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ORGANIZATION . ( Concluded from our seventh p-gt ) " I sin right glad to find that ¦ we are setting about the re-orgsnJzition of our movement In good earnest ; fer the ^ nnH of it has lately renflerf-d our exertions comparatively ineffectual , and given as the appearance of-weakness at a time ¦ when Tre might haTe Tendered mare effectual service to our cause , and have become a mare powerful body than at any f oimei period . We frequently hear our enemies say that * Chartism is going ttownf and yet throughout the exteioive districts to which my occupation tikes me , I iave never aeen so
much materials for Chartism as at the present tune . Mechanics , amcnltoiists , Whigs , and Tories , are alike rofiarini iron and dUgusted with , toe quackery of fv HnnBj and ashamed lo own themselves of either part ?; are ready to embrace principles . ; and aa < mr principles are laaed upon the rights of all , and iave for their object the good of all , with a proper Organisation there is sot anything that can prevent IKwt progress and speedy triumph- How , then , shall * we tffcct this ? We will first look at the obstacles which stand in the fray , and by ascertaining now 4 bey can be remedied , ire shall discover how it can be effected .
« The fiist and great difficulty is that of setting the machinery in motion ; when this is accomplished , all other difficulties most yield to the united persereranee and talent -which -win be brought to bear upon the Question . Bat to accomplish this , we find that one proposes that the Conference * sballTje held at such a place and such a time ; a second proposes another place and time ; and a third mw ^ nmi to ether of the former ; and others , that an Executive should be first elected : but as each of these are individual or local propositions , there is some means wanting to ascertain the sense of the whole body upon each , and convert some of them from local to general resolutions , ¦ whiti . might be scted upon . To effect this I would ssgeest the loiloraig
PIA 3 I , 1—" That all propositions as to where and when the Conference shall be held , and all other matters relating to the same be sent to the Northern Star office- } - in time fax publication in the Northern Star of August 5 . 2— "That the Totes of the various localities be then taken upon them and returned to the Northern Star Office within a fortnight from snch publication . 3— " That the -votes and decision be published in the Northern Star , the week succeeding that on which they are sent . 4— " The decision of the majority « f the localities : £ to be acted upon .
" This I believe would obviate the difficulty in which wesrenowplaeed , and leave the question fairly open ± o slL . As to the circumstances under which we are abcn » to form »• " Organization , they are most faTonrabie —even thai which , to a caBualob 8 errer , jnughta . ppear to l > e against us , is ( teauedly is onr favour , viz—the Government persecutions and their seeming resolution te put down agitation , -for it will mate us cautious and axonseibonghttbat will enable ns to make orir Organisation such a one as will bear any future storms . Hoping and feeling confident that it will be so , and that each of us will manifest care , prndence , and sX the same time , decision and perseverance , " I -remain your f * tt > ifni friend " And brother Chartist , "B . T . 3 £ OXS 3 SOJi . "Nottingham , July Sib , 1843 . " Mr . S&B 2 OST sayss—« WILL RPATTAVTS WITH £ N < x 2 . A 2 TD * TJmTE ?
B T © THB KDITOB OP THE K 0 BTHKR 3 . STA $ . " Paibioiic Sib , —I was very slad to see Mr . O'Connor's advice to the Chartists , in his letter in the Star of July 1 st , warning them of the attempts that would be made by hired villains or brainless enthusiasts to seduce them into fresh * strikes * and ' turn * outs , ** ' MMits . riots , rebellious , and insurrections . * * ' ThB advice was \ good , Xet it set be forgotten i « 3 Jn £ , Sir , whSe we-very properly ' watch that we may overcome , ' does it not behove us to take advantage of present areumstanees to push our cause , so that if Siexbaos , of which events seem fast accomplishing , should come , -we say be prepared for it—prepared , to raise sueeessfuUy the tanner of thB Charter , round which 'uprisen mflliona aay rally , and find in the legal adoption of its pnndples the oasis of a system of equal light and equal justice , to take the place of that Which is asuredly fsstJiastening to Its dissolution?—* a consummation devoutly to be wished . *
•* AS the present time , when an agrsnan insurrection Is not only existing , out daily acquiring strength , in Wales ; when Ireland , . from centre to circumference , is bearing wiQi revolutionary excitement and when in America we find the plainest predictions and fiercest threats held out that the dominions of 'our Sovereign lady the Queen' will and shall be Tent asunder , " and torn even oy * bloodshed , pikes , and projectiles , ' from She grasp of our rulers—amidst these startling circumstances , the apathy of lite English and Scottish Chartists is to all superficial observers most astonishing .
" Thai apathy can only be accounted for on the supposition that the people are for the moment exhausted © y the injudicious movements into which they have allowed themselves to be precipitated beforetime ; and iy the notless injurious bickering of * leaders , * by which the Chartist movement has been so remarkably cursed . Uut , perhapa , at this moment , the great cause of the existing apathy is the want of an aim—a plan , which , having the concurrence and support of the majority , -would afford hope to the despairing , infuse vigour into thB councils of our leaders , and union and energy among She scattered masses of oar friends .
** The ^ necessity -of a thoroughly efficient Plan of Organization" is universally admitted j and as we are -to have published immediately tfce plans sad suggestions *>! dififereni persons -who haTe paid attention to the subject , 1-would implore of my Chartist brethren to give to them their most serious eensifleraion , and where necessary to suspend all meetings but those called for jTpiHTyra ^ Ti g on fh «« subjects only . Anxious as I am to see a good Plan of Organization in working order with the least possible delay , still the doing of our work well , when it is done , i » so important that for the reasons stated in last Saturday ' s Star by the Editor , I hope that the country generally will concur with the proposal to naks the Jirstvxei is September the period fox "H »»» << pTflTT > pnfj > an > Ti t of -the proposed Conference ' s Bttfrngn . let tie date be decided en immediately .
** A Question vises whether mulsx all circumstances Birmingham would be the bestplace of meeting . If the Conference is to be confined to English delegates , then say , — -yes ;—bnt if the people of Scotland wsuld unite with n » to form a grand Organization for the entire Island , then in my humble opinion , Newcastlecn-Tyne would be thB most fitting place . " And wby should -we not have the two nations united in all their movements for a eommon ^ redemp&m ? We want a tibIoh of the Scottish jndgmeDt -with the less discreet and more GzdteablB "Rngliih mind . . 1 speak from experience . There is a degree of education ( spoDed to some extent by the humbug philosophy cf Chamber * Journalism ) , a mental advancement , a hightoned .-morality , and self-denying spirit to be found among the people of Scotland to a much greater extent
than among my own countrymen . At the same time the English character has In seme respects Us points of advantage over the Scotch . Why should we not reap the JmniPriBR advantages to be derived from the junction of " the two ? I am sure I may say that a union in one Organization of the two countries wculd be hailed with delight by the English Chartists ; and I *>» ™ "lr could not fail to be agreeable to to the Scottish democrats . Mr . O'Connor gave expression to a complaint in his excellent letter of last "Weti , that the Scotch Itad sot -well supported their English brethren during the jrecenfc trials . There is a cause for thii , AH the persecutions since Chartism was firstag itated , h » VB been , with a few trifling exceptions , jn Enjjl&nd and Wales ; and ! mnstsay , hacebeentroughi abend by the xoi very tcisscovruds vf English leaders . Scotland has not been the theatre of these movements :
yei Scotland has been expected to pay a share of the piper ' s expenses , and Or . C"Connor acknowledges did pay her share , snd handsomely , too , in the case of the Newport affair . But the Scotch have giown weary of the taxation resulting from these movements which they think ought never to have taken place . I * et £ be Scottish Chartists fee represented -with their English brethren tatbs chief council of fliB moTement let th » sense of "both nations bs taken on sB movements' projectedfor the advancement of our cause ; and this dis-EafisfactiOT will be-unknown . As before remarked , division among leaflets has been the great bane of the movement . This , to a certain extent , is true of Scotland as -wall as England . Would not a union of the two
countries . go far to extinguish S » accursed jealousies and plotSmgB of one man against another , which has bo infamously disgraced , - sad miserably retarded our cause ? Of < ourse , I am not so "Utopian as to suppose that any measure ftat the . wisdom of man could devise wonld xemove the viperous spleen and gnawing envy which is corroding flje breasts of some men who onee figured in the movement , tut whom the people have very properly repudiated . I neither hope nor desire tw « The «* patriots are now powerless for mischief , ana thB lies which In which they indulge are harmless because nobody oelieves them . It would therefore be a pity to spoil their present employment . They are like the viper in thB Jable , gnawing at a file J
"To me Itappears mostdesirahle that Scotland should be represented in the approaching Conference , is that event , 1 Save suggested UewcasUe as the most proper place of meeting . Possibly for economical reasons TJrverpool -would be preferable ; bnt err en if so , these reasons should sot , I think , welgh-against ths mighty m « nl eHecti to 1 » expected from the delegates of the two countries assembling at the former plice . One effect I should hope far , would be the efiectual rousing of the noble men of the Tyue , from that despairing- apathy into which they have generally 'been plunged since the fatal events of 1839 .
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•« * Jhat a Conference is to be held is both absolutely secessary , and 1 believe mwi . ii ^ innB « T y arjeed upon . - f-TZiis proceeds upon the supposiQon that the Editor of XheKoriAa-n 6 Yarwould take the trouble to arrange and publish the propositions . 4 The -votes might be taken in the same manner as for an Executive . My only reasons for having the votes taken in localities as a whole , are to save time and trouble , and at the same time to have the general sense of the whole body . "
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•• Again , what a glorious Bight the meeting of the two nations , through their delegates , on the battle gionnd of so many border fights in other days , to swear eternal union with each other fori the subversion of that principle of aristocratic oppression which in the olden time too often arrayed man against Ms brother , and produced hatred and war , where fraternity and peace shonld instead have reigned ! " Hen of Scotland , brother Chartists , yon and I ' were anee acquaint ; ' will yon consider my humble suggestions ? If Glasgow , Edinburgh , Aberdeen , Dundee , Paisley , Greenock , and the Tale of Leven say tea—all Scotland will follow . " I am , Mr . Editor , Yours . faithfully , •« G . JuruLN Barney .
" Sheffield , 94 , Sheaf Bank , lead Hill Road . July 10 , 1843 . " ; *• P . S . I see that O * ConneU , in a speech inade by him in Dublin , on the 4 th July , states that \ three Scotch Chartists bare been engaged in promoting Ribbon Societies in the 2 forth of Ireland . This , 1 have no doubt , is a vile lie , only used for the base purpose of preventing the people of Ireland listening to the truths of Chartism . What say the readers « f the Northern Star in Sootianfl ; do any of them know anything of these ' three Scotch Chartists ? " * WehaveihuB placed before our readers at one view the substance of nearly all the - © omnHinications which have been made to us on this most
important subject . We commend them all to careful deliberation . The length of space already occupied prevents the possibility of our commenting upon them , or giving any snggestions of our own at present . This we shall do hereafter ; perhaps next -week . Meantime let the people think .
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HOUSE OP LOKDS—Mokdat , Jclt 10 . The Home passed the second reading of Lord Campbell ' s Law of Libel Bill ; and the third reading of the Limitation of Actions Bill . ' The chief portion of the sitting was occupied with dismissing the Church Endowment Bill ^ the care of which has been in tho hands of the Bishop of London . The bill was read a third time , but some additional clauses are to be added , which are to be discussed to-day . ' After some other business the Houbo adjourned . Tuesday , Jtut 11 . The businesaoonsisted in passing Lord Brougham ' s Save Trade Suppression Bill Ihronph [ committee ; adding an additional clause to the Chnrch Endowment Bill , and passing it ; and in carrying the "Scotch Church Bill through committee , which was reported with amendments .
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HOUSE OF COMMONS . —Monday , July 10 . Mr . TirEKEB requested information as to whether or not the Government were prepared to adviBe Her Majesty to visit with her ? signal displeasure all persons engaged in duelling , or if they would bring in a measure next session on the subject ! I Sir R . Pesx iras aliYB to the importance of the subject , but was not prepared > o make any declaration withont due and mature consideration . The adjourned debate on Ireland was resumed by Capt . Dxbhax who lamented , as one main cause of her evils , the absence of landlords andj the ejection
of tenants . These subjects , he said , had been characterized bj Sir Robert Peel , as belonging to the head of morals rather than of legislation ; but law was onlj morality shaped by Parliament . "We had a strong Government , no doubt , bnt it sate with folded arms , impotent for good , and irresolute for evil . He would recommend the abolition of the office of Lord Lieutenant , an office useless to all but those numerous young soldiers ( the aides-de-camp ) who wish' d to avoid the dull routine regimental duty . He begged the Government to remember the answer given bj Charles II ., when some one asked him the best way to pnfc down rebellion : " Why , " said the King" to remove the cause of it . "
, Sir Howabd Douglas reprobated the interference of America in fomenting Irish movements . He defended the Union , and showed , in detail , the commercial and other advantages which Ireland had derived from it . He lifted his voice against all kinds of political agitation ; and concluded by moving , rather unexpectedly , that the House would entertain no Irish question until the agitation now in progress should have been discoptinned . No Beconder was found for this motion , which was received by the Opposition with sarcastic cheers .
Mr . Tiilieks Stoabi was of opinion thai such an amendment , if entertained , would have done very little to put down agitation . He attributed . the over-population and general wretchedness of Ireland less to the misconduct of landlords than to the want of any employment for the people , except npon the land , and the consequent subdivision of occupations . The great grievance which was at the bottom of all wa 3 that badge of conquest , the Protestant Establishment . ^
Captain Rous said , that bnt for the bigotry of the Scotch and English people , some great boon would long since have been given to the Irish Church ; but no Minirtrv -who should propose that would Bland four-and-tjfenty hours . The principle of the debt to the Roman Catholics was acknowledged in that instalment , the Emancipation ; and the remainder must be paid Booner or later . The war cry had long been " No Popery , and Protestant ascendancy f yet the Papists were doubled , and the ascendancy was descending .
Sir W . Sohst . vtllb charged the present disturbances of Ireland on the Ministerial party . The ATTOBSET-GxnsRAi , for Ireland made along , dull , ineffective speech , which the House endured with a passive toleration . He defended the judicial appointments of the Government ; spoke of himself , bis opinions on education , and his canvassing of Dublin University ; and , amongst other topics , came upon the subject of the Church , and told Lord John Russell that Mr . O'Connell had said the Whigs could not expect to regain office , or his support , without a readjustment of the ecclesiastical revenues of Ireland . As to xbe Repeal of the Union , if there were any looking to foreign assistance | to effect it , he hoped and he trusted there were enough , both Protestant and Catholic to maintain it .
Lord Howick thought that the adoption of Mr . Smith O'Brien ' s motion would be the regular Parliamentary mode of intimating to the people of Ireland that something more effective was about to be done for them than had ever yet been attempted . The agitation excited in his mind great alarm and terror ; not that he doubled the power of Government to put down any insurrection , bat because it afforded proof of the growing alieniation of the Irish people , and showed , that in our hour of danger and difficulty , Ireland wonld be our weakness instead of our strength . The meetings for Repeal were dangerous , and the motives of the agitators censurable ; but he shrunk from the prospect of an attempt to put these meetings down , withont
doing something to allay the discontents of the people . No direct interference of Government or legislation conld immediately remove the wretchedness of Ireland ; all they could do was to remove the obstacles which interfered with the development ; of industry . Bat in this respect they could do much ; f the country had stores oT mineral wealth , magnificent rivers , and fertile soil ; and the people , as evinced by their conduct , either in America or England , showed that they were an industrious , « heerful , and active race . English capital went to Chili or Peru , and could not be wanting for Ireland ; all that was required was security ; and wretchedness was the moving cause of those agrarian outrages by which capital was deprived of the assurance of security . The people , looking to the land as their only resource , clung to h with the tenacity of despair ; the legal power of the landlord had frequently been harshly and cruelly used ; and though what was asked under the name
of " fixity of tenure" appeared to be [ inconsistent -wife the rights of property , something like what Mr . More OTerrall had recommend , aecuriug the tenant in outlay for improvements , onght to be considered ; ihe responibiKiy of . is lay on the Government , in whose hands it ought £ t ! y and only to be placed . By removing the discontents of the people , tranquillity would be restored , and capital wonld flow in , paving the way for more extended application of labour in publio works . ! Mr . Gaixy Knight was willing to give the Catholics all he conld get for them ; but be it bigotry , or what you please , the people of England and Scotland had made up their minds , and any attempt to subvert the Established Chnrch in Ireland would not only cost any Minister his place , bnt even the Sovereign the Crown . He hoped Sir BJ , Peel would keep the middle coarse in his policy , avoiding extremes .
Sir BEfjamis Haix considered that fhe Government did not dare to put down the agitation in Ireland for tworeasons—fear of the Orangemen , and fear of Mr . O'Connell . \ Lord JocsETif condemned the agitation , felt that something mast be Ame io » l > ate tbe ^ kjrm which it created and to preserve the peace , and declar-d that ne had too good an opinion of his Roman Catholic countrymen to think that they would be parties to any measure-for the spoliation of the church . The ejects of the Repeal Association were revolutionary , and sufficiently warranted the resistance of the motion . The debate was then adjourned . Tuesday , Jbxt 11 . The adjourned iebate ou Ireland was resumed by Mr . Mobgab John O ' Coshku ., who urged the ^? 7 m- ^ m on . *** « ° * Pl « ned of the absti-^ ^ " ^ "i ? refraining fI 0 m indicating their pobcy with respect to Ireland . He reviewed the policy pursued m past tunes , and the present position of the Conservative party with respect to that country ; reminded them of the obstructive spirit
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which they had evinced on municipal corporation reform , and the extension of the franchise ; and gave reminiscences of the bigotry of the party , when they went the length of threatening the Sovereign with the fate of James II ., because Mr . Sheil had been made a priry counsellor . Concessions must be mad "; let them be made in that generous spirit which would unite the two countries , not by the parchment bonds of the union , but with the more lasting ties of equality and brotherly Jove . Mr . Smtthe said the difficulty lay not bo much in the " Popery V » s in the " No Popery" of Englandthat bitter spirit which still lingered in the classic
precincts of Exeter-hall . This session there had been thirty-nine petitions against Maynooth : the number seemed sacred in the annals of ecclesiastical bigotry . If , instead of treating Ireland with the grudging parsimony of » etepmovber , they had governed her with justice , she would at this moment have been a nnrsery of loyalty . After expressing something like pity for the fate of Lord Eliot , in being doomed to be the organ of the Irish Government , the honourable member , who sptke throughout with apparent warmth and feeling , sat down amidst cheering as loud and long as that which greeted the no less remarkable speech of Captain Rous , on the preceding evening , fromJthe same benches—the Ministerial .
Mr . HaweS ; denied that these Irish debates had retarded other business—the Government were themselves responsible for the delay of the Ecclesiastical Courts or the County Courta Bills . The condition of England , no less than of Ireland , called on the Government for decision , instead of drifting on without chart or compass . Mr . Colquhoxjn attributed the present condition of Ireland to the rapid increase of its population , which had doubled within the last forty years , and outrun all means of suitable employment . The Highlands of Scotland , not distracted by religious or parly strife-, presented a somewhat similar spectacle in its social condition . He was prepared to give the Government new and additional powers , if the existing law was not sufficient to maintain tranquillity , and suppress the present movement .
Mr . Sharman Crawford , amongst other enumerated causes of irritation , particularly dwelt on the consolidation of farms , which could only be aocomplished through the ejectment , ruin , and starvation of the small occupiers . United legislation was the best for the empire , if based on equal rights and impartial justice ; but though desirous of maintaining the Union , be contended that it possessed no moral power . ! and under the present system waa worse than separation . Mr . BATEsoNsaid , the real evil was absenteeism :
if the landlords were to reside , and set a good example , there was no country is the world where the lower classes were more easily touched by kindness , more easily managed , or who looked up with more respect to the [ higher classes , in some places almost with feudal feeling . The opposition knew all this very rrelh He would , therefore , tax the absentees , and apply the proceeds to the improvement of the country . It might send them t o their estates , where they ought to be in the present alarming state of Ireland . :
Mr . Ross , as an Irish landlord , concurred in the sentiment that the Irish people were easily managed by kindness and conciliation—but the experiment had never yet been tried . Mr . Monckton Milnes thought that the present debate afforded ample proof that Ireland was not neglected iu the Imperial Legislature . The question whh which they had to deal was as embarrassing to English statesmen , as that of slavery to American statesmen . —( This admission was received with much cheering from the opposition benches ) . Mr . Roebuck did not think that the debate reflected much credit on those in whose hands the government of this great country is placed . The only leading Minister who had spoken was Sir James Graham ; and the conclusion of his speech seemed to indicate that the Government could
neither retreat nor advance without danger . The calm and temperate tone in which the Irish members had adduced their grievances contrasted strongly with ! tho petulant and party replies of ministerial members , who had given to the Government their imbecile support . It was admitted by the Home Secretary that the very existence of the empire was at stake ; yet he , whose power of language , of argument , and of sarcasm were unquestioned , grew frightened by the subject he was handling , and lost power , not only over the House , but himself . The next member of the Government who spoke , was toe Attorney-General for Ireland , and he , to illustrate how that country was governed , at a time when it is on the verge of a civil war , harangued the ; House about his grandfather , and how he was not elected for the University of Dublin . Sir Robert Peel was like an inactive
general in his camp , receiving intelligence of one successive defection after another . Mr . Smythe , who had made his speech that evening , had spoken with great apparent feeling , as if he were ready for any sacrifice of friendship ; he hoped his feeling speech would be followed by the right vote . Ireland must be governed either with or without the Orangemen—either as a conquered country , by the aid of the garrison we had placed thsre , or on broad and liberal principles , seeking the happiness of the millions . The Protestant party were eight hundred thousand to eight millions ; and in no well-governed country could eight hundred thousand possess the wealth and theQand in a community of eight millions . But the opposition party had hitherto treated the question in a party way—he hoped for larger and
more generous : views from Sir Robert Peel , whose fault was , not that he had done worse than his predecessors , but that lie had not shown himself equal to the new exigencies of the case . No people had combined against a government without being impelled by physical suffering ; in addition to wretchedness , the Irish had degradation and wrong ; Mr . O'Connell , in the coarse which he had pursued , had no doubt done much mischief , but he had also achieved muoh good , and had obtained for the people what they would otherwise not have gained . Like all enthusiastic men who governed enthusiastic people , he was alternately dupe and impostor—the glowing and graphic descriptions of the wonderful benefits to result from the Repeal of the Union he could not himself believe . But he had done this—he bad
made them decent in their language respecting Ireland . The { Church was the badge of conquest ; if not reformed by some Government , the people would destroy it . Mr . O'Connell had but to add the non-payment of rent to that of Tithe—( hear ! hear !) " Ay , ay , you " may cry hear , hear—for don't think we are whispering secrets to one another ! " Were they to be told that the Protestant feeling of this country wouldjprevent a-minister from undertaking this great act of justice—from rising to this great emergency ? Was dismissal from office so great an evil , that they would rather risk civil war than encounter it } The Tithe was national property ; it was created by the Catholics for Catholic purposes ; it was diverted by the will of the nation to other
objects , and byfthe will of the nation may be diverted again . It was as sacred then as now—neither more nor less . He did not attack the faith , but the money , of the Established Church . Let them deal with all the grievances of Ireland , and save it from becoming an eating ulcer into the heart of England . Sir R . Peel then rose . He was anxious , in the first place , to Obliterate all personal or party recollections . He would vindicate his own course , but he would not recriminate . The question was of too deep an interest for that . The real object of this motion was not an inquiry into possible remedies , but an expression of opinion adverse to the Government . If the Government did appear to the House unfit , from party connexions , or from other reasons ,
to govern Ireland , this vote ought to be against him ; for certainly the tenure of office by any party was a consideration of no value in comparison to the welfare with a kingdom . He then addressed himself to tho Bpeech of the mover , and defended the Government from his charge of parsimonious treatment to Ireland , referring to documentary evidence , and observing that Ireland pays no assessed taxes , no income tax , no soap d . . ' duty on spiritt ) . Be adverted , with some indignation , to the charge that official appointments , parti * colarly judicial and ecclesiastical ones , had been made unfairly , a nd read theletter containing his instructions
to the Lord-Lieutenant on the subject of patronage . He justified ttie proceeding on the mail-coach contract , observing that it was a disparagement to Ireland to treat jtnat trifle as a grievance . Perhaps the most ungenerous charge of all was on the subject of education . It would have been highly gratifying to the supporters of Government , and consequently conducive io its interest , if on thiB point a different course had been resolved on by the Cabinet . The general intention of the Government had been bonafide to fulfil the principle of the Relief Bill , which established equality between Protestant and Catholic . He showed the
absurdity of the allegation that Irishmen had not had their fair share of Irish patronage , and cited several instances where Irishmen had been appointed to employments in England . The attention of the house had been called to three sorts of Irish grievances , the social , the political , and the religious . The social or agrarian , were not new grievances ; nor was it possible for the ! Government to devise any immediate remedy for them ; bnt if a committee had been proposed for inquiry into the law of landlord and tenant he would gladly have agreed to that . Next , as to political grievances . He fully admitted , and had admitted long
ago , that religion ought sot to operate as a disqualification for office . He then proceeded to the question of the church . On this head , he would not consent to give the pledge required ef him by the Opposition j be would much rather choose the other alternative suggested , —of leaving office , and taking the chance of what some ether Minister might do . The proposition was , that as the Protestants are not a sixth of the population , they ought to possess bnt a sixth of the Church endowments . Must they also retain but a sixth of the churches ? Must the Roman Catholic Bishops sit equally with the Protestants in the House of Lords . ! This was a somewhat larger change than had yet been contemplated . Again , what was to be the state of the Roman Catholic
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religion in England \ Thus there was much beside revende to be considf red , in order to produce perfect equality . Ho know that su < jh contracts as that of the Union ! could not bo maintained in case of au adverse necessity ; but they werenottobadopartedfrom unless that necessity were really paramount : any such departure tended toshake public confidence mostinjuriously to national welfare . How strong were the assaranoes given at the time of the relief bill to the reluctant people of England , that it would not impair but increase the security of the Protestant Church ! The subject of a provision for the priests from any other source , was one Upon which he was not disposed jto make any declaration of opinion thus incidentally in the course of a general debate . He now approached the question of Repeal , as to which
he had said that he waa , prepared to use all the powers of Government for : the maintenance of the Union , and in that sentiment he believed there was a veryjgeneral concurrence on the other side of the House ; He was sorry to have heard it argued that the Repeal of the Union stood upon tht > same footing with the repeat of any ( other act . On no other act would the Crown have made th declarations which lit had made on thi 6 , in the times both of the late and of the present Ministry . He pointed out the practical absurdities and inconsistencies which must follow a severance of Ireland from England , with separate Parliaments , revenues , armies , and navies * Such a severance : could not last a single year without a conflict . To prevent such an evil
the Government had , without asking for any new measure , resolved to rest upon the existing powers of the law and constitution . He was asked what course he was prepared to take ; he was prepared to govern with justice—to maintain civil equality—to con-Bider the franchise , and the law of the landlord and tenant strictly preserving the principle of the right of property ; and , on the subject of the church , to maintain it inviolate . It was made a reproach to hint that he hod stood with folded arms and had asked for no new laws , which he believed would not have strengthened the Executive Government . He relied j on that abstinence , for attaching to tho Government all who foresaw the consequences of
assembling a new Parliament for Ireland alone ; and then , if , at length , necessity thould arise , tho claim for new powers would be the stronger for the past forbearance . In his reliance on the loyalty of the Irish people , he made no distinction between Protestant and Catholic . The Catholics could not want motives for rallying round the union ; the events and enactments of the last fourteen or fifteen years had made a great social and political change m their favour , and the favourable feeling to them Btill subsisted in the Imperial Parliament . He appealed to these considerations , to the long con nexion of the two countries , to their common interests ! and to their common . dangers .
Lord John Russell had hot heard with satisfaction the speech of Sir R . Peel . It was more like the speech of a member finding fault with the proposal * of a government , than like the speech of one who was the head of a government himself . After enlarging upon the magnitude of the present danger , he acknowledged that he approved of the forbearance to ask for ) any ne w law of coercion . But the course on which the government seemed to rely was that of doing nothing atall—of waiting to hear the proposals of other members , and theii commenting on the insufficiency of one suggestion and the doubtfulness of another . To him this appeared to indicate a want of capacity and of energy m the Ministers . If they had been afraid to propose measures , it was not
because there had been any violence on the part of the Irish members to deter , them . He denied that equality of civil rights existed between England and Ireland ; in proof of which denial he referred to the numbers of the Parliamentary constituencies , and to the difference between the English and the Irish Municipal Aot . He then came to the question of j the Church . On this subject he desired to explain the opinions expressed by him on a former evening , by which he had meant to intimate , Chat though : favourable to the principle of establishment , he though' it a principle much misapplied to a churchl like that of Ireland , which had no connection
with , nor influence over the bulk of the people : and it was requisite , in order to make such a principle available to its real purpose , that it should be extended in a manner which might put the religion of the majority on the same footing with the religion established in favour of the minority . It was half-past two o ' clock when Lord John Russell concluded , and Mr . Sergeant Murphy moved the adjournment of the debate . A somewhat lively discussion ossued , Mr . Wallace stating that ho saw sixteen : members rise at once to catch the Speaker ' s eye , and Sir H . W . Barron adding that he had risen nine times ineffectually . After a triumphant bat useless division , the adjournment was agreed to .
WEDNESDAY , JULY 12 . The protracted debate upon the state of Ireland has been at length brought to a conclusion . The House divided , when the numbers were : — For the motion ... 164 Against it i 243 Majority 79
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to direct her Ministers to adopt some measure of justice "towards Ireland , and If they did not , to dismiss not only them but even the Parliament The Hon . Baronet here read a memorial expressive of alarm at the state of Ireland and of inidignation at the policy of the present Ministry towards that country , and appealing to her Majesty in the event of their refusal to rfo justice to the people of that country , at once to dismiss them bora her council * . This teas adopted unanimouslyx as teas also a resolution determining to hold a great public meeting of the Borough , over which ^ Sir B . Hall was elected , to preside ^ on Monday next . 1
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"REBECCA" IN WALES . . Carmarthen , Jult 8 . Since my last communication I am happy to say that there has not been any interruption of the public peace , but at the same time the destruction of obnoxious gates by j" Rebecca" and her daughters is carried on with lunremitted industry . It has , however , now extended itself to the borders of Glamorganshire . On Thursday night they assembled in large numbers sit the little village of Pont-aHDulais on the Swansea-road , and having marched to Belooid . they destroyed the tollbar , and then levelled the tollhouse with the ground . After which they proceeded to the Cross Hands , on the same road , where they destroyed the two toll bars . There are
houses within a very ! short distance of each of these gates , so that the whole proceedings must have been witnessed by some of the inhabitants ; yet such is the sympathy felt by them that I venture to state my belief that no reward would induce them to identify a single person engaged in their destruction . In a former communication I stated that , although special constables were sworn in , a respectable magistrate had stated that they were useless , as he did not think a constable could be found who either could or would execute a warrant . This appears to be the case not only with the special constables , but with the police also . On Thursday a meeting of the watch committee was held ] at the Town-hall , Carmarthen , for the purpose of inquiring into the conduct of the
police , at which it was stated , that when the police were required to go to Tallog to execute cert-tin warrants , some of them had been been taken suddenly ill , and others had refused to go altogether ; and that warrants against certain persons had been in the hands of the Superintendent for the last fortnight , who had not | however , attempted to execute them , although the { parties were to be found every day . The mayor also stated that it was a somewhat singular fact that during the whole excitement consequent upon the Mate disturbance , he had not obtained one particle of information from the police ,
all his information [ had been obtained by his own individual exertions ^ and that coo at a time when information might have enabled the magistrates to prepare for the coming events . The Superintendent , in justification , said J that he could not execute the warrants , as no one would give the siightest | information as to where any Buspected party was to be found . One of the magistrates having declared that it was useless in them to grant warrants if the police refused to execute them , it was determined that the Superintendent should be dismissed , and the Secretary of State applied to to recommend an efficient officer in his place . I
In Glamorganshire and Monmouthshire the iron trade still continues in a state of hopeless depression . The Dowlais Company are about to discharge between two and three hundred hands , and other companies must also ' , we believe , reduce their make , aa there is an almost entire absence of demand for iron of any description , and no companies can Btand the ruinous loss at which the make of iron is now oarried on . —Times Correspondent . Cardiff , July 11 . Being now upon the spot , I find that the whole of Glamorganshire is equally with Carmarthenshire in a feverish and excited state , and that there is a general and growing feeling of dissatisfaction and
discontent . The people in the hill districts here , it Bhould , however , be remembered , are of totally different habits and character from those of Cardigan , Carmarthen , and Pembrokeshire . There they are a simple agricultural people , while here the great majority of the population are violent Chartist politicians . In the Merthyr district I learn from undoubted authority that secret political meetings are held weekly , and oftener , and that there are secret arms' distribution clubs , to which the men subscribe , and by which they are supplied with a musket , bayonet , cross-belts , &c , for £ 116 s . This state of things has been going on for some considerable time , and I ; am informed by a public officer that he has little doubt that in the event of an out *
break one district alone could furnish 5 , 000 stand of arms , consisting ofj muskets , bayonets , rifles , &o . I ain also informed that the Government have been made acquainted with this secret distribution of arms , although they ] have not , as far as I can leatn , taken any steps to prevent it . All the iron-works are now under reductions , and . men are continually being discharged , which , of course , adds to the misery and discontent ; and should any one of the large ] works stop , there would be considerable danger of an out-break . " Rebecca" also , it is said , is extending her sphere of operations to this
county . Threatening notices have been served upon some of the workhouses , and information was received that it was intended on Sunday night to destroy the Morris-Town gate , situate between Swansea and Neath , in consequence of which , Captain Napier and a large body of police kept watch at the gate , and patrolled the neighbourhood during the night . Captain Napier tells me '; that they heard the bugles of " Rebecca" in the hills more than once during the night , and that several suspicious personages ( most likely scouts ) passed ] the gate during the night : finding it guarded , the attack was not made upon it . — Times correspondcntl
So ! the Chartists are in for it now , are they "Holding Secret JMeetings "; "forming Arms ' Clubs "; " distributing Arms "; " supplied with a Musket , Bayonet , [ Cross-belts , &o ., for £ 1 16 s . each " . How very minute , and how very circumstantial ! Yon would almost swear it was truth There is but one little fault about it : it is sheer invention , either | on tho part of the Times Correspondent , in j accordance with a nudge from Printing-Honse Square ; or he has been hoaxed by some [ wicked wag , who has been practising upon his jorgan of wonderment and Bimples ! The Chartists of Merthyr district know their duty much better than to join " Rececca" in a senseless crusade- against toll-bars ! and they know , too , that ' * secret meetings , " and " arms clubs , " and " rifles and muskets" are not required
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for their peaceful agitation . It happens that we are in a position to be able to give the most unqualified contradiction to this , infamous attempt to raise up all the unworthy and unlovely prejudices of the upper and middle men against the Chartists , by representing that body ascoanected with the" Rebecca " movement . This very week brought us a letter front the accredited agent of the Merthyr Tidvil Chartists , their Secretary ; strongly urging upon Mr . O'Connox to cross the Channel , and pay a visit to Merthyr , when on his contemplated western tour : averring that if he does so , he will find , whatever may bo the case elsewhere , that the Chartists of Merthyr hold no sympathy with those who ** do battle "
upon turnpike gates ! and averring also , thai bitter and costly experience has taught them that no advantage to the people can ever be secured by riots or tumult ! This is from the mouthpiece of the Merthyr Ch&rtists themsolves ! the very men who are now represented as " holding weekly secret meetings "; and " subscribing to Arms' Distribution Clubs" ! We advise the Chartists of Merthyr not to let this matter sleep . Meet and refute the accusation ! Go before the magistrates , and demand a full inquiry . Crush this rascally attempt to excite prejudice at your expenoe ; put the foot firmly on it at the outset ; or you will have to pay dearly for your forbearance !!
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REPEAL ASSOCIATION , Tuesday , July 11 . The usual weekly meeting of fiis body was held to-day . The ohair was taken by Mr . Magennis . Mr . O'Connell , after commenting on the cosdnot of Lord Lorton , said it was idle and absurd to talk of agitation leading to rebellion and bloodshed . No , it was the conduce of such landlords a 3 Lord Lor ton that was likely to produce those calamities . But the Repeal was preparing a gag for landlords of that kind . The Irish were a most enduring people , or such a system could never have been carried on .
Several members were admitted , among whom were Sir Valentine Blacke , M . P . ; Mr . Darpy , an extensive brewor ; and John Power , E ? q ., of Gartea , formerly M . P . for Waterfbrd . The sum of £ 77 waa handed in from Waterford ; also £ 31 17 s . from Dunhill in the same county . Mr . O'Connell said , that having handed in all the money which had been received from Water ford , he would now give a report of his late mission . The meeting at Waterford could not have been less than from 300 , 000 to 350 , 000 persons . There were no less than 59 private carriages , of four horses each , 40 with two horses , and 109 jaunting cars and gigs ; 320 cars of various descriptions , carrying from six to eight
parsons each . Thus they had not only the people at thai meeting , but they had the high gentry of the county attending . He next alluded to the declarations of Sir J . Graham , that the Repeal meetings were " rebellions multitudes , " and the glory of England would be destroyed by a Repeal of the Union . He would not say that Sir James Graham lied ; bnt he would say ha assserted that which was false , as he did when he charged the Catholic clergy and laity with perjury —( cheers ) . Peel and Wellington were more like rebels than the people of Ireland , because the course they were taking was calculated to lead to rebellion . No , the Irish had not only kept the peace , but they were resolved not to commit tha slightest breach of any law ; and while they were doing this , they were threatened by rebellious villains with civil war . Yes , he would call any man a
rebellious valam who incited to civil war ~( cheer 8 ) . Sir James Graham spoke of the " glory of England . ** So would he ( Mr . O'Connell ); and that glory was well known on the continent . He then alluded to the bombardment of Copenhagen , which he said was done at a time of peace with that country , and he dwelt upon the injustice of that attack . He next quoted the case of Genoa , of Poland , of theTitus Dates plot , of the conduct of Cromwell , and , finally , the union ; from all of which he contended thai England could not boast of her " glory" without being prepared with counter-statements . He concluded by observing that the Morning Chronicle had Said that the Repeal agitation was burning out , but he could assure that paper that it was only at the commencement , and they would persevere until they obtained their object —( cheers ) .
Mr . T . Steels , in commenting npon a letter he received from America , observed that it was per fectly clear that a defensive , not aa offensive tre&tf —and he solemnly made that distinction—that a defensive treaty as virtually existed at present between Ireland and America , as it it were signed by the American ambassador . Mr . O'Connell said he stood upon what he had said a few days ago respecting America . There was no treaty , and would be none between Ireland and America . Mr . Steble—Hear , hear I I said virtually . "
EXTRAORDINARY NOTICE OF MOTION . Mr . O'Connell gave notice for the next day of meeting , that in consequence of the dismissal of the Repeal magistrates by the Government , he would move , in pursuance of the practice followed in the Catholic Association , * ' Taat they would adopt measures for the appointment in each district of arbitrators , instead of going , as heretofore , to hostile petty sessions courts , and paying fees to the clerks of bigoted magistrates , and that the Association would have legal instruments prepared authorising the persons to act as arbitrators . "—( loud and prolonged cheers ) . The week ' s rent was announced to be £ 1 , 690 , 5 s . 9 d . —( loud cheers ) . The meeting adjourned .
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The latb Duel . —No information has yet bees received of the parties against whom warrants have been issued in reference to the late fatal duel . [ Rich men can keep very snug . Greenacre and Good could be found and secured ; and bo could Courversier . Let the police paiblt tby , and they will manage to " take" Lieutenant Munroe and the " others man . It is murdeb they are charged with . ' ] Valub Of Health ^—How valuable then is health ! and yet bow little is it studied ! perhaps this results from its being considered a difficult and complicated
subject , whereas the contrary is the case—nothing is so simple ; its very simplicity is doubtless one cause of its being neglected ; what say the wise old men ? one , the venetable Parr , tells us to " keep a oo ^ l head and warm feet . " He looked upon herbs of the field as all-sufficient for every medical purpose , and made these his study ;—long practice demonstrated the correctness of his theory , and the world is now blest with his incomparable and invigorating medicine . The proprietors are receiving daily , the unsolicited testimonials of those who have been benefited by the use of Parr's Life Pills .
Local Markets.
LOCAL MARKETS .
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Le £ ds Woolen Markets . —So far as the quantity of goods is concerned , there has been about the same quantity disposed of at the Cloth Halls , as in the preceding week . A difference is manifest between the amount of business done on Tuesday , and that done on Saturday ; the latter day having invariable the better markets . Bbadjpobd Market , Thursday , July 13 th . — Wool— The supply of Wool continues to come very freely to thiB market . Stocks are somewhat
accumulating , and the change in prices is a shade in favour of the buyers . Yarn—The Spinners are pretty busy , and the demand for both export and home consumption is quite an average of several weeks past . We are glad to hear that since our last several houses both in this town and neighbourhood , have advanced the wages of their wool * combers . Piece—This branch of trade continues very steady , and the demand for all kinds of goods suitable for the approaching season very healthy ; consequently prices are now firm .
WAKEFIELD CORN MARKET . Friday , June 14 . —We have a short supply of grain to this day ' s market . The opinion daily increases as to the deficiency of the stocks of Wheat on hand ; and it is now quite clear that an importation , will be required to meet the consumption of the country , we experienced a firm trade to day for Wheat , at an advance of fully is . per quarter from the rates of this day se ' nnight . Oats a penny per stone , and Beans 2 s per quarter dearer . Shelling ready sale at an improvement of 2 s . a load . Barley is in request at full prices .
3smpm * Ai 3$Avxiamni.
3 Smpm * aI 3 $ avXiamni .
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THE STATE OF IRELAND . —METROPOLITAN SYMPATHY . On Monday , a meeting of influential electors of the borough of Marylebone , convened by Its Parliamentary representatives / took place at tbe mansion of SirB . Hall , in Poritnan-Bqaare , for the purpose of considering ttie propriety of making a public demonstration , with reference ! to tbe present state and future prospects of Ireland , Sir B . Hall was called on to preside , and was surrounded by a large number of Irish Members of Parliament .
Tbe Chairhan having read a number of letters from Members of Parliament apologising for their inability to attend , but expressing their hearty concurrence in the objects of the meeting , said—a strong feeling was existing In Ireland that the English people bad no sympathy with the sufferings of tbe Irish people , [ and it waa the opinion of most of the Irish Members of Parliament that if a demonstration in this metropolis were made in favour of justice to Ireland that feeling would be allayed , and a . ojroNE and TEMPER WOULD BB 01 VEN TO ALL DfiMOWSTBATIONS
WHICH-. MIGHT FOLLOW THROUGHOUT THE COUNTRY . He and his colleague ( Sir C . Napier ) had thought it better that a meeting of the present bind should take place , and to invite to it parties of all shades of politics ! in of 4 et that they might understand each other ' s j opinions upon bo important a question . If there was not complete union on such a question , and if QTHER ] MATTERS WERE INtRODUCED , THE OBJECT sought would be FRUSTRATED ; therefore , it was most desirous that they should hear what those opinions were , in order to see if they could co-operate in doing justice to Ireland , and in preventing the results which its present state was likely to lead to .
Mr . 8 . Crawford said much good weald result from a metropolitan demonstration in favour of Ireland . It would in tbe first place show to Government that they conld not- rale the people of Ireland bat upon the same basis , giving them equal rights and privileges with those of England ; and secondly , it would afford n praetlcal proof to the Irish people that there -was no hostility existing towards them on tbe part of the English—( cheew ) . LordfCLKMENTS asked why should not one nation enjoy equal privileges With the other ?—( hear , hear ) .
They could not shut their eyes to the fact that it waa the bad government of Ireland which had raised the question of Repeal , and for all the grievances which Ireland laboured under the remedy proposed by Ministers was no other than an Irish Aims Bill—( cries of " Sbanie" ) . Could the Irish nation look upon that measure in any other light than that of a disgrace ?—( No , n ' 6 ) . Let Ireland be governed by good , by equal laws , and no one could doubt bat she would add considerably to England ' s greatness , but it waa utterly hopeless that either peace or prosperity would prevail under any other circuraatauceB .
Mr . Wtse then came forward . —He said the Irish members of Parliament , and , ; indeed , the Irish people , would hail with joy tbe sound of co-operation in their cause emanating from the metropolis of England , for it would at once dispel tbe erroneous impression in Ireland , that there was a want of sympathy on the part of the English people —( hear ) . It was not merely an Irish question for , in all probability , the system of coercion adopted towards Ireland would , in coarse of time , if successful , extend to England also —( hear ) . To maintain their character for moral excellence and Christian feeling aa a nation , Englishmen were called upon to vindicate it by wiping oat theistain of oppression which had been so long exercised towardB Ireland .
He could assure gentleman that the state of Ireland was exciting the attention in France almost to an equal extent as in England itself . In Belgium it was the all-al- 'sorbing topic ; and the result would be , that the peace or the disquiet in Ireland would , in all probability , affect the destinies of Europe . -What was now wanted ; was , that the English people themselves should step in { between the oppressors and the oppressed ; that they should demand from the Government , without reference to party , equal righto in franchise and religion ; and decide whether Ireland should be a province of England , colonial Ireland ; or whether it should be England itself in every particular— ( hear , hear . ) Now was the time for Englishmen to apeak oat ; bat unless it teas tttfWEALTH and the intelligence , as well as the
numbers , IT WOULD BE BETTER NOT TG HAKE THE attempt . He cordially approved of the proposed demonstration ; for with all the power of the present Ministry , there bad never been one so completely awed by public opinion , and , if united and determined , he believed the people of Eagland could secure equal rights and equal liberties for Ireland —( cheera . ) General Evans , and a great number of gentlemen connected with the Borongb ; severally addressed the meeting , the general tenor of their observations being , the impolicy of petitioning Parliament , as at present constituted for any redress of the grievances of Ireland ; and suggesting tke propriety of calling upon the Queen , by a constitutional appeal to her Majesty , to dismiss tbe present Parliament and Ministry from power . Sir B . Hail concurred in thinking that it would be a most proper and dignified course to petition the Qaeen
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TO THE CHARTISTS OF GREAT BRITAIN , Fbiends and Fellow Slaves , —You all knowaa well as I do , that gteat objects have never yet been achieved without great personal saeritioe . You may reply that you have | already suffered much . I adorn it . I feel deeply for | your sufferings . I admire your perseverance and indomitable spirit . Few men amongst you felt more poignantly than I did for the bloody and cruel fate of the martyred Clayton and Holberry ; for the unlawful and unjust expatriation of Frost , Williams , } and Jones . I hope , therefore , that you will not deem it presumption in one who has been so seldom amongst you , aad so humble an individual as I am , ] to thus address so vast , so enlightened and so powerful a body ofmenastne Chartists of Great Britain . But to whatever motive you
attribute it , I cannot resist the impulse of doing my utmost to promote , by all the means in my power , the great object of all our hope ^ the People ' s Charter . I shall speak to you freely . I shall test your soul ? , and if you be really the men I have ever taken you to be , you- will carry into immediate effect the propositions which I shall now submit to you . If you wish to be j revenged of your tyrant taskmasters—the perfidious Whigs and truculent Tories —if you desire to avenge the murder * of Clayton and Holberry , and the expatriation of Frost , Williams , Jones , and Ellis , y . pu will take the advice which I now , in the sincerity of my soul , tender to you . It is in your power to do it ! and every man of you will be better , in every respect , by taking it , adopting it , and persevering in it , than you would be should you reject it .
Well , then , there are 3 , 500 , 000 of you , or more , who , on the average , expend on useless , pernicious luxuries —tobacco and malt drink , at the very least sixpence a week . If you have tha spirit of men in you ; if you are true Chartists , yjou will give up the use of those useless articles . Give them up at once and for ever ! Put by a similar sum of money weekly to that which you have been in the habit of spending upon those articles . Keep it safe and dry , IN HARD cash , for twelve months ; by doing which you will all be richer and better than you are now . Besides , as a body , you will have accumulated the enormous sum of £ 4 , 534 , 333 , in the short term of one year !!! Begin at once . Ke ^ p the money . And with the blessing of God I will come over to Bee you in September , 1844 , and lend my aid to show you how to oarry the People ' s Charter , which you can do by simply taking care j of your own money . Mind that ! !
Remember that for every thirteen pence you lay out on tobacco , you get but one penny worth of the stinking weed . ' The remsAniae twelve pence gees , in the shape of duty , jinto the coffers of your enemies I Permit me to say another word in conclusion . The good , the pious , toe amiable , and kind-hearted Father Mathew , an ] Irish Catholic Priest , is now amongst you . Go to him and take the " Teetotal pledge . " Never mind his being a priest . Think ' of nothing but how to ] promote your own happiness , overthrow your enemies , and get the Charter made the law of the land , j 1 am , truly and sincerely jours , 1 Patrick O'Hiqgiks . " No . 14 , North Anne-street , Dublin . July 11 th , 1843 . [¦
Ireland.
IRELAND .
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O'CONNOR , Esq . of Hammersmith , County Middlesex , by JOSHUA HOBSON , at his Printing Office * . Noa . 12 and 13 , Market-street , Briggatei and Published by the said Joshua Hobson , ( for the said Feabgus O'Connor , ) at bis Dwelling-house , No . 6 , Marietrftreet , Briggatej « internal Communication existing between tha aaid No . 5 , Market-street , and the said Nob . 12 and 13 , Market-street , Briggate , thus constituting tbe whole of the said Printing and Publishing Office one Premises . AU Communications must be addressed , Post-paid , to Mr . Hobson , Northern Star Office , Leedt I Saturday , Jnlv . 15 1843 .,
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- THE NORTHERN STAR , ¦ _ ¦
Leeds I—Printed For The Proprietor, Pe Argus
Leeds i—Printed for the Proprietor , PE ARGUS
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), July 15, 1843, page 8, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct490/page/8/
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