . It was "Saturday before his name -was even mentioned . The Lesjraea Counsel then went on to detail the history of tbejflunt procession and Monument , and the original . objwta of tbe meeting of delegates , as already given in ibVeVidenee . These purposes were strictly legal . The plan'was first suggested in the middle of June , long before these outbreaks . On the 1 st of August , a placard regulating the course ef the p 7 ocesslon appeared . The outbreak took place on tha 3 th or 10 th . The Magistrates' proclamation did not appear till the 14 th , and : tbe Hunt ' s Monument Committee actually
anticipated them , and issued a placard putting a atop to the procession as early as the 10 th . Oa the 11 th a circular was published , siating that the Committee thought it moat advisable , in consequence of the disturbed state of the country , not to have the procession , less it might lead to a collision with tbe authorities ; but that a private meeting would be held at Mr . Soholefleld ' s . On the 14 th tha Magistrates issued a proclamation , and on the 1 . 5 th her Majesty ' s proclamation apjifeared , Mr . ^ choJsfixld received those late : on thelStn , and early on the 16 th a placard appeared , putting off both procession and meeting , and exhortirg the people to peace and order . On Mr . Scbolefisld coming back , after getting these placards printed , he found Mr . O Connor had arrived from London . Some of the delegates from a
distance , who were not a-ware of the Btate of things , arrived in the course of the day , and , of course , went to Mr . Scholefield ' s . They went in open day , from about eleven o ' clock in the morning till four in the afternoon . In tbe evening of that day there was a teaparty at Cirpentera ' -halL The witness who spofce to "wiat Mr . Scholefield said came in in the middle of a sentence , part of which might have any meaning that any person migbtassign to it On the 17 th , some of tbe delegates met in Mr . Scholefleld ' a chapel . He was requested to permit them tbe use of it , tot the purpose originally referred to in the notice by which the delegates were convened . He was asked to do so by Mr . O'Connor , as being a convenient place where they would be leart likely to run any risk of attracting a
crowd , and breaking the public peace . Even if that meeting had beer , perverted to an illegal purpose , Mr . Sebolefield . at all eventa , took no part in it He passed once or twice through tbe chape ] on his usual business , but no Word , so far as the evidence went , was spoken in his presence . Could they , upon this evidence , find him guilty of being a party to a conspiracy , supposing such a conspiracy existed at all ? He confidently left his case with tbe Jury . Mr . SeTgeant Murjpht , for Dr . M'Douall and others —He said he thought he might almost leave tbe case of his clients upon the ebservatlonB of his Learned Friends . He would confine himself to the evidence which applied particularly to those whom he defended . He must remark , however , that there was no charge
known to the English law which extended so widely * or which was so difficult to guard against , as that of conspiracy . By it men were rendered liable , in many cases , for the rash , or wicked , or illegal acts ef others . As to the particular defendants , be begged them to remember that , in tbe case of Durham , in many instances where he was spoken of as appearing at these public meetings he repudiated tbe Charter as an object of tbe strike , and recommended peace and order to tbe multitude . His object as to the strike was legal—that was not denied- —and he had , in the advocacy of that object , recommended none bnt legal means . It was said he bad sat on a Committee for granting these licenses . Did it appear he had written any license , that be bad had any
couTersstiona on the subject , or that there was anything more against him than his having at one time been seen in tbe room where those meetings were occasionally held ? Against Bsiiton there was no evidence on which he could lay bis finger , except that be was present at the meeting of tbe Conference . Ot that , in itself , as an evidence of guilt , his learned friends bad already disposed . The original objects , at all events , of that Conference were legal , and there was no evidence whatever of the share he took in any of its proceedings . Tbe Learned Counsel wi-nt on to show the progress and objects of the strike . Up to the time , at least , of the crowd entering Manchester , tbe Chartist body bad no connection with this movement . Tha trades uniona
had issued a placard , but tbe Chartists bad mode no metion in that direction . The first act of theirs , by ¦ which it is songbt to mix them up with tbe strike , is the Executive placard . That emanated originally from tbe Bxtcntive without , as far as appeared , any communication trnm tbe Chartist body . He would not go over the ground occupied by his Ltamed Friend with regard to the legality of that placard . He would , however , join with him in earnestly begging them not necessarily to infer that tbe placard is seditious merely because its language is strong . He would quote on this subject the observations of Chitf Justice Tindal , at Stafford . Tbe language of that placard , as to the misery of the people , -was in no degree an exaggeration . It was recognised as true by every one wbo knew anything of the state of the working classes . The defendants , it appeared , supposed a Ttinedy for this would be the passing of the Charter , and tbey
recommended a display of peaceful resolution until they could obtain this desirable remedy from Parliament It might be the Charter would not be tbe panacea they supposed , hot there was ao illegality in entertaining ot advocating the opinion that it would . Ab to the termination of that placard , could they look upon it as more , than a mere flourish , using a sonorous epithet without SDy intention whatever of stimulating tbe people to outbreak or violence ? The placard was the sole evidence against Dr . M'Douall . The only other circumstances deposed to related to the meeting with Mr . O'Connor at the public-house— a meeting held in open day , without concealment , as men might meet on any ordinary business , and which it was ridiculous to suppose was a meeting of conspirators . The Learned Counsel submitted that as to tbe three parties whom be defended there was no evidence which could justify verdicts of gnilty .
Tbe Court then adjourned ; it being nealy half-past six o'clock .
TUESDAY-SI * TH DAY . Mr . Baron Rolfe took his seat this morning at nine o ' clock . As Mr . O'Connor was expeeted to make his speech in defence to-day s the Court was crowded , and there were many ladies pre-ent . Mr . Atherton said he would take this opportunity of asking tbe Attorney-General wnetber he had determined on which counts ho would proceed . The Attorney-General . —My Lord , I do not mean to proceed upon the two last counts ; but I think as to tbe sixth and seventh , upon looking at them , it appears to me necessary to retain them . In reality , they have nothing whatever to do with the riot . It appears to me that they are extremely important with reference to seme of the convictions that took place elsewhtre .
Mr . Athebto * then addressed tbe Court and Jury on behalf of the defendants , James Fenton and William 3 tephensoo ; and he said , though there was much ground common to all the defendants , which had been ablj gone over and pre-occupied by hia learned friends , siill there were distinciions between his clients and tbe other defendants , which would impose upon him the necessity of occupying some fresh ground . He referred to the importance of tbiB case , which , he said had been acknowledged in the able and temperate address of the Attorney-General . He commented on the circumstance of fifty-nine people of different pursuits , living in-different plaee 9 , acting apart , and unknown to eaoh other , yet included in one indictment . The nature of the
charge was such , that a man even in slumber in hia bed might be made responsible for the acts of a man whom , in all probality , he never fiaw ; and the natnre of the evidence was regulated by the charge in this " monster indictment , " and therefore it required the utmost care and caution of the Jury . No expense had been spared or thought too great in getiinK up the prosecution of the Government ; but tho defendants had not the means to bring together a number of witnesses from a distance . The defendants needed the Bhield of the Jury ; because they were individuals , and the prosecutor was the Crown and Government of the country . The first fact established beyond dispute was , that the unfortunate strike did not originate with tho Chartists .
It was clear that the ChartiBts were seeking some political change . The strike originated in Dissatisfaction of the workmen with the wages they received . Some of the witnesses of the class of masters did not seem willing to admit , that wages had been at a low ebb ; but it was cleat they were so low a 3 to give general dissatisfaction to the workmen . They Bad a legal right to strike ; and it was satisfactory to know , that this strike did not originate in aey political question by tbe Chartists ;; but was the act of the , workmen themselves . The " change in the laws , " referred to in the indictment , it was dear , consisted of the six points , which , being embodied .
constituted what was called the " People ' s Charter . Taere was nothing monstrous , or alarming , in the doctrineB of the Charter , to any man of property , possessing a stake in the country . There was not a proposition which had not defenders among men in the highest rank , the most stable in property , and most high in intellectual education and refinement . Take tbe three cardinal points of the Charter , Annual Parliaments , Universal Suffrage , and Vote by Ballot , were they not the propositions which for years had been presented to one o f the largest city constituencies in the empire , the constituency of Westminster ? Sir Francis Burdett and Sir John Hobaouse , frcm year to year , ac . 4 . fxQna election to
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election , Bgfl )« before that constituency having those propositions continually in their mouths . Was the ballot a beggarly Jack Cade doctrine , only taken up by manhanng no property t Who had most distinguished himself by the advocacy of this dootrine ? No saru oufoite , but one : of the " prime-merchants" of Loabard-street , a man as distinguished for hia talent , as for his wealth and influence . He might refer also to a Noble Lord at the [ head of his own profession , Lord Brougham , who was not a man whom any one would suspect of taking up a crude , untenable , and preposterous doctrine itself in politics , yet he advocated the doctrine of the ; ballot . He might also refer to the name of a great jurist and philosopher a man who spent a long lif © in investicatine Dolitical
aueations , to which he gave vast researeb of the most laborious kind ,-Jeremy Ben tham-aud from aknowledge of bis works he could say , that there was not a single point in this much-maligued charter , which he had not defended and enforced in the works which he had left behind him . The % Learned Counsel dwelt on the remarkable absence of injury to life , and the very little injury juflioted by the turn-outs over a "large extent ofrConntry . and quoted tho words of the Attorney-General , in his opening'speech on this point , as expressions to the strength of which he could add nothing . He then adverted to the seven remaining counts of the indictment . The four first were those on which alone it was sought to fix the Conference delegates ; they were the only political counts in the indictment , and consisted of so many ehargeB levelled against the Chartists . The third count , oh which the prosecution , he supposed , would
mainly rely , charged the existence of tumults and violent stopping of woiks , and that the defendants conspired to abet those tumults . The fourth count charged them simply with abetting the tumults , without conspiring to do so . In each of the four counts , force , direct or indirect , was charged upon the defendants . He contended , that before ' the jury could give a verdict against any of the Conference delegates , they must be satisfied that the act they did was performed by them , with a knowledge that the strike had been in many instances occasioned by force and violence , and that they must , when they published the Conference address , have knowingly aided and abetted in that force and violence . He proposed to road from a particular number of the Northern Star , to shew that there was a very din -rent tendency from that imputed to the address and publications in the case .
The ATToaNBY-GENEBAL would not object to any general evidence as to the character of a defendant , in the event of a jury finding it necessary to look at his character but he must object to putting in particular publications at a particular time . He had , in his opening address , said he would suppress nothing favourable to any defendant ; aud ho had adverted to the fact , that up to a certain period , the general tendency of Mr . O'Connor's writingsin the Ndrthern Star were opposed to the course with which he was charged in the indictment ; and he had permitted a witness ( Griffin ) to R \ ve in evidence from his knowledge of the Northern Star as a reporter for that paper , a general statement that the object and apparent scope of the writings in it were strongly opposed to any violation of the peace . Ho would willingly give every indulgence ; but must objvetto any particular publication .
Mr . Atherton s-aid , he sought to read from the Northern Star of the date which had been put in . The ArroRNEY-GENERiL said , his Learned Friend Bhould have said so at once ; though some doubt had lately been entertained aa to whether that could be done , but he would not raise that doubt at all . The Judge said , he must guard himself ; this was doubtless a concession by tho Attorney General . The Learned Gentleman had a right only to read what went to explain and give a different character to the passage given in evidence for the prosecution .
Mr . Athsrto . v then read a passage from an article which appeared in a third edition of the Northern Star of the 13 . h August , and a first edition o < the 20 th August . Id this-an opinion was expressed that a cessation from labour to effect any political object must be national and ( simultaneous . It could not but be successful , because indicating tha na'ion ' s will , against which no power could succeed . But a mere sectional display of this most decisive of all the forms of moral force , like a mere sectional display of physical resistance , was sure to be overpowered by tho strength of faction . If the strike were made a Chartist strike it must become universal . Suoh a declaration would be to those concerned , the fiat of omnipotence . But if Manchester , or even
Lancashire , Bus-tained the struggle singly , it would be unsuccessful ; and in all probability , would retard the movement which it was meant to hasten . The men had a right to strike , but no right to not ; they had a right to work or not to work , but no right to break windows , destroy property , or stop factories . Above all things , they had no right to insult the constables , authorities , or soldiers , Sco . The Learned Gentleman having read this , then addressed himself to the evidence , as against Fenton and Stephenson , neither of whom he said , had been shown to be in . the Conference at Manchester , or near Manchester at all , during any part of the tumultuous proceedings . He noticed tho various meetings in StaJybridge , on the Haigh . &c . beginning with that of July 29 , and
dwelling on tbe fact that Fenton was a zealous advocate of the wage question , and opponent of its being mixed up with the Charter question ; and that on one occasion he had nearly become a martyr to bia zeal ; for , according to the evidence , " they had like to have thrown Fenton out of the cart ; " beoause he opposed its being made a Charter question . So far from the Chartists being a violent body , according to the whole of the evidence , they appeared to be an eminently pacific body . " Feaoe , law , and order " were the watchwords at all their meetings ; and the Attorney-General bad admitted , that up to the period of tbe strike , the organ of the Chartists , the Northern Star , had been opposed to violence . The Jury would be running counter to the evidence if they deemed that the Chartists had been other than eminently pacific . The defendants , during the whole of the proceedings , though the crown had elicited the secrets of the Chartists- —( and
undoubtedly if there had been any illegal practice in their most secret conclaves , tnose men , Cartledge and Griffin , would have given them in evidence)—and though the defendants must have folt btrongly indignant against these witnesses , if they had been the violent nun thoy had been represented , would they have respected tho sacred precincts of this court ot justice , and remained silent . Amongst the ChartistH , as amongst other bodies , there would be firebrands , and those men had told them there was one law for the rich and another for the poor . In conclusion , he left the case of the defendants with great confidence in the hands of the jury . The Learned Gentkman resumed his seat at twenty-five minutes to eleven o ' clock , having spoken au hour and a half . Mr . M'Oi'Brey next addressed the jury . He said he appeared for tho defendants Mooney , Thornton , and Aitkin , but the Attorney-General had withdrawn the prosecution as against Thornton .
The Attobwev-Genkhal—My Lord , it appears to me that he has been only imperfeotly identified , and tha representations as to his character were t \ ich as to induce me to withdraw the prosecution . By the direction of the Judge , the jury acquitted Thornton . Mr . M'Ocbrbt then addressed the jury on behalf of Aitkin and Mooney . He adverted to the expression attributed to Aitkin , that '' the reckoning day is nigh , " fecitod the verse of the hymn given in
evidence , and argued , that it was imposfiible to be-Jjovo that men thus engaged in devotion , could rush from the worship of God to defy him by pJunging into scenes of violence . As to Mooney , the evidence depended on the testimony of Cartledge , who merely swore that he was present at the Conference at Mr . Scholefield ' s . He ridiculed the evidence of Whittam as to Mooney ' s declaration of war against the British Government , with " four double-barrelled guns and two biDgle-barrelled guns . " The learned gentleman spoke aboat twenty minutes . other de
Mr . O'Connor skid that some of the - fendants wished to address themselves to the jury , and had arranged amongst themselves in what order they should speak . The Jpdge—I have no objection . [ The great length of the observations of the Learned Counsel employed , and of some of the Defendants , has debarred our own Reporter from transcribing the whole of his notes : we have , therefore , taken the speeches of Mr . Bainea and Sergeant Maiphy from the Morning Chronicle , as being the best report We could find ; and ; the commencement of Tuesday ' s proceedings to this point , we have extracted from the Manchester Guardian . ]
Mr . Geouge Julian Harney—May it please your Lordship , Gentlemen of the Jury ;—In rising to defend myself from the charges preferred against me , I must crave the indulgence of the : Court for any imperfections in my defence—imperfections which are extremely likely to be made , caused by the novel situation in which I find myself placed , and my total ignorance of all the forms of law Had I consulted the views of many of my friends I would probably have , instead of defending myself , employed one of the many learned and talented gentlemen around me to advocate my cause , but conscious cf my innQp / .. iica&nd disdaining the arts of
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policy—believing that " thrice he is armed who hath h ) 3 quarroi just , " I appear Wore yoa to defend my own cause , believing in spite of the array of legal talent opposed to me , that I can convince you of my innocence and the injustice of the charges against me in the iudictment . Gentlemen , I j > as 9 over the barbarous phraseology of the indictment upon which as a oiviiian , not understanding the terms employed therein , I might have very fairly commented , I pass by that and many other topies upon ] which I would have commented but for two reasons , —first , I feel that 1 have no right to oecupy the time of this Court to the hindrance of the other defendants who have to follow me ; and second , because I feel that I ought to detain you as short as possible , in
consideration of the labour you I have already had to perform , aad hence , gentlemen ^ I will come at once to the question . Allow me here jto remark that to me it appears passing strange , that jwhile I occupy a prominent place in this indictment , I find no mention made of my jiaru © in the opening [ address of the Attorney-General , nor any evidonce offered against me until the morning of Saturday last , when Cartledge gave evidence that 1 was at trie Conference . Strange , gentlemen , that there should be so little evidence against One of the ohief | conspirators Well , gentlemen , I find myself charged with having oonspired with a number of persons to the number of fifty-eight ; of these fifty-eight I am only well acquainted with one , viz ., Samuel Parkes of Sheffield
with about fifteen or twenty of the defendants I am partially acquainted , but these I know mostly only by name , wbile with from twenty-five to forty of the defendants , I am totally unacquainted ; I never heard tell of them before my arrest ; when I was taken to Kirkdale gaol I for the first time met ! some of these persons—but still so little do I know : of them that were they placed before me now , ! and my life depended on the issue , I as ? ure you , gentlemen , that I could not distinguish even twelve of them by their nameH . Some reside in Ashton , some in Manchester , eoma in other parts of Lancashire ; I reside iii Sheffield ; what connection could there have been between them and me ? Letters and papers we ' re taken from me when I was arrested , the prosecution h& 8 no
doubt looked through them , is there any letter from any one of these defendems to me ? A considerable number of the defendants have been treated in the manner that I was , letters were taken : from them , — is there any ono of these letters from me i Can the prosecutor show that thero was any connection between me and them ? He cannot ; jwhat then becomes of the charge that I conspired with these men —men I never knew—men whom , previous to my arrest , I never saw % I find I am charged with conspiring on the 1 st of August and following days . Now , Gentlemen , no evidence ha 3 been offered to shew that there was any strike , turn-out , or disturbance on the 1 st of August , —what theu oecomes of tho charge that 1 conspired on the ht of that month ?
The strike commenced on the 8 th of August , but as has been shewn over and over 8 gain | the strike at the outset was for wages , and not for the Charter . In fact , the Charter wa 9 never mentioned until the 10 ih of August , when at a meeting ofj trades' delegates held in the Carpenter ' s Hall , Manchester , certain resolutions were passed approbatory of the principles of tho Charter and declaratory of the necessity of the legal enactment of those principles to secure to the working classes theif rights—^ this was the firat timo we find the Charter even namedthis was the 10 th of August , yet we : are charged with conspiring to bring about a great change in the Constitution , and that on the 1 st of August 1 Gentlemen , you have had laid before you a great deal
of evidence touching these trades' delegate meetings . I protest againBt lhat evidence ; we have nothing to do with what the trades' delegates did ; their names are not in this indictment , and hence I suppose that they did nothing illegal ; if they had , I suppose that the Government would have prosecuted them ; well , if thty did nothing illegal , why is evidence of their doings brought against us who had nothing to do with them 1 Gentlemen , I have shewn you that the strike did not commence until the 8 > , b ! of Augustthat the Charter was never even mentioned until the 10 th of August ; aud now I will shew you that I knew nothing of' the strike until 1 the 13 th of August . Gentlemen , the strike commenced on the 8 th , the march to Manchester was on the 9 th : on
Wednesday the lOch , early iu the day , 1 left Sheffield , my business as a bookseller and news-agent compelling me to occasionally leave home ; I was absent until the Saturday , when on my return home on the railway I for the first time heard of the strike , but it was not until I reached my home , and had put into my handa the local papers , that I ) became fully acquainted with the first movements ] of the turnouts ; and it was not until the next : day , August 14 th , that I became aware that a portion of the turn-outs had declared in favour off the Charter . Yet , in spite of tbeso well known facts , we are charged with conspiracy on the 1 st of August ! 1
now come to the 16 th of August , the day on which I left Sheffield for Manchester to attend a certain Conference . Gentlemen , I believe the sum total cf the evidence against me is that I attended this Conference . I will not deny the ] charge , but , Gentlemen , how came I to attend that Conference ; I will briefly answer the question , jit has been already shown that tbe calling of this Conference was originally suggested by the Hunt Monument Committee ; how it was suggested 1 will show . On or about the 8 th of June , 1842 , an address from the Committed was published ; in that address is the following paragraph : — !
" The Committee held a lone and proper discussion as to whether wo have the power , without being considered to have outstepped the power delegated to us , by offering a suggestion to the members of the New Executive , whioh ended in a resolve" That , in order to make the gathering of good men from various parts of the country to be doubly useful to the movement , and answer two purposes , we most respectfully suggest that they , the members of the Executive , discuss the propriety of calling a National Conference of delegates to be ; held on the following day , August 17 th , in the Carpeuter ' s Hall , Manchester , when perhaps a friendly understanding could be established , all ill-feeling and bickeriDg
amongst leaders , put an end to , the plau of organization read , discussed , and , if necessary , revised , and aJljedousy for ever banished from our ranks . Differences arise frequently through misunderstanding—men who have done wrong unintentionally are denounced and looked shy upon—who , if remonstrated with , could be made acquainted with their error , and have some chance of reform , ) and for the want of which , the cause sometimes losses both their talents and influence . If this desirable end could be achieved , it would give an opportunity for the delegates when assembled , to adopt other measures which they in their wisdom might deem necessary and prudent for the advancement of the cause . "
Gentlemen , Griffin , the secretary to this committee , has avowed th ^ the it was who first suggested to the committee this proposition of calling the Conference ;—allow me to read the conclusion of this address , it will serve to illustrate the character of tho writer , Mr . Griffiu : — " In conclusion , we intend to do our duty , and believe that you to whom this humble app al is made , will do yours ; and may you a > id we work harmoniously together , until every man possess his rights and liberties , and may the Ruler of tho Creation stamp your and our exertions with the seal of his divine approbation . Until then . - " We remain , " In the bonds of Friendship and Brotherhood , ** Your humble Servants , " Signed , on behalf of the Monument Committee , ' William Griffin , Sicr « tary . "
On or about tbe 4 : h of July , an address was published by the Chartist Executive 1 Committee , officially calling this Conference—iu that address the intended business and orjects of the proposed Conference , were set forth as the followiag paragraph will shew . — " Organization . The aspect of the movement , and the strength and position of the Association , were taken into mature ) consideration , and it was resolved to draw up a district plan for the whole nation , to prepare a plan for securing commodious meetinghouses . to ] recommend ways and means of defraying the attendant expenses of the movement , and for the jpurpose of practically working these measures , and discussing others of equal importance , and jof devising effectual means of preventing divisions and all squabbles for the future in the National Charter Association . " j All ideas of violence were emphatically opposed and denounced , witness the following paragraph : —
" The Executive have seriously deliberated upon the distress of the people , and deplore the absenea of the Suffrage , which could so speedily exchange comfort for poverty , plenty for starvation , and freedom for submission . They do not see any just or wise remedy in violence or insurrection , neither do they see wisdom in uncomplaining obedience and servile silence . Therefore they are prepared to recommend peaceful and constitutional vltemor mlsasuri . s | as soon as they have gained the legal opinion oi au eminent barrister , at the head of the movement , whose judgment will not be biassed by the fear of the government , but whose opinion will be tempered by anxiety for the Euccess of the cause , and bare for tbe safety of the people . \ " The Executive will , therefore , be ( prepared to recommend , jrn eastue * of peaceful resistance to the
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assembledConferences of the Association , where they will have tbe benefit of the opinions of tha ieachg councillors of the- National Charter Association . " Is there anything illegal in a , Conference so called t : It must be remembered that Chartist conferences are > not the only conferences thai have been held ; a ! well known , talented , and in the sister country if not jin this , I believe a popular gentleman , namely , Mr ; Daniel O'Connell , is in the habit of holding weekly , j large meetings of his friends and admirers , the , object of which meetings , we are assured by conservative writers , is the dismemberment of the Empire * Gentlemen , I don ' t believe this , but this I will say , that if Mr . O'Conriell ' a meetings are legaV ' surely a Conference called as I have shewn
is at least as legal . Conferences havo been called together by a gentleman well known to the public , viz . Mr . Joseph Sturge , the avowed objeet of whioh Conferences was the carrying through the Legislatare of the Six Points of the > Charter . There can have been nothing illegal in such , Conferences , for the Government has not prosecuted the parties attending them . Surely the Chartist Conference in question was eqoally legal . Ha « e Conferences havs been held in Manchestercalled together by tha Corn Law Repealers . Great capitalists and dissenting elergymen have in large numbers attended these Conferences . Far be ifc froa me to impute to those parties anything illegal in their acts ; on the contraryI fed bound to
be-, Iiev 8 that their acts have been strictly legal * otherwise the Government would have subjected then to prosecution ; but I dare challenge comparison of their speeches aud acts with those of the Chartist Conference . If the former were legal , the latter has been a thousand times more so . Gentlemen , something has been said of th 9 meeting held on tha Good Friday of 1842 , at which was laid the foundation stone of the Hunt Monument . I was present at that meeting , and if there was no harm , no illegality m attending the meeting at which the foundation , stone of this Monument was laid , surely there was no more harm , no more illegality in attenoibg tbe meeting intended to be held in celebration of the completion , of that Monument .
Gentlemen , withoat further preface , 1 will now coina to the Conference , and the acts of that body . Gentlemen , —It was on the 15 th of July that I was elected to the Conference at a public and legal meeting , of the working olasses , and others , of Sheffield . This was nearly a month before the commencement of the strike , and when by no possibility could I havo foreknown the events that were about to transpire . I have shewn you that I knew nothing of the strike until the 13 th of August . Well , on the 16 . h I left Sheffield for Manchester , and , arrived there , I found mat not only tho procession but also the intended meeting had been postponed by the Monument Committee , rather than risk a collision with the authorities . Permit me here to remark , that had the Chartists wished to
promote tumult and insurrection they would have pureued a very different course to that which tbey did . Had they wished to promote revo lution , would they not have appealed to the immense masses , of men at that time on strike , to come to Manchester on the 16 th , and then and there avenge the wrongs of a more memorable 16 th of August J Did they do so ? No ; on the contrary they forbade the meeting , and gavo up the procession , that there might be no cnauce of disorder or bloodshed . G « ntJ « mcn , I thiuk you will admit that I did not go to Manchester for the purpose of engaging in a physical-force struggle with the authorities , when 1 tell you that I took my wife with me to see the Hunt Monument and attend the festive meeting
in celebration of its completion . Had 1 intended to have gone to war , it is not likely I would have had my wife with nre . I have boeu sworn to as having been seen in Leach ' s shop . Well , Gentlemen , 1 I suppose there is no illegality in being seen in a public shop ; that evening ( the 16 th ) I , with my wife , attended the tea-meeting in the Carpenter ' s Hall , where the ouly signs of conspiracy 1 saw was the apparent universal determination to get rid of the tea and toast as scon as possible . On the 17 th , the delegaten met ; it has been insinuated that it was a sort of secret meeting , and that there was an . understanding that the proceedings of the meeting were not to be published ; there is no truth in this , gentlemen ; the-meeting was open to ail
Manchester , if they could have been accommodated wit *» seats ; indeed , I wished my wife to De present , but she refused on the very natural ground that there were no femalespresent . Now , gentlemen , I think , had the delegates been conspiring , I would not have wished to have brought my wife into theit meetingfor , with feelings of the most profound respect for the ladies present in this Court , I must say , that when men do conspire , they are not in the habit of letting the ladies share their secrets . That the prooeediugs of the Conference were not intended to > be secret is proved by the fact of reporters boiag
present . GrifSa was thera as a reporter ; and , if the whole staff of reporters attached to the Manchester press were not there , the fault was theirs , noi the delegates . Griffin took notes as a reporter , and if he did not use them in the usual way it only shewB that he was there as a spy . Something has been said of the violence of one or more of the delegates ; the prosecutor has not brought , and cannot bring , any sudh charga . What pays the notes taken from Brooke , of Todmorden , respecting myself ? The Judge—The notes found on Brooke are not produced against you as evidence , they are not brought against you at all .
The Defendant—1 am aware of that my Lord , but your Lordship will 1 know permit me to remark upon them . Of ma , ' these notes say simply this : — ' * Julian Harney , —No connexion with the middleclass . "— "Which can mean no more than this , either that 1 was opposed to any union with the middleclass , or else that I had no hope of tho middleclass uniting with the Chartist body for Chartist purposes , —not much violence there . I now come to the resolution adopted by a majority of the Conference . The witnesses Cartledge and Griffin have both given evidence , that in the Conference 1 opposed the resolution , upon which is founded this prosecution ; I did not extract these admissions from the witnesses by cross-examining them , 1 have not said
a word to any one of the immense number of witnesses produced here on the part of the Crown . Yoa have then the evidence of these witnesses that £ opposed this resolution . I doil ' t thank these persons for their admissions , nor will I take advantage of them , to endeavour to clear myself at the expense of othera . Gentlemen , if 1 did not support this resolution in the Conference , I will defend it here . What says the resolution 1 It denieB that the Chartists originated the strike ; that is a truth ; it has never been pretended "by the prosecution , that the Chartists did originate the strike ; who were the originators is what has never yet been made public ; though the government have instituted an enquiry into the origin of the strike ; why has not the Government made
their report of the result of that inquiry 1 Tbe resolution expresses sympathy with the men on strike Is there any harm , any illegality in expressing sympathy with oar suffering fellow-men 1 The resolution next expresses approbation of the present struggle until the Charter becomes a legislative enactment ; great stress has been laid upon the word struggle , as though by it was meant a physical force combat with the authorities . Nothing of the sort is meant . There has never been a resolution pledging the people to continue the agitation for the Charter but in which this word struggle has been found . I have spoken at public meetings in support of such resolutions , nay , 1 have drawn up many such resolutions , and I maintain I have done
nothing illegal . It is the moral struggle of right against wrong ' , justice against privilege , that is meant by the authors and supporters of this resolution . The resolution concludes by pledging the delegates te give on their return home a proper direction to the people ' s efforts . Weil , Gentlemen , what was my conduct on my return to Sheffield \ What was the direction I gave to the people ' s efforts Why , I opposed the extension of the Btrike to that town , and prevented any strike or tarn-out taking place . That , I conceived was giving a proper direction to the people ' s efforts ; and 1 rejoice that by the influence I possess With the working classes of that town , I was able to give such a direction to the people ' s efforts . Au address was adopted by the
Conference . I was not present when that address was adopted , but I approve of it , and would defend it if it were necessary . Much has been said respecting a certain extraordinary document , as it has been called , ascribed to the Chartist Executive . Not one tiule of evidence has been produced to show that I had any connexion with this address , that 1 knew anything oft its authorship or publication . Had any evidence been offered against me , I would have dfcfendtd myself from the charge . None has been offered , and I disdain to take up the question ; it is beueath my notice . I have done with tie Conference . Oa tha 18 sh of August I returned home , and on the 19 th , 1 reported to a large public meeting the proceedings of the Conference , so little idea had 1 that I had done anything illegal . On Monday , the 22 d of August , a meeting was held in Paradise-square , to consider the propriety of commencing the strike in Sheffield . 1 attended that
meeting ; a resolution was proposed , the intent and meaning of which I understood to be , that the strike should be forthwith commenced . I opposed the proposition ; I moved an amendment against the strike ; I carried my amendment by a large majority . With soar permission I will read iny speech upon that occasion , as reported in ^ the ShrffieUt independent . £ Mr . Harney commenced reading the speech , but was interrupted by Sir Gregory Lewin » whoobjeoted to the Defendant reading the speeoh . The Judge overruled the objection , and Mr . Harney read the speech through , which was strongly couched id opposition to a strike taking place in Sheffield . Gentlemen continued Mr . Harney , my opposition to > the projected strike was successful , and though for my conduct I have bad tho abuse and calumny of some of my own party , I have never regretted the . part I played that day . In Sheffield there has been no disturbances—no collisions of . the people and the military—no marshalling of police—no calling out ( Continued in orar fourth pave , J "
Iakcastbb Assizes.
iAKCASTBB ASSIZES .
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\ >^ 8 f " " ^ HB ^™ " ^ B * ^ h . ^ m ^^ K ¦ \ V ^ So . ^ wm BS ¦ iB ^ . : ^^ i ^^ ' J ^ m ' AND LEEDS GENEEAL ADVERTISER .
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the 701 - YI- ISO . 278 . SATURDAY , MARCH 11 , 1843 . " """ V ^ S Sg . S'S ^ I !?* "'
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), March 11, 1843, page unpag, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct472/page/1/
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