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Northern Star (1837-1852), 27th February 1841, Edition 3 of 3, Page 3, Untitled Article

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    • THE NORTHERN STAR SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 27, 1841.
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      Untitled Article

      ^ LOOK AT THE CLOCK ! , v ** the Clock . . " « uoth Winifred Pryee , " ^» opli'd tbe door to her husband * knock , -. ^ s'd to « ive him » piece of advice , ^ vK * 7 Warmiat , look at the Clock ! Is thi « tt" > w » y yon ¦ R- retch , eTeiy day yon _ . Tsho vow'd to love and obey you » *** Oat all Eight ! jjj in a fright ; w&zg come as it ' s just getting litfii ! J ^ fSsed bmle ! you inaenablo block ! Sk * the Clock i-Do . ' -Look at tie Clock - «*• ** d Prree was tidy and clean , ^ "SSrn . » flower-d one , her petticoat green , « SsilJ were bright as ber milking cans , i * rohat ires a bearer , and made like a man's ; vale i ^ ^ wen deep set in t * ieIr BO < * -lloles > ^ " ^ n-tail was tntn'd tip , and tuck'd through the Liet holes : ^ A fcce like a ferret B * token * d her spirit : T , csadnde , Mrs . Pryee was not over young , £ d very * °° legBl * ° * ™ ton ^

      -yowDividPryce Had one darling vice ;" S ^^ bly ps rtUl to anything nice . _ ^ Xx that was good to him came amiss , tt ± a \*> at , w to drink , « to Ku ! Especially ale—If i ; wis not too staleire ^ j bdieTe be'd bave emptied a pail : Kot thit in JTales They talk of tbeir ales ; li pronocnee tlis word they make use of might trouble Bess ipelt •* & a c > tiro Bs ' aad * W ' Hut pirficjdar day ,

      Ai iTe heard people » y , Vr . Dstid Pryce bsd been soaking his clay , Tsi sxvsng himself with his pipe and cheroots , Oe vhole * famoon at the Goat-in-Boott , With » couple more soakers , Ttorong kbied smokers , Bf ± like hinueft prime singers and jokers ; Aii 4 , ' lDiig » fts d « yhaddra-wn to a close , Tni ibs rest of the -world was wrapp'd in repose , rhc - fere roaring out " Sb . ffl . km : " and "Arhyddy BOJ ;" m ^ e D » TJd himself , to a Sassenach tune , jgg « Wete drank down the Sun , boy »! let ' s drink darn tie Moon . '" Wbst hare ire with day to do » Uis Winifred Pryce , twas made for yen . '" — At Us ^ i , whea they coaldnt well drink any aore , tii ' G-j » t-ia-Boots " sboWd them the door ; And then came that knock , And the sensible shock ttrd Mi » hen his wife cried " Looi at the clock . » - I- \ m Isaacs stood as crooked u crooked mifrht be , Tx 30 K at the Twelve , and the short at the Three . ' _/ 7 if Iso& . d&v Legends in BenUev ' s Miscellany .

      Untitled Article

      IteccTiET of thk Tklescofk . —Galileo placed sis end of a leaden tnbe iwo spectacle-glasses , isa o , ' which were plain on one side , while one of sjs bad its other side convex , and the other its roadside concave , and baric ? applied his eje to a eoneave glass , be saw objects pretty large and jrSj nor him . This little instrument , which apnfied onlj three times , he carried in triumph to Tise , wbcre it excited the most int « ns « interest . Cnrrdi of the principal citizens flocked to hia honse

      tax ihe aagic&l toy ; and after nearly a month had ka spent in gratifying this epidtmical curiosity , Giasi wa 3 led to understand from Leonardo £ sd « i , the Doge of Venice , xba ; the Senate would biH / aly gratified by obtaining possession of so extnerdiEiry an instrument . G&iileo instantly compasd wiih the wishes of his patrons , who aeknow-Uiti the present by a miaoate conferring upon lisfor life his Professorship at Padua , and genenmjziismg his salary from 320 to 1 , 000 florins . — It . Branier ' i Martyr * tf Science .

      i Cli 5 CHEE 05 AKMOtiL— Philip de Comines bfcrecorded , that at the Foornoune , under Charles Ha iightn , a number of Italian knights , who were © rethrown and unable to rise on account of the F 2 ? ct of their armour , could Eot De killed until Car were broken up like huge lobsters , witi woodec £ = rs' axes , bj ice serraots and followers of the sit ; which fnliy JEsrified tfleobserrarion of James & First , who , Epeakmg in praise of ana our , said , "That it not only protected the wearer , but prsnaied him from doing any injury to others . " In fkt , we sad in sereral battles about the time referred to . thai not a single knight wa 3 slain . An anecdote

      a point is also related of George the Fourth . After iiii battle of Waterloo , it was proposed to make lose change in the dres 3 of the Life Guards : the Esf ordered oce of the soldiers to be sent for , who hi greatly distinguished himself , and wa 3 said to bra slain six or seren French Cuirassiers in tingle cabai . Be was asked a variety of questions , to ae of which he asssated ; until the Kiag , perceiruz that hb ophjioa wa 3 biassed bj the presence of rcjilsj and hia own officers , said to him . Well , if joj ^ re going to hare such another day ' s work as ya had as Waterloo , how would you like to be csecP " Pleaseyuur Majesty , "he replied , " in ra « k I had rather be in my shirt-sleeTes . "Wuswn ' t Engines of War .

      is Iio 5 Age . —Iron has bten applied to name-» s Tssfd parposes by erery cirilii ; J nation , for tacaBdj of years ; but nerer has it been so exjesiTelJ employed as at the present period . We tanst > z roads and iron carriage *; the " wooden » Vi 5 ofol ^ England" wi ll probably bs made of « a a anctier century ; numerous steam-boats are KSMj erastrceted of that material ; the cushions of ccmas irestused with iron in place of horse-**} tedco ; only our bedsteads , but eTen our htaer"beas I * E 5 e an Hibernicisn : ) are made of ^ S : a in Pooa w Asia . - « Nowhere is the 9 ^ 2 » bjiTreen European and ilohamed&n so-« 5 anre einagj marked than in the lower &

      " * - int . Tee broad line that separates the g » a 4 poor m ciTiiiz ^ d society is as yet bat faintly cwia central Asia . Here unreserrediatercourse * C- ~ H !!? ^ r' ° r * has polished the manners of £ 3 * ° thssss > " * ° -d instead of this familiarity ^ ag coatem ?! , h begets self-respect in the de-* wa » . A kasic , cr messenger , for example , will « =- Erf a puDhc dvpartmen :, delirer bis letters ^ ocroar , and demean himself throughout the « ra » Tnai Boaaeh composure and aelf-posses ^ Uat an European can hardly believe that his gw a society is so low . After he has delivered tewlf ! , Ukes a . ^^ amon g the crowd , * n ' d ^ sevjnly and wiiaou ; hesitation , ali the quesfctori ? J ^ dres = ed w him , or

      commu-2 * swssted by his employer , and which are fe £ T more ^ Penance than the letters them-. _ iicetd ail the inferior classes possess an ^ . - ^ Jf -resp ^ t , and a natural gravity of deport-^* iU £ i disers as far from the suppleness of a Ev ^ f *? 1 " m lhe * w ^ w ard rusticity of an jSf ? ^ '' — ¦ & «« ' «»«»* Wood ' s Narrative of a * ***** h it * Rivet Orus . Ii ^? I ^^ lf b ehind the Saws . —Another of ¦ ^ &oa anecdotes illustrates an amusing ^ X ~ f . 5 the same in Afghanistan as C Uj , ' rrom x ^ beginning of the world ^ Sffl vTf h » ° r : — "One evenin ? , when at fcaySt " , ^ Ei , a iloh&medan taint introduced ^ Tvf ; , J told to be seated . Wine stood « a n . i f' , wiici » he was requested to par-« £ « W °° w * uy offended , and said little ** t £ p ^ , ' " removed and the servants re-«* " » rv coant eEance then brightened up at iu luw ii&uu miner

      * i % ^» ,, i f , —^ " *» = u , . , xne ftSn n-L ; - ° think that I , who have disciples ^* Erif ' Blikh * ° Herat » know «> little of fctcj f JT larow * J my bread , by indulging * w £ ? £ ) 2 n : , Presence of Mnsseimen ! No , ^ id ^ ^ J v ) ^^ re 5 t nci 0 Qs are unna-^^^ Jl ^ . ' ^ ° " wou"W not have those icho 1- > C ^ « l ^ people knotc that they think to /'—

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      ^^ TiLEXT OF LAND TO THE POOB . * X Tt ? TH 2 EDIT 0 S 0 P THS TIMES-5 s *»« i » i !' ' ~ HaTill « J 1 * 6611 constantly a resident ^ T ' f ' ? SO years , and all my life been a 61 * km * Tr' * ivt ^ Provicg the condition of ^ fe , tart P 00 J " ' abont 25 y 6 " ^ ° adopted ! 5 * fey or u !? tke oriSin » tor or giving a moderate **» 4 ^ i ^^ ° , wh fami ] y requiriug paroehial ^^ att ^ f * vaxiA p 87- ^ f 116 fl ^ ^^^ yl J ' Hk . i S ™ * ° wa in the receipt of l » a . or 12 a ! WJSr » - ^ lwiily ' be ^ « PPorted ^ Qtetol ^ ^ idle and rery indolent . I ^* 8 * v W ^ * T ^ ^ t 110 «> " « » cre of ^ teeSd ^ ^ 4 °° the poor-book ? Be la-« w , ^ **« i DfcTer to » n » i- » u . r »

      kl * Pout ^ laad immediately , snd from the S * * S £ t Tif ™ t « ^ te has Be ver been a t ^ S& - He "P ^* " »<> ; » long £ ^«^ - w * " DeTCT Pi * the pariah to ^^ S ^^ E « h rear other large ^? ere sbontfiT * m ^ e ame way , and when & *• vS ^ " ?*™** Pto . the iuir . of the a ?? - " twiJLT ^ * oteerred to one of the Si * t ^? oT ? " tonld ^ nearlT de ^ » y * £ ^ « » ff ^* firmer ' Jand wm be «* ten * bo o * * - ^ ^^ ^ re of it - aad NXMsa iiinay bMbeeB treated ia that

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      way . Each fanner of fifty acres was to supply an aere , and to receive from the poor book £ i per acre for rent , tithes , and parochial taxes ; consequently , be wm not a loser , and u the labourer was in the receipt f £ 32 per annum , tkere waa a clear saving of £ 700 per cent . The family were at this trifling cost made happy , contented , and independent The Bi&hop of Bath and Wells has , I believe , 500 on . this plan . Some who have smaU families are allowed to rent , which has always been regularly paid , nor lias any one of them been convicted of a misdemeanour . Every one who baa it in his power should do likewise , by reserving in lease the opportunity of thus benefitting the poor . Should this plan be generally adopted in the country , the bastiles , &c , would soon be to be let Clebictjs .

      Untitled Article

      ^^^^^ ¦ ''¦ jriir ' " ' " ' ' s ' * y *" GREAT AGRICULTURAL MEETING IN DUBLIN . ( Abridged from the Dublin Monitor , of Thursday the IZth instant . ) On this day , one of the mosS influential and important meetings tint , within our recollection , has been held in Dublin , took place at the Rojal Exchange , for the purpose of promoting the agricultural prosperity of the country . Oa do prerionM occasion has there ever assembled in Ireland suth an assemblage of gentlemen representing bo many different and adverse political

      opiniocs and religious sentiments , and on no previous occasion has so practical and xisefal a result followed their proceedings . From the most remote parts ot Ireland , country gentlemen attended to gire their personal ftiBsnt and approbation to the object contemplated by the requisition ; and an amount of propsrty and influence wag represented which was as unanticipated by the a oat sanguine friends of the movement , as it must have been seart-stirring and gratifying to its originator . At a few moments past two o ' clock ,

      The Duke of Lkisster was called to the chair , and Mr . Peter Plkcell was appointed Honorary Secretary . A comber of letters were read from gentlemen who had been invited to attend , but who from various causes declined doing so . The Honobaby Secretabt explained at length the objects of the meeting , and in the course of bis observations ^ « aid , when they considered the extent of soil remaining unproductive in Ireland , and the number of hands unemployed , it was nut too much to say that the population was not too great for the agricultural resources of the country . ( Hear , hear . ) He" did not despair of seeing the Societies of Ireland placed upon a footing with the Agricultural Societies of England ,

      nor did he despair * f seeing Ireland a garden . ( Cheers ) Saving sfc&ted that the first object was to form a nucleus round which othbr Societies might rally , the speaker said it was also intended to have provincial meetings , upon a similar plan to that adopted by the Agricultural Societies of England and Scotland . Meetings should be held in , forimtanee , Cork , Belfast , and Itablin ; and they should have four places for tbeir exhibitions . ( Hear , hear . ) Another of their objects was to diffuse agricultur-d knowledge through a cheap portion of the press . ( Hear , hear . ) The English and Scotch Societies had established- quarterly journals , which were eminently calculated to improve the condition of their people . ( Hear , hear , i

      The JIarquis of Kildabe proposed the next resolution .- — " That it is to be lamented that notwithstanding the facilities and natural advantages which the soil , climate , and population of Ireland afford for agricultural produciioEB , the cultivation of the land should be grossly neglected , and the system of husbandry in general ose far behind the improvements which science and experience have brongbt to bear npon agriculture , and diffused so beneficially throughout England and Scotland . "

      Mr . Xapeb said it gave him the greatest pleasure and satisfaction to have the hononr of seconding the resolution conferred upon him . Towards the conclusion of this gentlemen ' s remarks , in alluding to the state of the country , ha remarked that the houses of lhe poor people throughout the country , wtre literally worUi nothing—they were not fit for habitation . In traversing the bogs as a sportsman , many a time h « had seen the game fall at the deor of the poor man , —those wretched hovels were not fit for the dogs over which he had shot jHear , hear . } Mr . Xaper again congratulated the meeting upon the co-operation of the noblemen whom he saw around him , and who , he was assured , were prepared with himself to do their duty towards the country- iLoud cheers . ; Lord CiSEw then presented h : mself to the meeting , and was received with cheers . His Lordship moved the second resolution : —

      " That from the defective system « f husbandry in Ireland , and the want of judiciously developing the resources of the country , the amount of agricultural produce is far below the capabilities of the land , or what tie labour of the inhabitants ( combined with the skill and science of modern times ; can easily derive from the soiL It is manifest , therefore , that any improvement in agriculture must not only increase « ur national wealth , but condnce considerably to the comfort and prosperity of the inhabitants . " Sir Michael Dillon Bellew , Bart , seconded the resolution , -which was carried unanimously . Baron De Roebeck moved , and Sir Geo . Hodso . n seconded the following : —

      " That it is desirable , for the improvement of husbandry in all its branches , that a head or parent society should be formed in Dublin , to be called The Irish Agricultural Society , 'founded upon the same principles , and calculated , as we should hope , to realise the same benefits to Ireland , which have been already produced by the chartered Agricultural Societies in England and Scotland . '' The resolution waa then put , and earned unanimously . The Provost next came forward , and was greeted with enthusiastic applause . He rose , he said , t # propose a resolution which was placed in his hands ; and he felt much pleasure in taking any part , no matter

      however humble , in the important proceedings « f that day . ( Cbeers . i He , for one , looked on it as one of the most auspicious which had occurred for a great period indeed because all that Ireland irant « d to be rendered happy and peaceable , was to have ber population advantageously employed . ( Loud cheers . ) There were ample opportunities for doing so good a work ; they had a great quantity of land , which was most fit for agricultural produce , and a vast number of labourers , who were totally unemployed . ( Cheers . ) TVby should teat land be allowed to remain idle , or rather those labourers unemployed ? Because they wanted the assistance ef some humane and generous spirits , to set those advantages at work . ( Hear , hew , hear . ) He concluded by moving the next resolution : —

      " That the primary object of this society should be to enter into communication with , and to encourage the formation of local societies in every quarter of the eountry ; so as to extend its benefits into the most remote districts , where aid and assistance are most required ; and for this purpose , that every descriptioa of practical and nsfcful information be collected and diffused as generally as passible , and a constant intercourse established with those who are desirous to CO-operate . " Captain Dcttjte seconded the resolution , and said—He resided in a district Where there was , unfortunately ,

      a Urge quantity waste Jand , which could , with little difficulty , be r * claimed and made productive if the peoonly knew how to go about it ( Hear , hear . ) That they would at once set ab : > ut it be bad no doubt , if the means were giv « n them ; for certainly the charge of a want o / indnstry could not with trash be imputed to them . ( Hear , hear . ) The best means of -supplying them both with the necessary means and information was , he conceived , to be found in the establishment of fanning -societies . The resolution was carried unanimously .

      William Shabmak Cbawtobd , Esq ., came forward to move the succeeding rtsolution , and was received with loud and continued cheers . He said—My Lord Ihike and gentlemen , I have great satisfaction in being enabled to join the noblemen and gentlemen assembled beie-to-day in the laudable and useful object in whieh they are engaged . I rejoiced greatly to htar the sentiment jut-forth by a preceding speaker , to the effect that one of the leading objects ot the association in prooess of formation is the promotion ef the interests ef the small fanners . ( Cheers . ) I am glad th » t it will go forth from this influential meeting that the small farmers-of the country are not to be dispossessed . ( Cheers . ) I believe there is no better way of advancing their interests than the establishment of the present

      association . I have some experience of the practical utility of farming societies , for several have been established in that part of th 9 country where I reside ; and I can bear testimony to the powerful aid which they have given , wherever adopted , in the improvement » f the cultivation of the country , and the habit * and condition of the people . ( Cheers . ) It is melancholy to reflect that , although considerable advances have been made in agricultural operations ( hear , hear ) of late years , the condition ol the working classes has not been ameliorated in the same proportion . 1 trait , however , that the time is coming when the progress of agricultural improvement will do something for them . ( Hear . ) Let it be borne- in mind that the highest wages on an average which a labourer can at present obtain is only eigbtpencea-day , and even that sot for a constancy .

      Supposing , however , that he obtains it for a constancy , it amounts only to £ l 0 vyear ; and bow is it possible for a poor man to support existence on such a miserable pittance f " ( Hear , hear . ) It is n « wender , indeed , that he is compelled to live in the miserable hovel ao feelingly described by a gentleman who preceded me ; for the onlj thing that can surprise any one is , how they can continue to'live like humanbeings at all on the allowance . The income of the labourer who has constant work is , then , £ 10 a year , ont of which he has to pay , at least £ 2 a-year for house rent , and the clothing necessary for himself and family cannot certainly be procured under £ 3 a-year . Here are £ 5 gone in necessaries with which he cannot dispense . ( Bear , hear . ) If he has to bay fuel—and there are great numbers who cannot efctain it unless they bny it—it will cost him fullr £ i a year , and there then . jaaaiBS just £ 3

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      for himself and family to live on . ( Hear , hear . ) He it placed in such a situation that he must either want food , or the other necessaries of life which I have adverted to ; and the consequence is , that lie does want them . ( Hear , hear . ) He is , therefore , compelled to occupy a house not fit for the residence of human beings ; and instead of clothing , to cover himself with whatever rags chance throws in his way . ( Hear , hear . ) With respect to fuel—if be has straw , he will gladly burn it , but if not , he must use some material even inferior . ( Hear . I One of the principal objects of this association will be , I trust , to tee ia what way the income of the working man can be increased , so as to give him the means of living . There is this difficulty in the way , that if his wages are raised , the tsrmer may not have it in his power to

      employ him , and I shall therefore proceed to point out a way in wkich his comforts and means of living can be increased , even though his wages are not raised . In order to effect this , I would propose to let the labourer have an allotment of land . ( Chews . ) Let him have a portion of l&ad to labour at , which will not take up much of his time except during bis leisure hours , and with the help of bis family it will supply the necessaries of existence , thus leaving his wages to procure him the comforts . ( Cheers ) I will suppose then that the labourer has an English acre of fair land , half of which be pats under potatoes . This will produce about 156 bushels , or three bushels a week , which will be sufficient for his maintenance . ( Hear , hear . ) On the other half he can have corn ,

      which will give him niwl enough tor the support of his family ; and on the refuse of the potatoes he can feed twe small pigs . ( Hear , hear , hear , and cheers . ) By using the straw for bedding under the pigs , he will obtain a sufficient supply of manure for his potatoes in the ensuing year . ( Hear , hear . ) By treating his land in this manner he will be independent in some degree of low wages , and of occasional absenco of employment . ( Cheers . ) Jfo society of this kind can be of utility unless its main object is the bettering the condition of the working classes generally ; and I conceive that the best way of advancing the manufacturers of the country is to put it ia the power of the sgricultural portion of the peopk to use them . ( Hear , h « ar , and cheers . ) Manufactures an < l agriculture are

      intimately combined and related , and I believe that the happiest state of society will bo found in & nation where the manufacturer has a portion of land allotted to him , so as to enable him to be independent of the wages of his labour . In my opinion , a people to be happy should have the means of obtaining the necessaries of life from land belonging to themselves . ( Hear , hear , and cheers . ) There ia another view , my Lord Duke , widen I take of the subject , and which I deem an essential matter for the improvement of Irelaud ; if eitfcer the large fanner or small farmer be expected to improve their holdings , they must be secured in the amount they have expended on them , and they must be reasonably secured in tae value of the labour that they have expended in these farms . ( Hfc&M In other parts of the empire it is the habit of the landlords to make permanent Improvements for the tenants at their own costs , but it has not , or ia not the

      liab : t iu this country—and , therefore , when a man expends his capital in improvements , and makes improvements in his holdings by the sweat of his brow , for this is his capital , it is only fair and just that some legal means should be afforded him to establish a right to value of these improvements , in case he is dispossessed—( cheers )—and 1 trust , that it may be an object for the consideration of the society , to think of some equitable mode by which the tenant will have a proper security for what he has so hud out , in such terms as will be satisfactory anil just to both landlord and tenant ( Cheers . ) My Lord Duke , as I before stated , I shall be most happy to give every aid in my power to this association . I trust it will progress , and that from the commencement we have made , it will tell at a future day , in the increasing and lasting prosperity of the country . ( Cheers ) My Lord , I have to wove the following resolution : —

      " That for the purpose of establishing a fund for the formation of the society , a subscription list be now opened for donations and subscriptions , and that the landed proprietors of the country ba principally called npon to contribute , from the vast beatflt which tbeir estates and interests must derive from the operations of the society ; but in order to include ail classes generally , that payment of one pound annually shall constitute a member . " George M'Cartney , Esq ., of the County of Ac trim , supported the next resolution at some length ,

      and , amongst many other judicious observations , said" Improve the agricultural resources of the country , and you increase employment among the labouring classes , and decrease the poor rates . ( Hear , hear . ) It is the interest of the proprietors , therefore , to forward these objects , for theTe is no use blinking the question —any person that looks at the operation of the poor lawa mmt see that eventually the proprietor must pay the rate . iHe&r , hear , and cheers . ) Therefore , let the proprietors employ tha people , and they will not have poor rates to pay . " ( Cheers . ) He concluded by seconding the resolution .

      Mr . J . Bernixghav , of Caramane , also spoke at length , and remarked that it had been stated that the average T&te of wages did not exceed 8 tl . a day ; but he could tell the meeting that in the west of Ireland the average amount did not exceed 6 d . a day . ( Hear , hear . ) Iu payments for con-acre rents , a higher rate might sometimes be given ; but when payments were made in hard cash , 6 d . was above the average price paid for labour . Was It in human nature to continue to bear up against such a system as that t Why , or bow could it be supposed , that men living on such a pittance , could make good subjects , or happy and honest citi&ens . ( Hear , hear . )

      James Watt , Esq ., then addressed the meeting , and at the conclusioa took occasion to make the following very interesting and gratifying statements : —I am acquainted with a certain district not far from Thurles , where , for the last five years , there was not a singie criminal because of the introduction of indutirious and agricultural habits—bnt , where previously there was not a single year but there was a public execution . ( Hear , he&r . ) On my first visit there , 1 was an utter stranger , and as such , looked very narrowly into the circumstances of the people , and truly tbeir state was wretched . I recommended an amelioration in their rents , whieh was acquiesced in . ( Cheers , j I recommended the people themselTes to commence the improvement of their land , and to assist them I had sent there a very competent person to carry out Mr . Slacker's system ; and when they perceived that I had no sinister motive , such was their anxiety to improve their own condition , that the progress they have made is inconceivable . lLoud cheers . )

      Mr U . viacke moved that a committee be appointed to carry out the objects ot the meeting , and Christopher Fitzsimo . n seconded it He alluded to the allotment system in the following terms : —Mr , Sharman Crawford had shown , with his usual power and energy , the necessity of having some reciprocity of feeling between landlord and tenant ; for it was partly owing to this desideratum that the country was in such a miserable condition . ( Hear , bear . ) He had shown them that they required that reciprocity , while tn England it existed with all its advantages . ( Hear , hear , ami cheurs . ) He ( Mr . Fitzsimon ) was not blaming individuals , but be did condemn the syBtem ; the permanent improvements that were effected in England were wanting in Ireland ; and it was to achieve this most desirable object thej had that day assembled . ( Applause . ) Other suggestions had been thrown out that were equally worthy of consideration—the allotment system—fur having small portions of land , for

      instance . ( Hear , hear . ) It was scarcely necessity to say what advantage it would be if a poor man , after ten or twelve hours' hard labour , on a summer ' s evening , eould go into his little gaTden to spend bis leisure hours in the improvement of his crop , and to employ his family in joint industry with him , who were otherwise unemployed . Instead of sending their population to other countries—instead of encouraging emigration to the foreign regions of Canada , or the more salubrious perhaps , but he feared less certain climate . South Australia—instead of permitting their countrymen from the north , south , east , and west of Ireland to roam abroad in search of employment , they should afford them the inducement to remain at home , by providing labour for them in reclaiming the millions of acrtB that were still uncultivated in Ireland . It might be ask&d why it was that vast tracts were in this uncultivated condition ? His reply was , that such was the case , because of the situation in which property was placed in this country .

      The Hon . E . Lawless then proposed a list of gentlemen to constitute the committee , which was oecended by Sir Tebrt Nugent , Bart , who made a pithy and eloquent address , and remarked therein that the suggestion contained at the foot of the resolution—tfeat the committee should have the power to add to their number—was a highly important one , because by that means there could be working men amongBt them . ( Hear . ) He differed with

      Mr . Fit * aimon in one point dwelt on by that gentleman —namely , that the wheel should go before the plough . ( Hear , bear , bear . ) In his opinion the plough should go before the wheel ( hear , hear , hear ) and that until they could bring the state of the agricultural country to the best possible description of improvement , they would not succeed in any ether measure to benefit the condition of the lower classes . ( Hear , hear , hear , and loud cheers . ) He had only to say that every exertion he was capable of should be given to forward tais most excellent undertaking . ( Cheers . )

      Mr . O'Cokkob , of the county Cork , proposed the next resolution : — Resolved—That all monies received oa account of donations and subscriptions for the Agricultural Society , be publicly acknowledged and lodged in the bank of Messrs . La Toucbe and Co ., to the credit of the following noblemen and gentlemen as trustees : —Tfce Duke of Leinster , Lord Clonbroek , Robert La Toncbe , E » a- / George A . Hamilton , Esq . Mr . J . H , Barry seconded the resolution . Several large sums from individual donois were announced to the meeting . Amongst tb » number , the Duke of Leinster , £ 290 ; Mr . Kaid , £ 100 ; Mr . Parcell , £ 100 ; Lord Cloncurry , £ 100 ; and his Son , £ 50 ; and other sums , making the sum total £ 1 , 500 , before the meeting broke up . Thanks were voted to \ be Ctoimma and Honorar * Secretary * aad th * Itesia ? js conxtaded .

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      A REPUBLIC . " what ' s in a name !" It is not because the Keane job , the Cammgak abomination , the Lord Waldegrave and Captain Duff disgraceful and insolent violations ef all law , justice and decency are novelties , or much out of tho common custom , that we head this article ' A Republic . " It is not because wo wish for , or desire the establishment of " a Republic , " according to the commoa acceptation of the word , that we use it just now .

      It ib not placed at the head of this article as a beacon , or new rallying point for freemen ; it is put there as a warning to those who have too long tampered and played with a yet forbearing , but enraged lion , —public opinion ; maddened by odious distinctions , and roused to a sense of its own strength , and its enemies' weakness . Those who build upon making successful experiments upon the people ' s endurauoa » ow , have reckoned without their host . In olden times , when the unwilling idler had a resting place in his native parish granted to him as an unredeemable mortgage , in which , from birth , he had a life interest , those who

      ruled were allowed to make experiments to a large extent : in fact , in days of prosperity , acts of despotism may be perpetrated without further opposition than that which arises from a senBe of pride and love of liberty in a fow breasts ; but now , the slightest abuse smells rank as carrion on the wind , and tender-nosed poverty , keen of scent , once set upon the game , cannot be easily whipped off . The people cannot now afford those experiments which were wont to be practised without a murmur . They have truly been thrown upon their own resources ; and to those , and those alone , they look for a correction of all evils .

      In discussing the question , therefore , of a Monarchy , we take a Republicto . be no more nor less than a Monarchy . Whether the head be an elected president , or hereditary chief magistrate , he is yet tho monarch —the one chief , tho monos-srehon , the single bead . We regard O'Connor ' s definition of Monarchy as good ;—he 6 ays , " firstly , let the laws be yielding to mercy and slern against oppression , with an

      executive exacting an implicit obsdience to their mild authority . Let your legislative breathe the mild spirit of the lamb , and your executive possess the bold heart of a lion . Give me power behind the throne greater than the throne itself , and I care not what you call , or how you elect , him who sits upon the throne ; and , were I to decide , I should then choose an hereditary one , with a power behind to remove upon just cause .

      " I prefer this title to the elective , for two reasons . Firstly , because the controlling power would render any abuse easy of correction , upon mere remonsti ance ; and , secondly , boaause tho certainty and fixedness would stifle jealousy and lewd ambition , which might otherwise destroy even the harmony of a Republic . But , in this I but claim the right of individual opinion . " We have before expressed our entiro concurrence in the principle laid down in the above passage ;

      and , without venturing a canvass , too minute , of matter which should be left to the united voice of tho people , instead of the most influential , to decide upon , let us for a moment consider some of the maxims which at present adorn our Constitution , and see whether or not those which may bo considered fundamental ones , are not , each and every one , in favour of a Monarchical Re ublic . By which we would bo understood to mean , always , a Monarchy with Republican institutions .

      First , we take that which is thrown round the Monarch , as a shield against an a&sault for dereliction of duty , or any malfeasance , —** The King can do no wrong . " This , like many other beautiful maxims , has become a joke ; while , in fact , it is our strongest guarantee , if acted upon , against monarchical oppression or aristocratic encroachment ; inasmuch , as it simply means that the King is but the sorvant of the laws , which spring from the people , the source of all legitimate power ; and that , therefore , in

      putting those laws in force , be they never so tyrannical , the Monarch is not chargeable with wrong ; in fict , the King , under the law , has no power to do wrong . It is only when the Monarch and his Ministers act against the law , or in violation of law , that we have been in the habit of considering this wise maxim ; and , therefore , have the people lost sight of the beauties of that Constitution , which their ignorant and barbarous auceators left as a defence against monarchical aggression and aristocratic tyranny , and as a monument of British

      liberty . The Monarch , then , upon his part , acquiesces , by entering upon the functions of his office , in those terms which the Constitution prescribes for the administration of law , aud for his own protection against a charge of doing wrong . The maxim upon which he is bound to act runs thus— A ufl « vendemus , nulli negabimus , aut differemus justitiam vet rectum —we soil nothing , we deny nothing , neither do we impede or delay justice or right .

      Now , we ask , does any " bloody-minded Chartist " who reads this require more t while we ask , on the other hand , whether wrong , and great wrong , has not been done , in selling everything to the rich —in denying everything to the poor , and in impeding , delaying , and withholding justice and right from them t Herein , then , lies the difference ; and that difference has been most gallingly exemplified in those instances to whicn we have referred .

      We find a soldier , —we will admit an honourable man , —not only rewarded with a pension for life , for his own military services bestowed upon a rich company of monopolists , —tha East India Company , and to be paid out of tho hard earnings ot the poor ; but we further find that it is entailed upon heirs yet to come—to be paid by generations yet to follow , if they are fools enough to submit to it , while , perhaps , the services of him to whom it is granted , oven supposing them to be brilliant , patriotic , and praiseworthy , may be put to shame by the delinquency of a degenerate successor . We ask , then , if it is right or just that a gambler , a drunkard , or a tyrant , should plead the servioe of his grandfather , for a draft of £ 2 , 000 per annum upon a virtuous and

      overtaxed people 1 Again , in the case of Lord Cardigan , which we have elsewhere more nicely sorntiniaed , can any man , not a Peer , lay his hand upon his heart , and say " Not Guilty , " as the law stands for the poor , " UPON MY HONOUR ! " and yet did this mock ceremony—this pageant , cost five times as much as could be raised by the whole nation for the defence of those who were not tried by their peers , but , without trial , were declared guilty by their masters .

      Again , in the case of Waldegbave and Duff , where a Chief Justioe allows time for a compromise , and the Attorney-General becomes the intercessor for the noble accused , for most brutal and outrageous treatment of the police , whom the people are told tSey are especially to respect , and sot to oppose even in self-defence , though wrong ia the execution of their duty ; and this , all this , while MItchbu . and Davies , two poor Chartists , after having Buffered eighteen months' imprisonment , were still lingering in Chester gaol , ( although their time had expired , ) for want of £ 2 , 000 hail ; for working men , who could not earn that amount in the longest life ; and this Is neithe * delaying nor impeding justice !

      These are the things which rub the sore , and fester the -wound ; theBe are tha things , and not violent speeches , which place the barrier between the-people and thoso who afflict them . These are ihe . things which make all within the pale arrogant , v , cure , and presumptuous ; and all without , doubtful , suspicious , and unconfiding . 1 Perhaps the greatest difficulty with whieh we shall have to contend ia treating of a Republic ,

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      will be that of keeping our readers alive to the difference between the President and the Repabliothe Monartfh and the Monarchy . It is not of the monarch we complain ; it is upon the monarch's account , as well as upon account of the people , we complain * It is of the substitution of an oligarchy for the nation that we complain . The monarch is to monarchy no more than the shapeless block of marble is to the » 21 but breathing statue . The monarch is to monarchy , in point of cxpence , but as

      a simple and inexpensive miniature , superbly set in oostly diamonds . It is ot the tail of the comet that we complain . We complain that we have now a monarch and an oligarchy reciprocating false and unconstitutional support and protection . We complain , and with sorrow , that the nation is not ruled by any single one of the principles of the Constitution , while , such as they are , the laws have two points—the sharp for ibe poor , and the blunt for the rich .

      The expenco of the monarch is made a subject of bitter and frequent complaint ; while it is but as a drop of water to the ocean , compared to the expence of the oligarchy . Much better would it be to give to a monarch , who was thereby rendered independent of his tail , a million—nay , five millions—a year , if expence made any portion of justice , than limit that monarch to an income critically measured by the amount of monies , which , in return , he could allow to be filched from the commonwealth , and expended upon the oligarchy . It is of this evil that we complain .

      The Keanb job—the Cardigan business—the Lord Waldegravb job , and all other aristocratic abominations , are the expensive " settings" by by which royalty is adorned . The nation , then , has dwindled into an oligarchy , and God grant that the monarch may not dwindle into a common-place miniature , rendered more conspicuously ridiculous by contrast with the expensive beauties by which she is surrounded ! We have asked " what ' s in a name ; " and we shall now proceed to answer the question .

      We have more than once read speeches of Mr . O'Co . nnor , in which he has used these word 3 , " Believe me there is much in a name . The Whigs , ashamed of their name , have exchanged it for Reformer J the Tories have changed theirs to Conservative ; while the Radicals of to-day , being nothing ashamed of their name , are the same as the Radicals of last century ; therefore , I would recommend you , by all means , to keep your name , and look for tha Charter ; for the very moment you step out , some other party will personate you and step into your shoes . " We

      find this prediction true to the letter . The Household Suffragists are now assuming the name of Radical . But for the value of a name , Tory , Whig , Jacobin , Jacobite , and Radical , have , in their infancy and weakness , one and all been submitted to that nominal ordeal which an unexplained designation of a political sect has to pass through . Nay , even Christianity itself , has not been less assailed by the name which different sects have chosen for distinction from the parent root . The name of a new sect , whether theologically or politically applied , has to bear all the odium to which the weakness of an infant creed is subject .

      Radicalism , which our would-be-leadera would now throw orer the faded garment of Whiggery , was in its infanoy coupled with every thought , sentiment , and expression which could render its professors contemptible in the opinion of their fellowmen . How many have been protnaturely consigned to the cold grave , for the crime which the nominal distinction attached to its votaries ! "Radical , "oven in 1819 , was a bye-word of reproach , and rendered a man ' s life insecure , as " Jacobin" did in the days of French revolution boggabooism . Radicalism , at length , passed through the nominal ordeal

      its persecutions , prosecutions , trials , imprisonments , fines , and hangings , had led to reflection , discussion , approval , and almost to universal adoption , when bad luck , or some envious demon , jealous of the good it promised , threw the new-faugled cloak of Chartism over the Radical coat of mail . This , as a matter of course , subjected the professors of nothing more than the old oreed to a repetition of all that abuse which Radicalism had passed through and survived . Hence , wo find Chaitism associated with "destruction of life and property , " " usurpation of other ' s lands , " "

      spoliation , " ' * blood-thirstiness , " " violence , " " cruelty , " "despotism , " "torch and dagger , " "infidelity , " " idleness , " " lewdness , " " debauchery , " and , in short , crime of every shade and colour . These new changes , merely nominal , subjected the old principle , in its new dress , to precisely the same pains , penalties , and prosecutions to which Radicalism was , in its infancy , subjected ; the only difference being this , that Chartism was strong enough to make a very noble and powerful stand in

      the outset , otherwise we should have had a repetition of hanging and cruelties , much worse even than we have had . Thus this very new name im been tbo source of much sorrow to individuals ; while , as matters have now terminated , we are ready to confess that tho cause has derived benefit from the novelty , which , however , rather proves the strength and resolution of the Radical ranks , than any disinclination on the part of the oppressors to take all advantage which the experiment presented .

      Now , as regards a Republic . No man oan attempt to rummage the old catalogue of Billingsgate for a nick-name , or disparaging title , for that form of government ; inasmuch as the Court of St . James ' s but awaits the fitting time , which is the moment of independence , to declaroits approval by an exchange of ambassadors , and the recognition of its government . In 1762 , and even to the gloriously intended , but

      unfortunately terminated , French Revolution , of 1792 , from that period till the growth of American power cast ridicule upon the ridiculers , the very name of Republican was worse , ten thousand times , than that of thief . In England a man might bear , deserve , aud yei prosper under the latter designation ; while , if allowed to live aud bear the former , his life would be the life of a martyr . No man can now use the word Republican as a term of reproach , without making himself an objeot of pity or contempt .

      So far we have shown the vast importance of a name ; and we now come to the consideration of the principle , as applicable to the times we live in and the different materials of which society is composed . We do not take the narrow aud isolated view which the Marsh alls and Stansfelds take of the large question , which they lug in as a clap-trap , while they are actually destroying the very one thing coutemplated by that form of government , namely , the dignity of man ; that process by which the meanest and poorest becomes an admitted unit of the great whole ; thereby always having promotion within his reach , which can only be retarded by natural causes or eelf neglect . These men , in their wanderings remind us of breaking a fly upon the

      wheel . We do not wish to see another York and Lancaster—red and white rose—Plantagaset and Tudor—SlUAST « ld BrVKSWICK— C \ JMBEMANI > aod TlCTORIA —Protestant and Catholic , civil war , contention , and strife ; and therefore we throw overboard all analogy to the working of Republican Governments in minor continental states without any one of the features of society -which England presents . We take England as England is , bo * as England would be were oblivion cast over th « past , and were man with his increased knowledge called upon to legislate for a new , a uniform , and equal state of society ; in fact , to cast it anew from nature ' s mould .

      We might as well justify the prudeaee of making Nakkr and Wellington change places upon the eve of a great naval aad mUitary engagement , as briag to our aid , in discussing the question of ft Republican form of Governm « at » i *^ working in states wholly different in

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      manners , enstoms , interests , resources social J * political arrangements and economy ; the gallanv Admiral would find himself at sea in the field , while the Noble Duke would find himself stranded on the main . Inasmuch , then , aa we have headed this article " Republic , " as a warning to those who feel inclined to bend the already overstrained bow still further , rather than as declaratory of our approval of an elective Monarchy in the present state of English

      Bociety , we tell our rulers that the word Republic ia for ever purged from all danger of koHMal contempt and disrepute ; while those dangers which the most virtuous may dread , and try all virtuous means of evading , will be lost sight of in maddening- con " templation upon present misery , and to avoid whichy many good men , in , their frenzy , would be driven from all consideration of consequences to a sudden resolve that the change , whatever it may be , ant however violent , can only disturb that portion of society which now lives upon existing abuse .

      England is now in that unsettled state that th « most trifling occurrence may lead , not only to the declaration of a Republic , but to a sanguinary revolution . The death of our Queen and the Princess Royal ; the death of Louis Philippk ; or even the exeoution of Mr . M'Leod , may lead to a revolution ; while a declaration of war by America and France against this country , would inevitably lead to the establishment of a Republic , if not previously stopped by the concession of the Charter . America , in the true spirit of the word , ia not a

      Republicbecause ita Government sanctions a trade in human flesh of its own subjeots . France never approximated towards Republicanism , because it held states , as colonial possessions , which should be free . No Republic , in the true meaning and governing acceptation of the word , oan hold dominion over countries separated from the Republic by natural barriers or acknowledged artificial boundaries , which operate to the prevention of its laws and institutions from being suitable for . the prosperity of the dependant state .

      This country should not withhold any measure based on justice : and , for this reason ; it fetters her hands , and her domestic inquietude makes her au easy prey to other cations . She is in a completely artificial state . If ever England should become a Republic , the artificial boundaries by which powerful tyrants ' possessions are now marked , would fall as leave * before the wind . That balance of power , for which the poor and industrious of this country have so long paid , would no longer maintain the Russian despot ' s hold of blood-stained Poland . The Confederation of the Rhine would be but a fairy tale , or as a dewweb opposed to marching liberty . The Canadian jet unborn , or now in arms , would smile when told in manhood , that his country was once

      governed by an English titled tradesman , as the Viceroy of an English Monarch . The Belgian , whom Caspar described as the bravest of the three divisions of Gaul , would find that he had but got » fashionable gambler , instead of a commercial old usurer , for a monarch . The Gipsey King would once more rear his brawny arm against the Sublime Porte . Port Arthur would cease to be a blackhole for English gentlemen who loved their country . Van Diemen ' s Land would prove that altered circumstances make altered men , by presenting English thieves as obedient subjects to just lnwa ; and Congresf , and the Holy Alliance , would be no moro than tho dolorous meeting of political old niaidd , assemblod to talk and weep over their faded loveliness , withered charms , and departed power .

      Let it be borno in mind that the same causes which lead to an increasing demand for redress of grievances , and administrative improvements , may also lead to a demand for an increase of power . East Retford , Gatton , and Old Sarum , were defended till the whole citadel of corruption fell before the force , which could not storm these single fortresses of abuse . The remission of negro slavery grew out of the refusal of our rulers to modify its abuses . A demand for the total abolition of tithes arose

      out of the obstinate reftml of churchmen to make any , even the slightest , concession ; nay , in their boldness , they even denied the right of Parliament to interfere . Before America struck a blow for her independence , she petitioned year after year for the preservation of British connection , testified her love tor , and loyalty to , the most doating old fool of » monarch that ever sat upon throne or stool , while she complained solely of the acts of administration , and the corruDtion of Parliament . From 1721

      till the revolution of Ir 96 , Ireland pursued a precisely similar course , filling petitions with the most loyal protestations , but denouncing the acts of administration ; in fact , approving the monarch , bat reprobating the oligarchy . The Chartists hare done precisely likewise : they say , we want but OUT rights , aad are ready to guarantee the rights , the fullest rights , which the constitution awards to the monarch , but we object to the acts of administration , and the corruption which the monarch is

      forced to sanction , for the immediate possession of unjust power . In fine , then , we have no objection to the highest colouring ot the royal portrait , provided we do not . pay too dear for the brilliants by which royalty is surrounded . We are ready to admit the youth , beauty , virtue , and loveliness of our Q'ieen , while we cherish the gallant idea that beauty when unadorned is most adorned . It is , therefore , to the expensive setting , and not to the simple picture , that we object .

      We have shown the slight circumstances which may lead to a revolution , or the declaration of a Republic : let us now give a still more ludicrous , but not less true instance of the fact . The following short Act of Parliament would lead to a revolution , a Republic , or the Charter , An one month : — " Be ifc enacted , that from and after the first of April next , ao newspaper shall publish any advertisement , under a penalty of £ 20 for every such offence . " Now , these twenty-five words from the word " that , " to the word " offuuee , " being in number one Ies 3 than the alphabet , would gallop us into a headlong

      revolution . What would ba the consequence of such an Act I Why , that the Times , with its powerful and rkadt staff , would fall to 4 d . on the following morning , and instead of a circulation of 16 , 000 a day , and between £ 150 to £ 200 worth of advertisements , would supply the loss of the latter by quick sale and light profit—would circulate 100 , 010 daily , denounoe the Slar as a mere maudlin Chartist paper advocating the rights of the Monarch , the necessity of which the Times would deny in Mo . Such an Act ,

      short as it is , would leave all moderate opinions in the state unrepresented ; and instead of the poor Chartists having but one proscribed organ , as at present , they would have Republican principle * forced upon them , thus— Here you are , a Republic for 4 d . — " Hera you are , Revolution for 3 d . "" Here you are , Catch who catch can tor 22 d . ' * - and all for the good of the cause .

      We shall return to this subject , and in the meantime b » g to be understood that we do not advocate an Elective Monarchy . While we look upoa the Charter as the means of preventing all abases in any Executive which may be called upon , however appointed , to administer its laws , we Ia * k upon tha Charter form of Government as » Maaarchioal Republic . ' -,

      , ir . j * « x < v ha . vincr nassed the trial stage , We do not now , having passed the trial stoge , wish again toobaage the name of ova party from CnStif * the former undertaking was foolish « ad h « ardous , and was not done bj anj one connected w $ T " he Charter , but waa one of thote . oiwro-Sees which events frequently eanse , without the consent of the parties ; infaot , hke tbft xhnstenin / E of an infant , in which he has no roice . We hare the namft now . and having dearly bought it , we are willing to wear it ; but let the past be » warning for . the

      The object of thia artiole is to point out to our rulers the folly of resisting a nation ' s will , and also to convince them that such aristocratical outrages as the Cardigan , Keanb , Waldegbays , ' -. Doff , and other jobs , will force the people , in spite of-us ,. to fall back upon a defined principle , already acknowledged at Court , and relieved of one of its weakest points of atUck—a bad nama ,

      Itterarg Tfxtractg

      itterarg tfxtractg

      The Northern Star Saturday, February 27, 1841.

      THE NORTHERN STAR SATURDAY , FEBRUARY 27 , 1841 .

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      THE NORTHERN STAR . 3

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), Feb. 27, 1841, page 3, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct538/page/3/