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Northern Star (1837-1852), 27th February 1841, Edition 3 of 3, Page 7

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      Untitled Article

      n-co > - > "OK , is coxTixrATioy , rrox the orE-TIO > - 3 OF EXPEDIENCY-TRANSFERCOMPROMI SE-POLITICAL TRAFFIC , AND COMPENSATION . vt Fbie > dsj— ^ COTae fm k ttse contention o ! tljree last terms . To eompromisa rae&ns , literally , a adjcst a compact upon mirfitaJ concessions , to [ L ^ , to agree ; and eompket mean * & eontoaet , or ¦ neemen t . ^

      considering this term , firstly , u a verb , to com-^ niss , let ui « e bow we have been dealt vlth by our ^^ tors , irho -were appointed im 1833 , to adjust oar -a— accordirr to compact Here , then , I most use * . Trord in that sense in -which it conveys a charge rf tr eachery , fcnl pl * 7 > and deceit . If you 'wish to , jjjg fullest possible notion of the deceit or betrayal j person , or parties , in -whom you have reposed con-* £ && , and to ¦ whom you hare submitted your case , irbiaaton , you say they hare compromised you , tvjj ¦ told , deceived , betrayed you . If a member Rt 5 op as * ****** *«* insi * " *» P ***^ 7 ° b say he has * his partyIf attorney Bells his client

      jocused . an , ^ ajok * . * « iTes t 5 m ' o ^ t ' T . bJa attorney * pjoBised him . Now , then , such is precisely our Ife entered into a compact with , the Whigs in 1 S 3 S ¦** returned oar arbitrators to adjust our contract , iflj them -, and , instead of acting openly , fairiy , and " v ^ yjnably , they frightened the nation oat of its pror ^ etr , and even out of its wits , by commencing with tbe Iri st C oercion Bill , instead of defining our compact ; and when ttt 7 ^ thus > by a grand stroie of policy , diverted public attention from a consideration of the Reform Bill , they compromised us , by entering into fresh contract 'with our inveterate enemies , to do all the dirty work , which the Tories dare net xtttnip t , but would like to see done . They said , ' we'll

      jarre the poor for you ; we'll coerce Ireland for you ; Tell stop repeal for you ; well give yon rural police { ores , » a ^ otfeer fl > rce r ° " Brailt lreU ** T 0 Qr friend * compensation to double the amount of eTery KKffld "" « ta ^ k ° m t ^ nnder the mask of reform ; T £ . jl fjfoir all yonr friends to remain in office ; in abort , vt are satisfied to rule upon ultra Tory principles , and ^ to go furth er , for , besides preserving the balance of power abroad , we will save yon from your poor at home . " ^^ > they hare been as good as their word : ^ law established precedents in eight years , which , jf -ciwpposed , "would justify the veriest despotism Hjbs ttef h * Te > instead of compromising according to * eoopa * > compr omised us according to their definition tf es pediescy .

      5 o' » s * ¦ what latitude individuals claim for the exerci se of that very power , the right of which they deny to etas * . They ay that Sir James Graham comprojojjed his party ; that Lord Stanley compromised Ms pjrtr ; sod , morv recently , they tell you tfcat Lord EsTict and Charles Wood compromised their party ; lai yon never hear of the whole bunch of Whigs hivxg compromised the whole cause of the people . 0 > bo ; that ' s not for them to tell ; that ' s left for me to telis : the expence of seventy-eight Wcekt solitary

      >' e -sr , suppose the Convention had compromised tee people ; suppose I had compromised them , upon any of ay three trials , for my personal safety ; what word Ttmld jou have used to convey the strongest political icssnre and moral turpitude ? Would you not say that ve h » d compromised you . ' Well , suppose I was to dacfe places now , and te ll the people that they have eompro&ised every poor fellow who is spending his Teary bo on in Waiefield and other hells , for having rtasdupon the ten thousand and oae resolutions which Tgre pss » 3 , of standing by the leaders—suppose ttiii I wa » to tell you that—what would you sjy ?

      isppcae I fras to point to the miserable subscriptions , coming in for the support of wives and families , dear to than as yours are to you , when a hundred fold file amount should p »« r in—what would you say to that ? Why , I don't know what yon would saj , tot ben now , Parliament is within twelve days of meeting ; in a short time most of the poor fellows will have been tttambsd for twelve months , and many of them more , a&d 1 don't fin ^ that all those hands which were so freely held up at public mwtJngK , have been as freely pat to petitions for their release , rMle f tell you that one dsj ceTQletf by the working classes , nay , one hour , to the signature of petition * , would procure , all over

      the country , over two millions , which must make such a noise as no Ministry wuld resist Bat for petitions of this nature , there is no use in them if merely agaedby a rfrxirmsTi nponbehalf of the meeting ; they should be signed by each person . Addresses to the Ihronfi , may be signed by chairmen of the meetings , aa the object is to lay the thoughts of the people before the Moasreb , bat petitions should be signed individually , as nothing bnt numbers has any effect upon the Bubx ol Cosuaons . Indeed , thty should drop in Frerynight ; the whole time allowed for presenting petitions , should be taken up with those on behalf of On political prisoners—the Charter—and against the Poor La wx .

      So much for compromise , and now for political tafSt The Reform Bill professed to destroy all political bsfie , but Ministers finding it impossible to uphold so lotten and eomrpt a system , withuut an equally cotrspt system of representation , very soon found that retail tafe nmst be supplied by wholesale purchase . We ll , bow , observe and follow me calmly , while I 4 aw frcin the shades ot my unfortunate , but yet b&rred , ilsTe- ] acd , a picture so plain that any man Bait say ' tis true , and

      "Pity tia , tis tree . " ? roml * S 3 to 1525 we knocked ap the GreyadminisfcitioB , the Melbourne administration , and the Peel * kKjastration . In 1- 35 the Whigs began to get tired d these uncertain quarter-days , and they began to t * & abort . O ConneD had given them a taste of what is weld do with his snpporiers . Lord >* irznanby was appointed to tie government ef Ireland , and Lord Jfc&oiaoa was Home Secretary . Mr . O-Council ad-&wed a series of letters to Lord Duneannon , in which be s » id , ia words as plain as honesty would admit of , " * e are for sale , but our conditions are places and Jatraage . " Well , -what was the result ? Why , we frasd Irish barristers returned for Irish boroughs , who Ia 3 never done one day ' s service , and , like hacks in tie ride , just trotted out to qualify for situations .

      Sines 1 S 25 , there have been made from Irish Liberal MsBbsn—Sir Michael O'Loughlin , Master of the Rolls ; Mr . TToulfe , Chief Baron of the Exchequer ; 31 r . Peam , Puisne Judge ; Mr . Ball , ditto ; Mr . Fitzrimon , na-ia-law to Mr . OConneD , M . P . for the county of Da 5 j 2 » » appoin ted to a patent place ; Mr . Morgan O-C oonen , ditto ; > Ir . Finn , brother-in-law to Mr . O'C onKfl , > j . p . f 0 T the county of Kilkenny , I know ** 'bat , or if to any place , but a better man could ** be appointed ; Mr . ODwyer , and several others .

      Close have left , while in the House we find Mr . ^ Mr . More OTerrall , Mr . Wyse , and Mr . Lynch ; ~ d to these Parliamentary pensioners an immense ** of assistant barristers , police-officers , magistrates , ¦* "& 5 ttioneH , and God knows what However , in *¦ than four years , that is pretty good picking . Aud * " I may be asked if I object to the men appointed ? * 7 tower is , decidedly not ; bnt I do object to the y ** & of politieal traffic , in virtue of which they have ^ 'PPointed .

      1 dbjtet to see men , who w « re returned in 1832 * P * the most Radical and extreme principles , now " B 0 * for every bad law , for every act of oppression , r * eray money job ; while we hear not a breath of ~* ireat and necessary measure * which they pledged ® J *« lTa to support , and which they pledged tkem-*«» to stand by , even to the death . I do say that 7 **^** P&i d too dear for her whistle , by being J ^^ aiKd and made a mere jrubrtitute for retail Jr uphon ' by her representatives * wholesale support " 7 * fanini « tratiOT ; md , in tbii one fact , the country ^ J * * ^ begin to find the simple truth of oni ***»* degraaed and impoverished condition .

      J ( T ** Lo Melbourne hope to do what Pitt could id ™** * ' * * much less opprestive debt ? Pitt Mai all the money in the treasury would be too S uL ? Iri £ h ** aiab' ' m Hptt « of Commona , 1 T » * ere m * de ^ e *^ t > 7 getting power in « ad therefore it was neceisary to mix sp the ^^ ew Trith 558 more , who would swamp them , he , n » T * * " 0 Dce " ° Id by "" conuption of ^^ n p arliament , and now Englan d and Ireland fcatriu " ** > 7 tte 3 aiTea ^ t * formed rnmp of ~*« a rotten and corrupted body

      . J * tSne J 6 ^** 1 *** V **** ** H » e Houae aince the aSJ t od v Ke&m Bm-Sh » nn » n Crawford , CoL ' ^ ^ na- Crawford and Finn have been

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      g « t rid of , and CoL Butler is complained of , and will be got rid of , because he asked for a bit of the bash when it T > ras going , —and " small blame to him , " as we say in Ireland . Tbere are many honourable , honest , conscientious , Irish members ia the House , but . they were not forward enough for public opinion in 1833 ; now they are almoct too Radical . They are-Mr . Evans , M . P . for county of Dublin , CoL Butler , M . P . for county Kilkenny , Sir Montagu Chapman , M . P . for county of Westmeath ; SlrD . O'NorreyBjM . P . forMaBow ; Lord Clementa , M . P . for the County of Leitrim ; Mr . Walker , M . P . for Wexford ; Mr . Wyse , M . P . for Waterford ; Mr . Stuart , M . P . for County of Waterford :

      Mr . Ollagh&n , M . P . for Cork ; and I fear the tale Is told ; but let it be observed , that instead « f those gentlemen who mpport Mr . CConndl having been won orei to Mb principles , be has left the Radical principle and gone over to them . In fact , his history is this : he found that the electors would not have his bumbogging nonsense any longer , and , instead of making a party , be actually put himself at the head of a party already formed , and , by degrees , compromiaed the ultra principle wherever he could , in order to persuade the people that he had no suppert now to carry those extreme measures—the fact being , that he kicked all independent support from under himrelf , lest it should expose him .

      Is it not farcical to hear the Tangling people dally abused , and their manly resolution not to join in political traffic made & jest for a set of place-hunting scamps , wb . 9 meet at the C « rn Exchange , to share the remnant of poor , poor Ireland ' s liberty among them ? A common observer must be at a loss to know what Mr . O'ConneU means by eternally telling the Irish people that the English people are their bitterest enemies . The legitimate inference must be that he wishes to spirit Ireland up to a vest amount of selfreliance , for self-action , but the real meaning is this : — He finds that he cannot much longer withhold tie fact from the Irish people , that those

      on the spot , and who have well watched him , have denounced him , and despise him , and he wishes to palm the effect for the cause upon the poor Irish who never see a newspaper , and are in the habit of taking his word for everything . But , presently the note will " be changed thus : — " 0 ! yes they hate me , and why do they hate me ? They hate because I love Ireland . They hate my religion—they hate my country . " While the fact is , the English people love Ireland just as well , and mncb better , than the liberal Irish members love her : and aa to his religion , the English people woaldnt care three straws if he was a conscientious Musselman , provided he was an honest

      man . Again , as regards reciprocity , what is the real fact Why that O'Connell and bi « t&il hive , upon every occasion , voted against the interests of the English people . Bat thanks to that great Omnipotent and all-wise Being , who makes the poor and unprotected the especial objects of hia grace , He has raised up a host of strength upon the side of the widow , the orphan , the desolate , the destitute and oppresied , which neither the devil , nor bold bad man can intimidate or subdue . Yes , thanks be to

      God , in stneerity and not in mockery , he has raised unto us a host of knowledge , as a rampart round the rights of the poor , at which cannon in vain may be fired , and which neither sword nor sharp instrument can pierce . When the rich robbed the poor of God's bequest , and when they transferred their guardianship to the protection of the cruel and the heartless , then did he-in his wisdom , increase man ' s power of redemption , by flooding the land with an verwhelming stream of knowledge , before which the banks of ignorance must fall as leaves before the storm .

      What , then , will be the end of the Irish juggle ? my readers may ask . Why , upon our part we seek for the Charter to end it , and all other juggles at once ; but upon the part of the spirited of all classes of English , Scotch , and Irish , the attempt which they will make , will be to get rid of this insatiablft maw ; this all-devouring crew of gormandizing patriots , by associating themselves together for tiat purpose . Toa will mark my words , that whether it comes before or after dissolution , a union will come which will stop these marauding politicians . You will see Whigs and Tories laying aside all their differences , major and minor , to get rid of the pestilence ; and who can blame them . ' Is it not too preposterous and

      ridiculous to see a fins country made mere debateable ground as to who shall be judge , and whe slull be assistant barrister * 7— who shall be thief-catcher and who shall be thief-magistrate ? who shall be this , who shall be that , and who thai ] be the other thing ? while nearly all these things are new snuggeries made out of the taxes to uph ' old the system of wholesale political traffic ; and yet we find it sufficiently efficacious to keep an administration in office , who are in a glorious minority in the Lords—playing sway-pole in the Commons^—detested by the wkole people , and despised by their former adherents , while they keep never minding so long as they are there on the quarter-day . Their tone

      is—Here we are , " no , " " no , " " no ,- " Here we are , " aye , " " aye , " " aje ;" And here we go backwards and forwards , And into John Bull's treasury . I think I have now shown you that wholesale prcfiigacy has been substituted for retail political traffic , and , no doubt , you have often marvelled at Mr . O'Connell's patriotism , and his great anxiety to keep the Irish members united , honest , and up to the scratch ; but you must bear in mind , that he works the poor devils to death for his own especial benefit , and then , if one of them asks fer a share of the mess , he is denounced as a traitor .

      Again , I ask any man to show me one liberal act for which O'Connell said the Irish liberal members have voted ; or show me a job in which the whole party have toot been mustered upon the treasury side . These are facts , stubborn things , and f-icts which the absurd balderdash of " O , glory be to God ! I carried emancipation without Woodshed , " and " Ireland is my client , " asd " I dream of her broad land and her rippling

      streams , her cloud capped hills and fertile valleys , and my heart bounds as I see the wave that comes unbroken from the coast of Labrador , till it breaks at the foot of my native mountains , " cannot conceal . All this is huabng ; and the greater , because with all these blessings , and with such a force as from forty to fifty Irish members called liberal , her inhabitants are the veriest slaves , the most oppressed people , and the greatest serfs , upon the face of the earth .

      If I had twenty Members in the House of Commons at my back , I would snap administration after administration , till justice were done , not only to iny native land but to all society , over which Parliament had controuL " Hurrah for the Queen , three cheera for Lord Waterford as ^ a goed sportsman , and God bless Professor Butt , " may do for a bit , but not much longer . I do not think that it would require much logic , or many

      words to prove , to any child ol twelve years of age and Sflund mind , that every Chartist prisoner is a victim to this wholesale political traffic , and for this reason—the object was to crush and destroy every agitation , save that which gave strength to the ruling faction , and had for its object , " Ketp the Tories out . " But thanks , eternal thanks , to the well-marshalled Chartists ; they have kept the Whigs at bay , and have put an extinguisher upon all humbug agitation . Our day will soon come , and it shall not be marked by blood or vengeance .

      So much for political traffic ; and now I come to the qnesiion of compensation . [ Here we must break Mr . O'Connor ' s letter in two , as the whole would he more than our space would legitisnaieSy admit oL—Ed . }

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      TO HER MOST GRACIOUS MAJESTY THE QUEEN . Mad ah , —The last function which devolve * upon % Government , which exists not for the personal advantage or aggrandisement of its members , but for the real Interest ! of society , if that of providing far the important work of individual and national reformation . This , perhsp * the mart deeply important of all the functions of those invested with authority , in the body social and politic , naturally divides itself into two branches , namely , tho « e eflbrts which should be directed to individual , and those which should extend to national , reforms . It is to the former of these branches that I . ¦ ball confine my present attention . We have « een that two prelific sources of crime we constitutional defect * » nd imperfect education ; and we will consider the part of oo subject now immediately

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      before us , in reference to these two subjects . The duty of the Government is clearly two-Kid- ; : to > frefotm , as far as possible , the already criminal population , and to prevent the accession , of new victims to its ranks . For the first of these ends , two things are requireda vigilant system of police , to ensure the detection and conviction of offenders—and which , with all our pretended improvement * , I rabmit we have not—and ffacfa a tystem of criminal jurisprudence , a * shall Inflict merited punishment , duly and strictly appropriated to every crime , and at the same time so

      framed , and administered as to convince the poor deluded wanderer from the paths of rectitude , that he U still regarded as . a man ; and that every privation to which he is subjected , as the consequence of bis offence , is designed , if be will but co-operate with that design , to enable him to regain hi * forfeited place and character in society . T » thi * end , the whole system of prison discipline , and the laws on which that discipline is founded , must be changed , and & classification of crime , very different from any which we possess at present , must be introduced .

      "The law must be «» ti * fied ; " "the vengeance of the injured law ; " " the vigorous demands of offended justice ; " Ac , 4 c ,, maybe very fine expressions ; they may serve to tickle the ear , snd to give an elegant sound to a well-turned period , but they breathe little of the spirit of our holy religion , and are bHt ill calculated to lead to proper feelings towards those who , be they what they may , are still the children of Him who respects not persons , and who is " long-saffering , " even to the most rebellious . It will be my principal duty to demonstrate that our present system of prison discipline is not possessed of one single ingredient calsulated to reform and restore the criminal ; that , on the contrary , it is of a character only to deaden the ftelings , and to brutalise the souL We have . Madam ,

      ( and I grieve to say it , under the rule of a female Sovereign , in the nineteenth century , ) a system of penal discipline more in accordance with the spirit of a Draco or a Nero , than that of the benevolent faith to which , in vord , we pretend so much attachment . We find men with their reason perverted , and we send them from our prison-houses with the moral sense entirely destroyed ; in fact , it seems as if we had a mind to make our prisons as much like the infernal regions as possible , and their unfortunate inmates like demons , that they may come forth to blast and destroy , with their pestilential influence , all that is in itself peaceable , praiseworthy , and excellent ; and spread a moral death and desolation throughout the length and breadth of the land .

      The second point to be attended to by a good and patriotic government , is the prevention of accession to the rants of the criminal population . And the great and only efficient means for accomplishing this , ( in conjunction with inch an arrangement of the state of society as shall bring all its institutions into an accordance with , the genuine spirit of Christianity , of which we shall speak by and by , ) is the assiduous and careful training of the young , in such habits and principles as shall lead them duly to appreciate , and constantly to practice , the golden rule , " Whatever you would that men should do to you , do yon even bo to them . " I do not mean that the young

      should be instructed in points of faith , and Maxims of discipline ; this would not , in my opinion , be worth the name of a Christian education . No , Madam , what I mean is , that the whole population , from the Princess Royal down to the little one born , the other day , at the door of a parish workhouse , t in ^ . which the inhuman wretch , miscalled a relieving officer , refused the mother admittance , in that hour of Dature ' s keenest anguish , ) should be taught their reciprocal rights and duties ; based upon the only snre foundation , universal equality and mutual dependance . I know this may be strange doctrine to a royal ear ; but the question is

      not about its being strange , but about its being true . I do not mesn by universal equality , the reducing ef all persons to one level , in reference to property , wealth , rank , er station ; in the present state of society , that is neither possible , nor dtsirable . A time will come when even this will be the case , jes , when the pnr « and benevolent religion of the Lord J&soa shall be found enshrined in eYerj heart , and actuating every life : then the world will be what the primitive Church was—a community of loving and human beings , the highest ambition among whom will be , who can do the most service—who can produce the greatest amount of happiness , to be diffused among the whole .

      In such a state of society property would be acquired , for Industry must create property ; but it would not be private , but common . There might be stores of wealth , but they would be at the disposal of all : there would b « subordination of station , but each would be for the general advantage ; and degrees of rank would exist only to point at superior worth , which , in such a state , would be an infallible badge of superior use and service . We have not got to this point yet , however , though like Moses , from the top of the mount , we may gain a glimpse of the promised land ; and ages will , 1 fear , roll on before thw happy " consummation , so devoutly to be wished , " will arrive .

      I do say , notwithstanding this , that the rising generation ought to be , and must be taught , even now , the doctrine of universal equality ; that Is , that all men are equal before God , and that all ought to be so before the law ; they should be taught that it is a moral crime to take property which ia not thei » own , whether by an act which the law calls felony , or in the salaries , pensions , or sinecures , taken from the general purse , by those who have received no legal

      authority frem the people so to dispose of their hardearned property . They should be instructed , that an act which would be considered disreputable when transacted towards a friend , does not become respectable because done in compliance with the usages of trade ; and that to take away the life of man is criminal , not only when done by an individual , but when doce by the orders of a judge , on the scaffold , or in a wholesale way upon the battle-field , by the orders of a King , or by an Act of Parliament

      These are some of the lessons respecting equality , which ought to be generally inculcated . I will only mention one or two more which appear to be of vast importance . Our riting race should be most carefully taught that the child of a pauper is as dear to its parents as the child of a prince ; that no roan , be his rack or station ¦ what it may , has a right to the serviee of another , without giving him an ample recompense for his labour ; and that nothing can be considered an ample recompense which fails to procure him the necessaries , the comforts , and tbe conveniences of life ; and that it is unjust and unchristian to make a workhouse a prison , or to punish poverty as a crime . Theae things must be understood and acted upon by all , or we shall never be a virtuous and a happy people .

      We must also have onr mutual dependence upon each other . That we are mutually dependent upon each other , and that without this mutual dependence , society could not exist , are truths so plain , that he who runs may read them . I am , Madam , Your Majesty's faithful and obedient subject and servant , London , February 4 th , 1841 . NUMA .

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      BROXTERRE ON THE UTsION WITH THE MIDDLE CLASSES . TO THE EDITOB OF THE NORTHERN STAR . Edinburgh , 8 th Feb . 1841 . Sib ., —Aa it is necessary that tbe Radical body should be made acquainted with tbe sentiments of their real friends ia bondage , when so many pretended ones are at large , I deem it my duty ( albeit it may be in disobedience U " the powers that be" )—to send you for publication , Mr . O'Brien's opinion on the proposed " union with tbe middle classes" fur " further reform . " I say " in disobedience to tbe powers that be , " because , as you are aware , Mr . O'Brien is expressly prohibited from communicating with any Chartist paper whatever , and though the letter in question was examined by tbe Governor , it was allowed to pass solely from being sent toa private friend . The public importance of tbe subject , and the necessity for preventing any of the " lambs" from being led astray either by the " wolves " or other " lambs , " induces me to send it to the press .

      Would you permit me , at the same time , to make a single remark , upon an " address to the middle clas » ea" issued by Messrs . Collins and O'Neil . In alluding to the split between the working and middle classes , they term it" a deep chasm produced by mutual pride , prejudice , and ignorance . " " Mutual" you will please observe—i . e ., " pride , prejudice , and ignorance" on both sides . ' In whatever light Mr . O'Neilsiay view this subject , surely if Collins bad not , for the moment , forgotten the comfort * of Warwick Gaol , notto speak of every other gaol in England , teeming as they are with the victims of middle class legislation and a middle-class government ; if be bad not . I aay , forgotten all thi * , with

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      many other things which , he well knew , when in Scotlapd ,, 'fae jrould ^ nevsr have characterised the dislike entertained by the Working classes to the profit-mongers , as tfce result of " pride , prejudice , and ignorance . " , . . I ¦ . . . 1 « n , Sir , ' ' . ' ¦ Your very obedient servant , , ... a . m .: Lancaster Castle , Feb . 4 th , 1841 ., * ; * • ? . ' As to the Leeds affair , and the projected union between the middle and working classes , it is all moonshine ; or rather the offspring of an old agreement between certain false *• Chartists- and their secret friends , the profitmongers , to which " respectable" class the false fellows either belong them » elve * , or aspire to belong . So far u th « honest -woikieB are concerned , it will be a nnlon of hawks and sparrows , or of wolves and Iambs—the understood terms of which- " union " wbe , that the hawks and wolves shall spare a few particular sparrows ' and Iambi , on condition that the said favoured individuals . shall aid and assist the aforesaid hawks and wolves in getting more easy access

      to , and a more complete mastery over , all the other sparrows and lambs , that is to say , the whole of their respective " orders , " save and except the few favoured conspirators . Even those will find themselves outwitted , and immolated in the long run ; for the moment the hawks and wolves find they can dispense with their services , they will pay them PoIyjhemuB ' s compliment— that is , " eat them last of all ! " The only conspirators who will escape are the few who may have , meanwhile , emerged from their " order , " and got snugly incorporated among the " respectable " " orders" of cata and wolves . This , my dear M— -, is the hiBtory of all pretended " unions" between the middle and working classes , and I entertain little respect for the understanding of any man who expect * any other result from the present " union . " There

      were Buch unions established between the middle and working classes daring the first French Revolution , but they all ended in the like result—vim , the utter destruction of the people ' s honest leader *—the making their fortuneB for a few traitors—the complete subjugation of the worklei , who were fools enough to trust in them , and an accession of fierce power and exemption from responsibility to the middle-das * murderers of French society . The same will be the result here , if the " union" goes on . The false leaders of the Chartists will be made use of to destroy the honest onesthe people will get more devoted than ever—then will follow disappointment and disgust—then apathy and despair , and then comes the ^ nafe—increased power foi the oppressor—increased misery ( if that be possible ) for the oppressed !

      11 A union between the middle and "working classes , " indeed ! What an impudent cheat ! How are the five or six hundred poor fellows who have been eonsigned to felon ' s cells for asking a real union—the union of equal rights and equal laws with their oppressors how are these to unite with the villains who have so treated them , and nearly starved their poor families to death ? How are the thousands of honest Chartists who have been persecuted out of house and home , or who are bow walking the streets in rags , and without

      a morsel of bread to put into their mouths , —how are they to " unite" with the conspiring murderers who have turned or kept them out of employment , for simply asking their rights t 'Its all stuff and nonsense to talk of a union with these villains , until Universal Suffrage has been carried—till both parties are on an equal footing . Then , but not till then , ought the words " union with the middle classes" to be pronounced by Chartists ; for then , and then only , could such a union be founded in reciprocal respect and confidence to be guided by mutuality of interests .

      "A union between the middle and working classes , " indeed ! Pshaw ! It is rank , disgusting humbug . ' How is it that those patriots , Marshall , Stansfeld , and Company , have been bo silent for the last nine years ? Where were they in the days of the Coercion Bill ? of the New Poor Law Bill » of the twenty million- West-Indian- Negro-Slavery-job ? of the New Police Act ? Where were they when poor Courtenay or Thorn and his follows were so cruelly and barbarously murdered near Canterbury f Where were they at the time of the Trades Unions , wh « n the Dorchester Labourers and the Glasgow Cotton Spinners were transported ? Where were they wlie the late

      agitation commenced , or during its progress ? Why did they not come out even with the Birmingham people f What were they doing all the time ? What were they doing when the London Police were breaking the heads of the lieges in Birmingham , paying domiciliary visits , robbing men « t their arms and even of their private letters , and filling the gaols with better and more legal men than themselves ? What were they doing all this time ?• Did they petition , remonstrate with , or rebuke their government for sny of these acts T Have they presented a single petition on bebalf of the expatriated or the dungeoued Chartists , since tbe beginning of the peracutions ? Bo

      they appear likely to do so now ? or if they did , would it not be a mere " tub to the wbale , " and accompanied with a silent prayer that the petitions might have no effect ? If they were honest men they would have shown themselves such lovg ago . It their present purposes were honest ones , their conduct and language would be thus : —they would say to their Parliament , " It is not In our power to do justice to working men under the existing itate of commerce . It is not in human nature that they can have comfort or justice under existing institutions , which are made exclusively by those who have an interest in oppressing them . These institutions will never be amended by law makers , chosen only by these parties , to which , we grieve to say , we unavoidably bsloug . We wish to do

      justice to tbe poor men , without sacrificing eursulves or our own just rights , but we cannot do so under existing institutions ; and as these institutions will never be altered until these who suffer by them are placed on a level with ourselves and with yon ( the Parliament ) in respect « f political rights , we demand of you , as an act of justico towards them , and of consideration towards us , ( who in part have elected you , ) that you suspend all future legislation , save what is required by the immediate business on hand , till you have passed an act similar in substance and effect to the People's Charter . " There is no " union " required for all this . Will they do it ? But why waste words on such a crew T for does not their every act and speech , as well as what they have not done , bear palpable evidence in the face of it that they are intriguers and impostors ?

      ( Signed ) James B . O'Brien . * Echo answers , " ' Keeping out the Tories , ' and looking after the main chance . "—Printer ' a Devil .

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      THE COMFORTS OF THE . POOR . TO THB SPITOB OF THE KOBTHEBN STAR . Sia , —I beg to direct your attention to the following article in that dirty Whig toady , ycleped the Hampshire Telegraph : — ' A travelling vagrant died in the station-house of our Portsmouth police , early on Monday morning last ; he w as 73 years of age , and had passed the previous night in the sarao room , on account , jt subsequently appeared , of his being so filthy tjbaj a > lodging-house -would take him in ; he had monejj-jji ^ hifl pocket , but was quite tipsy ; be hod abundance of " straw to lie on , and was heard to sing out at two and four o ' clock in the morning ; but , at daylight , when the door was opened for him to go away , he was found dead , and quite naked ; he had taken all his clothes off , shoved the straw op into a corner , and laid « n the bare stones . Tbe cold mast , from the position in which his head was thrown baob , have produced a fit . Every enquiry has been made , and clearly no blame can be attributable to the police . A coroner ' s jury returned a verdict of ' Death from naturacauses . ' .

      l This is another specimen of the boasted wisdom of our middle classes and their fltnesi as jurors—another instance of the damnable working of the Whig Poor Law and Police Aets . The poor old man with the frost of 73 winters on his brow , would , no doubt , rather truat to chance charity , than , after years of unrequited toil , linger out bis few remaining days in a Whig Poor Law Ba * Ule on pork water soup and brown " Tommy . " Tbe poor old maa sought shelter from the inclemency of the weather at the station-house ; he vat not dragged there for being drunk and . disorderly ; he had money is his pocket , says the report . How

      much think you , Sir ? One shilling and fouxpence was all I have beard but fourpence , but we will give them credit for the larger amount . The poor , feeble old man would naturally keep that if he conld for his next day ' s support , bmt that ctuld not be thought of by the " intellectuals ; " so , of course , the story of his having filthy habits was believed ; and for having filthy habits he was placed in a cell tcttb abundmnce of tiraw ( abundance in the Whig meaning of the term ; , and left unseen , nnpititd , to perish . Had he been a drunken , filthy aristocrat , ft bullying soldier officer , which we , the inhabitant * of this place too often witness , he

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      would have been placed before the fire of tbe stationhouse and his every want attended to ; but tho oM man , after being thrust into the cell , was left alone ; and , although he was heard to sing out at two ami four o ' clock , no , one went to , hi * assistance ; yet a policeman is always supposed to be hi attendance in the , adjoining room . . .. When the "blue devil" was questioned or this point , he said he thought the old man was singing . The old man , being tipsy , might have taken off his elothee ,- thinking he was going to bed , and afterwards , in hi * agony or fit , have shoved his abundance of itravt

      into the comer , and thus was found at daylight with his head thrown back , naked I and dead . ' . ' Good God ! are we in a Christian country ? or is reason and humanity fled to brutish beasts , that- thus , after the oft-repeated charge of ignorance amongst the working classes , unfitting them for the elective franchise , we find a middle class jury , composed from the intelligent and intellectual electors of wh * t Frank Baring calls "the independent borough of Portsmouth . " return a verdict , in a case like tibia , of " Death from natural cause * . " Youm , with much respect , A Working Man .

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      PAWNBROKERS ' EXACTIONS . TO THS EDITOR OF THB KOHTHKEN STAR . 8 iR , —TToo are considered to be the "poor man ' s friend" and advocate , and your deservedly valued Star has discovered and brought to light many hidden things of darkness . While yon thus pursue your grand design , by exposing bad laws , and grinding taxation , under which the people suffer wrong , and fearlessly assert tbe rights of man , permit me , through the medium of your paper , to expose the illegal exacttau of the pawnbroker * of this town . I choose this the rather to the enlightenment of the poor victims of their rapacity , and as a caution to the pawnbroker * themselves , than all at ence to embroil them in the information * and penalties , which the law direct * . That twenty per cent , profit ( in moat instances eighty per rent , profit ) ia realised , and this , too , according t » law , should not be considered by the most

      grinding of Inhuman beings , a sufficient equivalent for lending ft half-starved family a few shillings , on good security , is a more impudent assertion than the devil hiraBelf could offer . But so it is ; and that among persons making pretensions to piety . Take an example . The prwnbmkers' act states the rate of Interest thus : viz . that fur every pledge not exceeding 2 « - 6 d ., the pawnbroker shall be entitled to charge one halfpenny for every calender month ; for 5 s . one penny , and one halfpenny for the duplicate ; for 7 s . 6 d . three halfpence per month , and one halfpenny for the duplicate ; for 10 s . twopence per month , and one penny for the duplicate ; for one pound , fourpence per month , and twopence for the duplicate ; and so on in proportion for any sum , not exceeding forty-two shillings ; above forty-tw * shillings to £ 10 , threepence per month tor every pound advanced .

      Thus , a parson borrowing fifty shillings would be legally chargeable with twopence for the duplicate , and sevenpunce halfpenny for one month ' s interest ; and so ia proportion . If the sum lent was £ 5 , or upwards , the duplicate is fourpence , The pawnbroker is also entitled to charge half-a-month , if Beven days of the current month have expired ; if fourteen days have expired , then he is entitled to charge as for a whole month . As , for instance , a person borrows 2 s . 6 rf . from a pawnbroker , on the I oth day of February , and redeems the pledge on or before the 17 th day of March ( the following month ) , tbe pawnbroker could legally charge one halfpenny , and no more . If , after the 17 th of March , and prior to the 24 th , the pawnbroker might legally charge three-farthings , and no more ; and pawnbrokers are required to give farthings in change . Hence we see that the weekly customers pay eighty per cent ,

      or two shillings and twopence yearly , for the loan of 2 s . 6 d . ; and this shameful interest the pawnbroker is justified in charging , according to act of Parliament . I shudder at the covetousness of these Jews ; they are like the grave , never satisfied . But they have lately been trying ( and are now practising ) to steal a day ' s march on their very liberal usury act , by accommodating the customers ( obliged by poverty to call at their offices ) by lending them 2 s . 9 d ., providing only 2 s . 6 d . is wanted , and charging them one penny , instead of one halfpenny per week , or 4 s . 4 d . per year , for the use « f 2 s . Dd . Th ^ s is liberal , indeed ! and these sapient pawnbrokers , unaccustomed to thinking , no doubt suppose that their Act of Parliament will protect them in this grinding oppression . This is nob the case . An application to the magistrates will put the matter right

      Let the Overseers of the Poor lay the informations , and , by way of making them disgorge some of their ill-gotten pelf , cause the pawnbrokers to pay the next rate for the relief of the poor , aa would be easily done ; the informer being entitled to one half of the penalties , and the poor of the parish to the other . This could not be considered unfair ; or else , let every poor person thus abused inform in his own case , and make the law respected . The penalty in each case is £ 10 ; and , be it remembered , that by Act of Parliament pawnbrokers are rtquired to mark the interest they received on the duplicate , and to file them , that they may be forthcoming on the order ef a magistrate , to bear testimony against them when they act illegally . I am , Sir , Yours , respectfully , SCRl / rATOB . Macclesfleld . Feb 20 th , 1841 .

      Spirit Of Tf)E I$Vm

      Spirit of tf ) e i $ vm

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      A SA 11 PLE OF THE HONESTY OF THE " HIGHER ORDERS . " In commenting upon the late trial of Lord Cardigan , the Spettator observes : — "And now as to the Court itself . Notwithstanding the care of the prosecution to withhold evidence , and of the defence to divert attention from what conld not be withhold , the following fads were established . Mrs . Dann saw two gentlemen kneel and load pistols , then rise , stand book to back , walk asunder eotue paces each , place othur two at the points thus fixed , put pistols in their hands , stand aside till they fired at each other , give them fresh pistols , and stand aside till thty tired again . Mr . Diuin saw the combatants stationed ; saw them fire both times ; never lost sight of them till he

      reached the gouud ; when he saw one gentleman wounded , and took the pistol from the hand of another , that other being one of those whe fired , and also Lord Cardigan , the prisoner at the bar . Sebastian Djdd , saw the kneeling of the seconds , the firing of the principals , and the wounded gentleman with a great deal » f blood on the ground . There cannot exist a doubt that Lord Cardigan discharged two pistols at some individual , and wounded him the second time ; it having been also proved that he said to tbe Inspector of Police— ' I have been fighting a duel , and have hit my man . ' Then as to the identity of the wounded antagonist of Lord Cardigan . Dann allowed him to go home with his surgeon , upon giving his address ; that address was , Captain Harvey Tuekett , 13 ,

      Haniiltoaplace , New-road . ' Dann called three times ; and each time , on asking for Captain Tuekutt , was ushered in to the wounded gentleman who gave him the address ; and on one occasion that gentleman sent a note by Daun to the magistrates , which he Bigned with the name ' Tuekett . ' Mr . Walthen gave evidence to the effect that a gentleman of the name of Harvey Tuekett had rented business cbatubexs from him for upwards of a year , who gave his card of reference ' Captain Harvey Tuekett , 13 , Hamilton Place -, ' and that he bad sent a hamper to the gentleman by that address . It was proved that the Earl of Cardigan deliberately discharged two pistols . at a person of tho namu oi C . * ptain Harvey Tncketfc , and wounded him . This was the charge against the Earl—a charge which , aa stated by tho prosecution , admitted by the Court , and not questioned by the defence , if proved , rendered

      him liable to punishment . The counsellor the accused objected to the production of the card ; it was proved , without the curd , that the wounded man gave the name and place of residence above mentioned , that he was repeatedly seen there during his convalescence , and that a perspn of that name and title resided there . If there were any thing extenuating in the circumstances out of which the duel arose , that was a portion of the defenca . The criminal act was proved , and brought home to the Earl of Cardigan . And yet the members of tbe House of Peers , the conservators of the pioty , morality , and law of the empire , after commencing their proceeding with a solemn appeal to the Deity , rose up one by ona when called upon , and each in succession , placing his right hft # | iipon his breast , said , ' Not guilty , upon my honour . Alas for the honour of the British nobility ! it is much upon a par with the veracity of the fiery knights , who , in the First Part of Shakspetie ' s Richard the Second thrust tbe lie dowa each other's

      throats . . , Upon the same subject the Examiner tdia : — "A duellist ' s chances of . impunity are now these ; heiuuat be a Paet of Parliament , aud he must fight a man with a long string of Christian names . In the old duels with swords , the length of the sword " used to be sent with the challenge , to ensure equal terms . In duels , henceforth the length of the names should be sent , or the parties cannot be on even term * as to censequenoes , even if they are not Pears . A Harvey Tuekett might not have been shot at ' with impunity , but evidence breaks down under » Harvey Garnett Pbipps Tuekett The case wa * too much for the grasp of justice exactly by the Garnett Phippa . Had hebedn murdered , hi * godfather * and godmother * ¦•• old have had to answer for the impunity of his snsMin . Thi * moat important consideration should have occurred to Mr . Shandy , in hi * appreciation of the importance of Christian names . "

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      We believe Queen Victoria was married to his Royal Highness of Saxe Goburg in the month of February , 184 t . This is February , 1841 , and already has she bestowed upon the happy nation one little pledge of their Royal affection * , aad'jalready does she Royally promise to bestow upon us another . Of course , r . s tba new morsel of Royalty is already announced to be " on the road , " it is to be expected in the course of six or seven months ; so that he or-ahe ; will probably coma upon us about the latter end of August . or tbe beginning of September . '

      If thia matter comes off all right , it will be just t <*» Princease *—or a Prince and a Princess , which is much the same—in nineteen months . Queen Victoria is now something more than two » ana-tWenty . When -the now scion of tbi * noble hou * e shall be born she will be about three-and-twenty . She will then have at ieasfc seventeen good years left to give birth to young Prince * and Princesses . Now , MTenteen years contain 2 a * months , and reckoning the births at a little under ten monthi each , they will amsnnt to just twenty-one : Add the two already born , or on the stocks , and we have * total of twenty-three- Twenty-three young Prince * and Princesses !—sll to be in exigence by the ye ** 1858 , and all to be kept in great state—large house * , fine carriage * , and long retinue * of servants—out of tb » taxes of thii gasping country !

      Thi * is a happy prospect « f domestic felicity and of public prosperity . If we could only sell our Prince * and Princesses at the priee they are valued at in tbw parish of St . James's , what a happy future we should have to look forward to , and what a rich country England would become f Unfortunately , however , this is sot the case . We know of nobody that wouM buy thorn , eves at the price we estimate them at , fer we know of no one that would take them off our bands gratis . What , then , ehall we d » with our Prind ^ e aud Princesses ? If we have twenty-three in twenty years , there is no reason why we should not have the fqnam of twenty-three in forty years more , and that , as tha rules of multiplication and addition tell us , would moka in the aggregate five hundred and fifty-two Princes and Princesses—a specimen of Royal fecundity that would be very entertaining to Europe , but which is noVivt all impossible to be . ' exhibited if all the offspring of her Gracious Majesty are born with the attributes of their august parent—ScUiriti . '

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      RIVAL TRADES' UNIONS . —IMPORTANT CASE . GUILDHALL POLICE COURT . LONDON , Feb 2 * . ( From our own Correspondent . ) This day , William Hawley , George Woldridge , John Hawley , William Landriff , and William Hiekling , stonemasons , employed in repairing the Temple Church , off Fieet-stTeet , twho had been summoned on a former day , when the matter was adjourned to feive tlie teaptu * tive parties an opportunity of arranging the affair , ) reappeared to answer the charge of Joseph Bachan and others , in " having forced them to depart from their hiring to one Barney Barrett " The Court was densely crowded with members of th » Builders' Union , a deputation fr » m whom civilly waiu A on our correspondent to apprise him of the re-bearing ; of the case , the terms with the complainants not having been adjusted .

      Mr . Chukson , who attended for the proiecutiuff , in a Ion ;; and bitter address invoked the vengeance of the law on the defendants , for having violated what the Learned Counsel denominated the " rights of civilised society , in compelling the complainants to abandon their hiring , and refusing te permit them to earn their bread on terms satisfactory to themselves . " The very well-being of society ( he said ) depended upon the enforcing of the law in this instance , which the accused parties bad deliberately broken . The complainants were members of a club , but not of that to which the defendants belonged . On the lGfch of January , they applied to Mr . Barrett , who i * foreman to Mr . Burnell , an extensive builder , to be employed on tbe repairs at tho Temple ; he took down their names on bis list , and told them to come to work on Monday morning ,

      but when they went , the defendants , acd the rest of the men who belonged to the Birmingham Union , with * drew into a corner , consulted , blew out their candles , and told the clerk » f the works ( the foreman not having then arrived ) that if the complainants were set to work , they ( defendants ) would leave . As the ma-ter could not complete his contract if fifty of bis men left him in this way , be was obliged to abandon the hiring of the complainants , as he bad frankly told them he must do if the Birmingham Union men refused to worlc with them . The master was unable to retain the complainants on account of the conduct pursued by the defendants , and for that they must now answer : Tracks' Unions were the abomination of a { l yood men , and were as much the bane of the workmen , as of the masters .

      Joseph Buchan was then called , and examined by Mr . Clarkson ; he detailed the circumstances of his " hiring" by Barney Barrett , at a public-house ia Chancery-lane , and the conduct of the defendants and tbe other men when they want to work . Hawley , the elder , who is also a foreman , said they must have a b——y good cheek to come there to : work ; " an < l another said ha never saw men with such ' cheeks" id

      bis life . In a cross-examination by Mr . Charles Phillips , ( who appeared for the defendants , ) the witness stated , that the society to which he belonged consisted of about 3 C 0 ; he did not offer Mr . Barrett 100 or 150 > meq if tbe defendants objected to work with them ; and Mr . Barrett did not say he would hire them provided iheg could arrange with the men uXready in his employ . The name of the complainant ' s club was the " Operative Masons' Trade of London . " [ The witness hesitated !\ fc this and several other questions put to him , repeating the words of Mr . Phillips , and drawing upon himself some sharp rebukes from the Learned Counsel . ] The entrance money to this society was only 38 ., and theydid refuse to work with men who were , not members of it ; their object was to protect themselves from the " coercion of the other , society ; he did not know , the amount of the funds , and declined to say what use was to be made of it

      Mr . Clarkson . —You could not take a better way of getting rid of it than in going to law with eaclt other . Mr . C . Phillips—( loeklng round the Court )—Hear that , now . The Learned Counsel « ays , you cannot adopt a better mode of spending your funds than ia going to law . I say , that you cannot possibly take 4 worse . Mr . Clarkson explained that he meant !' a more effectual" instead of a better way—he agreed with bis learned friend , that morally they could not take a-u'or ** course than going to law .

      This evidence having closed the case on tbe part of the prosecution , Mr . Phillips said he should sho ^ that the complainants had not been hired , and that would put an end to the charge that they had beea driven from their hiring . A great many men had been employed for two months past in repairing tbe Temple Church , and they would like to know why a deputation from the other society had applied there for work , except for the purpose ' of making a disturbance , and annoying them , by completing the job sooner , and shortening the time of their esaploymeut ; while plenty of work might be got elsewhere in the metropolis .

      What Mr . Barrett had said to them was , that he . had no objection to hire the complainants if they could arrange with the men already employed at the job ; he could not have any dispute with his men ; upon which the complainants offered to supply Mr . Barrett with 100 or 150 men if he -wanted them . Why had not . the complainants put Mr . Barrett in the witness-box to prove the fact of their having been hired , if they really believed they had been ? . As , however , they had nofc done bo , be would do that service for' them ; he , accordingly , called Mr . Barrett , who , on getting into the box , and being sworn , upon being asked his name , replied that it was Barnabas Barrett .

      Mr . Phillips objected , that as the summons rvas the only document upon which the defendants wtre tried , and was like , an indictment , it ought to be accurate , and not describe an individual whose Christian or baptismal name was " Barnabas" by the nickname of Barney . " ' . Mr . Clarkson contended that , though it might ba a nickname , it was one by which the witness was well and commonly known , aud Mr . Phillips , therefore , . had sufficient notice of the party ; besides , the magistrates bad the power of amending the summons . Mr . Phillips—What 1 amend a penal documentamend an indictment ? ' ' . . Mr . Clarkson contended that the powei lay with the Aldermen to decide on all the point * brought before

      them . . He designated the objection taken by Mr . Phillips as' a miserable objection ; and hoped tbat ^ two Aldermen of the city of London would not so far di * . credit the Corporation a * to follow the recent example of the first assembly of the realm , assisted by , the fifteen Judges—an assembly , however , for whom all bad , because all ought to have , the highest veneration . Mr . Phillips said , ' he was not ia the habit of applying the term " miserable" to anything emanating from his Learned Friend ; a * that term only * hojred the taste of those who used it ; but he must say | Iis * he was always deeply Indebted to his Learned Foend fox his os « 8 < or < ce , particularly when engaged gainst him ; and in thi * case he was liappUy eared the . trouble of combatting the Learned Gentteman ' r Mguwpnt , because he had « o effectually over-argued himselfc _ I * wqnlred " some check . " tbongh , as tke ^ -Bitees ^ ae fcrl&d % to uil this ofcfcetton "¦ ' * *** £ ** immt A graphic scene haw ensued i the AWowbi were wh MrCUriaoa

      engaged in deep consultation , « a . began to exhort them , at the top of B » jroiee , toffonvict the defendants , and allow them a rigW ^ pfjippeaL Mr . Phillips , in an equally high key , urged * he ; dis . missal of the case ; and , for a few . mi » &te » .: to * t * re » Aldemwn might be aeen consulting , with tie Learned Counsel on either side , jabbering away , botA ^ fogmV like a couple of washerwomen whose Vmopweys'Hiaa been put up , or still more like a brace of Petticoatlane Israelites , endeavouring respectively to secure green-horn cuahtower . " . The patter-clatter of th « Learned" Gentlemen ww ; finally terminated by the Aldermen dismissing the case ; when Mr . Phillips , ia the " turning of a handspike , " clapped on bis til * , and 83 ying , " Of couwe—good morning , " nude bis exit through thfi Aldermen's ante-chamber j while Me Ciarkaon , with evident thsgrin , polled out hi * purae , and paid for fresh suramon * e * against the flame defeo » dants , on a aimiUt , but not ih » torn ohazg *

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      THE QUEEN IN AN " INTERESTING SITUATION . " " It la stated in circles likely to be acquainted with the fact , that her Majesty is again in aa ' interesting situation , " at once exciting the hopes and » ympathies » f her loyal subjects . " ' ¦ ¦ , Thus saith the Globe ; and as the-Gfcoe ia , par emeeltefice , the Ministerial paper , we suppose it has such information as to what passe * in the " circle * likely to bo acquainted with the fact , " as to be able to speak quite positively upon this subject ; * o that we may take it for granted that another piece of Royalty is now in a state of incipient creation .

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      ___ THE NORTHERN STAR . T

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), Feb. 27, 1841, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct538/page/7/