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      Untitled Article

      jO iffl- O'MALLEY , OF THE DUBLIN C HABTIST ASSOCIATION . jjt DSi-2 0 ' 3 Ullet , —As I proceed -frith my Bar •„ my wrath increases , my Wood boUs , and m ; ** . trells ¦'" t 11 manly indign&tionj at the ver ; ef

      ^ rfit " the base , bloody , and brutal" manner in ydunj loved country has been swindled out of her ' jiA fc 3 boJsonr ' Bnd bei ia > eit 7 ' ? * " ^ of juggling ° ^ God ! how T rejoice to think that my name — # fce mixed up with any one of the many schemes "" ^ eh the Irish bare been held in mental , moral " , V j ^ r rcil degradation . ^^ i most the historian ay , -when the new light oJ ^ m sjsil h&vs dispelled the dark cloud -which now . ^ dj , bot which , thank G * d , prepares to break , * ^ ( jreen Isle ? All the old nursery tales By ^ jjj nsndity children hare been affrighted into quiet , j _ jjgai of hobgoblins anS apparitions , will appeal "" vflosop by , -when compared with the tricks of Ire-• ^ j . ^ keep the baby from calling out .

      > jT friend , the Tery thought is maddening , and _^ j ] au 3 me from the consideration of facts , to vitupz&x of the monster who has " thus reared ^ t £ E < kr mind . " 1 shall however try to resume ; jjj sot attend . , j Vjjji jhow you that the present " compensation to j ^ ajjts' - scheme is intended as a counter irritant to aw st : eaaon from any popularity which the recent n -ie Irish landlord * , upon their agricultural edsrt , may wsaire . I jehall proTe to you that every ^ 5 ^ jcsssnre -which promised benefit , and from jbt eoacili ation could

      ^^ be expected , has been _ ssa&tieal ! j' net , denounced , and frustrated by Mr : O ComsIl 1 shall show , to demonstration , that bo far frca Iran *! , ** - * > toe ^^ P ^ * fcafing gained jj ^ . idTMtaga by concessions wrong from the fears ojZsf lKJii in b « r days of -weakness and apprehension , fcneW sicgle change so extracted , has , witheut an ospaoa , beea turned to aristocratic advantage , and b 5 * p dar loss ; and I shall prove that the two great jj ^ ue * of o ur time , which were to have rendered £ = oppressions but as things to be thought of with jj ^ t , hive been frustrated by Mr . O'ConnelTs dread . tf- g Li £ his trade" by his country losing her

      crnsees . ' o _ i _? y , we are always ready to give a man much ] itsii » ho undertakes vast and mighty projects TDjhstfe beyond the grasp of ordinary minds . If we fsilia Eating way , though not exactly as men of iafgvj oiculauoB would have gone about the -work , y . ' - ^ m to doub t our own discretion ; and each doubt jii « vs his character for wisdom . We Eay , " he has jj ^ sSir iray of his own of doing things , just let him _ 3 fc '

      ICrih these feelings , O'ilalley , the Irish people have &-K& ilr . O'Connell to p ' ay pranks and make exptrj ^ sis iJpoa forbearan ce "which no other man would tsTcbea sHo-wed . He lives upon nothing but the Kixsi of fesd which he can keep alive between the tr eoacfaies aad the two religions ; and yet , observe , fs one moxeat , the manner in which he has been j ^ Ted , &t different times , to compromise hia own and ha essay ' * feelings , for the mere purpose of being i&ioay , " 0 , 1 * m resolved to try every expedient is damn wejnuiee . "

      Tfa&i soy other man in Ireland be allowed to speak etsslij of the dari days of Catholic oppression , and vs cant the health of " The glorious , pious , and i'i 'vni Eenjory of the great sad good King William , xi- axed Ireland from Popery , slavery , wooden shoes , aiJ teas mossy , " and to drink it in a bnmper of the via of that very river upon whose banks the fatal belt , —the tattle ef the Boyne , ——as fought ? fTsBid any other man be allowed to speak of all the hsra vHth Ireland has endured from the Beresfora is psracabr , and then , at a Repeal meeting , to call is tiree ch&ess for a Beresford 1 Vcdd any other man be allowed to truckle to Orange eoncKon , Orange Mayors , Orange professors of all * arx u the Liberaier has ?

      Tma a = y hra- »] er for cheap Grovernment , except the 12 « i ^! r , be allowed to tell that Parliament from Tisi he Kught for justice to Ireland , and for cheap GtTCTBent , tkat his constituents ordered him to vote fit the vsry higiieit figure for Prince Albert"a aHo-sr-« see ; isithat bnt for Tory opposition , this German piper VDuid have received frem the Honse -srhjch ettm t = people £ 2 # , 900 a-year more than he now £ ;; ji ? I s * i , O'ilallfy , would any man , except one who is &j : » sd to have hi 3 own p&cuii&r way of bringing £ i ? i ibjut , be tolerated for one moment in such

      cs ^ s-rugins Xott , O'MiUey , I think that a mere reference to aa » tSteUkblish tbe fact of the " compensation" more G | » Eire antidote to the agricultural poison . f . oiaeO has besn driven to every species , sort , and ad ii ihift , trick , and device whi * i art could suggest ^¦' ^ izssurj lictinto palatable ahape and " practi-C fism . He has been trying all schemes for catehing « tiectoa ; because upon the ler . gth of his tail ^ ai « tbs length of his purse ; and ye « , curious to c 2 s KrTer unce broached this all-important scteioe , 4 had in his until caution

      - ^ - -nas so long eye , 1 s ^ " Ej . ' Dan , by dad you must lock sharp or tiia toilardi will get hold of the votes . " If , then , ^ SKisrij had never proposed what they intended »"« b 3 ! i £ i to themselves and their tenants , Dan * ti &etci have turned the cock of his eye—no tei « , OilaUey , it was a god-send in two ways . j ^ i , i * . may-siden the breach between landlord and f ^ ^^ ij ^ rain profit for the Liberator ; and . 3 ^ ^^' y be a jastinablB cause for delaying the ? 52 erJon nnul the " fri-. zj coats" and honest ~*» tave tad an opportunity of subscribing and "*»" - « prEparlBg for action .

      - ^ ii . or the " csmpensition" hnmbng ; ana now , " * - ^ to proTe that e verr change wrested from ~ 5 ii » Tfeikness , ha * bat tenced to increase aristojj .. J ° * - b > dimiHiih the liberty of Irishmen jv ^ T ! ° E 7 £ D ter-htt , and assert that every ^ ' -=. » - £ taar proposed by the Court of St . James ' s , c . *? . ' ? * " I ' - 14126 ? of Irish representatives whether fr ^^ a ^ " ^ " ^ Parliamect , or whether wrung t ^ ^ . J = an rf aat Ccurt , has , in erery case , gone to ^^' ¦^ - ^ r- ^ i oligzicbj and to the loss of the

      tfc j ° ' iIia * . . we pass over the dark ages , and a ^ period when liberty first began to dawn in Sis ' ? 2 as ! lai T ^ t may be fairly dated from W 3 IT . tte Ec « **» ' mio ae sea ' fcy ^ ki ^ 'y * 0011 ^ . in conformity with one of their resoly ' ai ^ -c-3 nsaicption , "" and which happened in j ^^ wn which period , till 176 S , Ireland was Uj . /^ * 1150 'by farmer G « orgy , ether than as a I 5 t £ f * « tributary savages were sent to fight ** 5 . . * 17 GS ^ rican aSairs began to wax is k ^ ^ ¦ Larf TownEheiid , the most cunning man ° ^ p > ^ ' L 3 rd I-ientenan t to Ireland , wi ; h " ^ ' b ^ 9 C : n : n o £ st > J sn 3 ei ' to My > that if the laaj . , ^ Property and their nominees in parfe 33-d only ioid fofr j ^^ g , abont America

      ^•• ifX ^ . ^ 011111 1 *^ ^^ by making the folla c ^^^ " ^ P to 17 G 3 all boroughmengers M ^ jaauBeM in tne Irish Parliament held their & >* ' £ , * l *^ ^^ ^ s price of a seat was only t ' * r ; t : ; rOB Shinongers , however , cossested tD r ^ f e ^ « = cttti ^ o an octennial holding ; and thereby » o t ^ ° Taine rf borough property from £ 5 C 0 tor life ^ ¦ n * T eight yean . ; P »^ ^ ^ ' tti « » op quite satisfiad the Irish i **^ » f ~_ . > 'When ths American war began to •^ 'orau dable ut ^ ± . . ** + v ™ « . _ T-=. v ti » .. i

      vj ^ j ^^ - .-wv . , ** ii ^ 4 UJCli kilH XIUU J 3 . UU 3 C C * S % » , art ^ look for emancipation of the ** lt » ^ 6 *^* ^ tTOth * " * * with a Ter 7 ! !*^ , * n 7 ^ ** ^ comniodi ty called " religions ^ 0 ^ 7 7 contended for and acquired the * % rtZT ^^ do so , to purchase land , or P * HtoS hold hll ( ied property , which k ^^ yM no great good to Ihe people , and was [** $ *? I tt « ^ a > Miaiiter as a sore means of & * iich 7 &th 0 UcS t 0 aU ^ Km ^^ S < K » - L ? 1 ht E ) 7 pre £ fied ^ P 111039 wto c 01113 C ^ Ci * ^^ and this Act , O-Malley , PCr ' a Catholic aristocracy in Ireland , LZ « oi »? ^ beloss to tbe ^^ p ^^ LT ^ or S- 153163 to ** ° ' b " . in ^« y act of CsSi , Sf ^ tjIaDn y iDd atrocity , whether E ^ 4 S ^ fflen ' ffiagi 5 trates ' ™™ ot ^ rV ^^^ r ^ taation , far , far out-topped I UJ £ - ? OrangCTma - opprg ^^ cmelty ,

      Untitled Article

      brutality , and mffiamsm of erery kind , and in the txercise of trhich they fancied themselves protected by a kind of prescriptive right to bully as they were bullied- They were , one and all , the most consummate rascals that ever disgraced human nature . Ask any Roman Catholic clergyman who ia lie greatest tyrant in his parish ? and if he la cursed with a Catholic Protestant church tithe owner , a Catholic middleman , a Catholic magistrate , or even a Catholie chief of police , he will aay , that ia the man . t J 1 » J _ ¦ _

      Well , O'ilalley , so much for 1778 . In the following yeir came " free trade , " which laid thefoundation for jobbirg in Ireland , and which was not worth a twopenny ticket to the nation . Acd now , as the influence of American Independence began to find its way to France , and as French intercourse with Ireland began to spring up , I will take all in a lump from 1 T 70 to 180 « . With this short review of twenty-one years then , I commence with the volunteers of 1782 , who , in addition to the troubles arising from . the American war and French discontent , had England hampered by a great naval alliance formed against ker by the combined fleets of France , Spain , and Holland ; tbey made the most of

      the-emergency , and got what they asked for—Parliamentary Emancipation from Poining ' a Act , which made borough property almost Valueless , as the Privy Council , that is , the English prime minister , had a veto in all Irish affairs . Emancipation from Poining ' s Act , however , made them , the boroughmongers , a more formidable rival House to theEnc 2 ish Minister ; and , as if by magic , the value of a seat rose from £ ? 00 to £ 2 , 500 , or more , according to emergency . But when the Catholic people askad for their share of the spoil , they were told by Lord Cbarlemont , tbe Colcnel of the volunteers , that ' ¦ he would go for Refora , bv r upon

      condition that Protestant ascendancy should be the basis of Parliamentary Reform ; the Catholics the while looking for Reform merely to gain complete religious freedom , preparatory to tsserting their civil rights . This answer of the hero of 37 S 2 , which is matter of history , staggered the HEX of the volunteers , and they cut all connection with the Protestant aristocracy ; and from that fact , and from that period , may be dated the close alliance which grew up between the French people being Catholics , an . ! the Irish people being Catholics , an « J headed by wealthy and influential Protestant and Dissenting leaders ; but nut one of them of the Caariemont party ; no , not one single one .

      The truci ling adherence of the Catholic ariatocrccy to the Court , occasioned by their emancipation in 1778 , deprived them of all popular confidence ; and the insolence of C : iarlemont anil the t fficera of the volunteers , deprived that party of all popular confidence . Then came the assertion of American Independence , and the French Revolution ; and with ths se embarrassmfents , the Irish Parliament ( the most hellish and corrupt that ever disgract- 'd 3 nation ) was once uioro obliged to hang a bit of popularity on their mast ; so they demanded a " full , fair , and adequate representation of all the people in the Commons" House of Parliament . ' *

      Now , O'Malley , those -were the very identical words of ths first demand for Parliamentary Reform ; aud , as the Republicans of Francs were st that period carrying all befure them , the borough-mongers of both countries affected t-o see the justice of the demand with an uuj-iundiced eye ; and many committees were formed to draw up heads of a Bill to carry the principle into full effect , until that eternal villain , Dainourier , sold the cause of liberty , when the cosimittatswere all dissolved , and insteid of Parliamentary Jti-fu . -m , the coantry was presented with ths celebrated " Convention Bill . " From list period , to 179 * , hell was let loose in Ireland ; an Irish secretary was appointed ; a national bank , the funding system , and place-men , pensioners , and

      sinecurisU were established . In fact , Dublin became part and parcel of St . James ' s , as f . ir as the Court was concerned . Oat of all these many God-sends , what , in the interval from 27 SO to ISOt , did the people gain , either as regards civil or religious freedom ? In 17 S 0 they had money in the Tr&asury ; in 1 S 00 , they owed over forty millions ; besides what it cest the English people to bribe them ; and what did the Catholic people gain ? Why , in 1782 what was called Independence , which was based upon Protestant Ascendancy , and wbiclr made rich men of paupers , and noblemen of knaves ; in 1793 Catholic barristers were allowpd to practice at the bar , while , from 1793 to 1796 , all the worst statutes on the book are to ke found aa Ireland's snare of emancipation and reform .

      Taen , O'iialley , finding that all was lost , about ninety Protestant gentlemen of large fortune , and many Dissenters , and four , just four , honest Cirholics joined to break do- > ro oppression by force ; and , with that view , Arthur O Connor and Lord Edward Fitzgerald were sent bj the United IrisLmen to sign terms with the French Directory , for the co-operation of the French in establishing a republic in Ireland . The history of this ia long . The result , however , was , tmt General Heche sailed with a ls . rgt fleet , a large number of men , and a

      large quantity of arms for the Irish , and jnst as he was about to enter Bantry Bay a stcrm sprung ap and scattered the fleet , —and thank Gad for it ! because however justified the Irish Directory may have been in their- delightful anticipations from French protection and support , subsequent events prove that Ireland escaped tint tyranny which marked the sfceps of the hero of the French revolution wherever he made his appearance ; and Providence , I trust , has preserved her to be an independent nation , instead ef an appendage to any step-dame .

      >" ot more than abont e ght hundred of the French troops landed at Killala . Such , then , were the advantages which Ireland acquired by watching the necessities of Britain from 1763 ta 17 J > 7 , a period of more than thirty years : —a corrupt House of Commons , a national debt of about forty millions—which means , as ail national debts do mean , an appropriation of the poor and unrepresented man ' s property by the rich represented gentlemen : a Catholic aristocracy ; a national bank ; a branch of tbe funding plant to hcown cbe * k for her own paupers ; a rise of borough proptrty from £ bi {) for jife to £ 7 , 000 for eigLt yta . rs ; mrt a mimic Court . O ' -Mallty , these things led to the cr otto ing boon of all—a rebellion in 17 ' jS and a Union in IStfO .

      The acts of the oligarchy , after Dnmourier ' s treachery were so cruel , brutal , despotic , and arbitrary , that , not to have resisted them by force , and at the h : z * rd ef life , would have been tbe worst description of slavery ; and England , finding herself powerful in the new zeal of her volunteers and inilitia-cien , coinaiitted those acts with no other view than to promote a rebellion , iuDrder that so frightful a catastrophe might lead to the unregretted death of her legislature . In fact , when England asked for Ire : and's hand , ahe was reeking wi ; h the blood of her children .

      Allow me to repeat a sentence from a speech of mine upsn tbe Union : — " When the withering blast , calledUuion , was wafted from thesister kitg ^ vm to oar hallowed shores upon the tainted gale of fiction , Ireland was ytt in mourning for her Binughtered s ^ ns ; Ler green fititis vtze yet erimseced . with the frlooJ of her innocent children , sacrificed at the shrine of English pride , or Irish perfi'jy- Good God . ' w ^ g it at sueij a time that such a change snould have been forced upon a cotaced and undefended people , while the guardians of tVeir glory Were either prematurely consigned to the coid grave , or banisLed to soma foreign land , to sigb in solitude over the departed iibeity of their greun lovtd land !"

      O'Malley , the rebtllion was to be ; ana for this reason When the Irish Parliament was made " independent " of the British Minuter in 17 S 2 , and being pr eviously and subsequently wholly independent of any portion whatever of the Irish people , the British Minister found that all the money in the united Exchequer would not feed tte hungry hounds , who just then began to establish a miniature of eyery abuse that existed in Ecg 2 and . In ten years the independent Parliament of Ireland spent more than thirty millions upon itself , and what it could grab into the bargain ; and now , {? rsooth , we hear of nothing but English—that ii , the English people * treachery toward Ireland .

      O'Malley , I have the only history extant , the only # ne ever written of those days , in my possession . It is in one small volume . Only three copies , I believe , got out of the printer ' s hands , be having received the Attorney-General ' s compliments , and orders to desist I have one of them ; Sir Francis Burnett has another ; and I believe , but I am not certain , that Lord Grey has the third . Now , I mean , when I get loose , to publish every word of it at two or three columns at a time , in the Star ; and then say , who can , that Ireland has not alwayj been bullied by her own Church and her own aristocracy , whether Catholic or Protestant , and , above all , by her own Parliament , afier its independence . I will publish for you the list of Union and rebellion Peers , witbj Xhe

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      genealogy of each , from the dat « of the first landing of hi * progenitors among us , down to his elevation ; and I will shew yon that the Irish Peerage , with a Tery few exceptions , consist * of Union lords , who preferred a peerage and patronage to £ 15 , 009 , which was tbe " Union" price of an Irish borough , or & patent place for life . O'Malley , I shall now pass over the twenty-nine years allowed for the blossoming of the Union tree , and shall aay one word about its first fruits— " Catholic

      Emancipation . " What was tbe priee paid for that ? The disfranchisemeo t and scattering to the world of the only parties for whose benefit the measure could reasonably or patriotically be contended for ! the civil and social destruction of 380 , 080 heads of families , previously provided for ; though humbly and scantily I admit , yet provided for j and these now , with their families , compose the three million * ef contented Irishmen ¦ who say ' amen , " when Mr . O'Connell aays " Glory be to Gad ; emancipation has a bloodless triumph . "

      O'Malley , I call it a bloody , a dear bought victory , and defy you , or any man living , to point out to me any one single advantage which the Irish people have derived from the measure , beyond the excitable delight of being told that it is " a great means to an unknown end ; " the admission to the Imperial Parliament of the most corrupt set of members that ever entered a Senate House , and the promotion to places , pensions , sinecures , and honours , of those in whom the people had confidence , and wlio have sold them for the highest price that they wonld fetch in the market

      Then came Reform . What have you , what has Ireland got by that ? Coercion to begin with ; which , on my soul , O'Connell brought about and insured , lest the fulfilment of one half the promises made to Ireland , during the discussion npon the Reform Bill , should have been realised to the destruction » f his " trade . " Now , O'Malley , if ever the expediency of giving a fair trial could be justly pleaded , it was upon the commencement of so novel an era as the reform of one

      hundred and sixty-four years of abase . On my soul , I believe many of the Whigs were sincere in tbeii professions of liberality ; but now observe , the man who has cried out for a fair trial for an administration , upon a mere exchange of one member for another , so hobbleci the first Reform Parliament as to bring the two countries into collision ; and he kept that up till he showed the Whigs that they should not do without him , and they , therefore , bought him ; and he has now sold them .

      Now , I ask you , whether or not a time when the whole country beat high with anticipation from the great promise from Reform , was just the period that a " practical" statesman would have sought to cause dissention ? and , O'Malley , with those very feelings I was resolved to test his sincerity upon the question of Repeal , at once ; but I found that it was intended as a thing of which the English might for ought OConnel cared , think as they pleased , and the worse the better , provided 8 plentiful scattering of oppression produced

      an abundant harvest He slipped through my fingers till 1834 , when the breach was made which he designed . In 1835 , when he got rid of me , he sold Ireland ; and from that period to the present , the man whose pot-valiancy -would , not allow s , moment ' s breathing time to the infant Reform , has sinco been most cautious in not giving rise to a single complaint , or allowing a particle of agitation , which could by possibility have the effect of embarrassing our charming ministers .

      O'Malley , I hope to conclude in one more letter , and then my assertions must be refuted , or they must stand as facts , irrefutable fact s . In my next , I will tell you why we seek Universal Suffrage , how we have sought it , tbe base manner in which we have been belied , and the noble and gallant manner in which the very poorest of the poor have virtuously withstood all attempts to divide and conquer them . Till then , I am , your Friend , FEARGUS O'CONNOR .

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      " WE MUST GET RID OF FEARGUS . " TO THE EDITOB OF THE NOKTHEUK STAR . Sir , —Daniel O'Connell , the notorious mendicant , — tbe arch-traitor , —the consummate hypocrite and foe of the human race , reflecting upon his present fallen position , ami seeing every avenue leading to liis restoration to popularity closed against him , cries out in the agony of despair , " We must get rid of Feargus . " As well mig ^ t he have said , " We must pluck the sun from its orbit ; " the latter being comparatively aa practicable ss the former . But men , when plunge \ iuto inextricable difficulties , will assay to buoy up their troubled spirits by strange ideas , which generally vanish , " Like the baseless fabric of a vision , And leave not a wreck behind . "

      I dare say , however , that Dan already laments having had tbe dream of " getting rid » f FeargUB , " since he has now discovered , by experiment , that there is a great deal of truth in the artage , " Dreams are interpreted by contraries ; " and he also finds himself runk still deeper in tbe mire and clay , where he must stick , die , rot , p . nd be forgotten , save when his name be raked up to show t ! ie extent of human degeneracy . Now , Sir , -svhy is Dan so anxious to " get rid of Feargus ? " Why , First , —Because , Feargus has won an increasing and Wtllinf-ritert popularity ; while Dan is fast and irrecoverably falling into merited disgrace . Therefore he cannot brook the idea of seeing the man , whom he has endeavoured to bring into disrepute by scurrility and falsehc . 'd , enshrined in the hearts of that people ¦ whose cause be has espoused and zealously maintained .

      Secondly , —Because , the progress of Feargii 3 hns been marked hj disinterestedness , while that of Dan has been ever characterised by the base and sordid love of filthy lucre . This contrast is , to Dan , galling and unbearable . Thirdly , —Because , principle baa been the inseparable concomitant of FeaTgus during tbe whole course of his political cuiupaign ; while vacillation , tergiversation , deceit and treachery have ever attended Dan in his wandering career . Ibis is to Dan an eye-sore , who is not so ignorant as to suppose that the people -will long be guHed when such a contrast presents itself as that between the two O ' s .

      Fourthly , —Pan is tbe tool , the needy , greedy , willing tool of tbe Whig faction ; while Feargus is the gwiirn , uncompromising , ai ; d unpurcuasable foe of faction ; the rights of the people , the whole people , beiui : the one great object he labours to achieve . Fiith ' . y , —In a word , Djn wants the " rint" thU is tbe A ; pba and Omega of his political creed ; -while Feargus wants the extirpation of tyranny , and the establishment of fcuch a tyitem of Government as will give and secure the greatest possible happiness to all . We read that the devil envied the felicity of the federal head of our race , and as ail hope of happiness was loit to fallen Lucifer , his oniy scheme was to bring happy man to the lapsed condition of himself . Now , Sir , Dm , the personification of the devil , is cast outhe is fallen—hope smiles not npon liim ; therefore , in t ! e true spirit of the devil , he seeks the overthrow of Feareus , the man of the people .

      Well , bow is Dan to compass bis plan ? He finds that Feargus is not alone ; and if he was , Dan ia not able to cope witU him ; he , therefore , calls together his " fallen angels , " and attempts the disorganisation of the Chartist troops . At his call the truckling , idle , spouting fragments -which have been broken off from the Chartist cause , marshalled on his side and commenced the attack a la Quixote : they certainly inscribed " the Charter" on their shields , but the people were too " lynx-eyed" to be deceived , and , instanter , tbe straw-armed pigmies were obliged to fall back , confounded and horror-struck at their sudden and unexpected defeat .

      Well , Sir , Feargus is not " got rid of , " but on the contrary , he is more btloved by the people ; even the hitherto FCeptical now see that he is immovable in principle and invulnerable to every attack , whether emanating from avswed foes or pretended friends , while tho big beggarman is once more exhibited to the world in all his innata depravity , and the old and new jointB ef his tail defeated , crest-fallen , and despised . " Get rid of Feargus ! " Good God , do the villains suppose that we , the fustian jackets , ate such ingrates as to turn oar backs npon the man who has unceasingly fought our battles at his own cost , yes , at his OWN COST , mark that D ^ n ; mar k that ye poli tical prcfitmongers , and Hush , if shame be a component part of your nature . We turn not our backs upon our friends , and we will abandon the name of Britons when we forsake our best friend , particularly at the time vrbea he is entombed for us and our cause . Did the blistered

      hands forsake Collins , Lovett , and Co . when in " durance vile ? " No . Were they not received with open arms ? with all the honours that could be bestowed upon them , as though they had achieved eur political redemption , and bow have they returned tbe compliment ? Why by forming an alliance -with Dan , wh » , as their mouthpiece , bawls out , " We must get rid of Feargus . " Aye , aye , ye leeches and locusts , " getting rid of Feargus " is tke consummation devoutly to be wished" by both you and your masters . Feargus and the Star are insurmountable obstacles in your path . Ye desire not the establishment of tbe Charter , but to humbug the people and make a trade of politics .

      Tes , Mr . Editor , tbey want " fat livings "—they want churches and schools erecting with our money , because we are so very ignorant , immoral , and intemperate . I wonder they did . not diwoyet tbia wbsn getting well

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      paid in Bolt-court . But a new light lias broken forth upon tbem , and they now sea we are very ignorant , very vicious , and yay intemperate , and , perhaps , above all , they see that they are so wise , so gosd , and so selfdenying ,, as , to be the only men qualified to give us instruction in both religion , politics , and morals . We have seen self-dubbed " pastors- already ; and , no doubt ,, they have an hankering after a more fruitful pasture . I don't wish they may get it I see that the Master ot the Ceremonies has been delivering one of his stereotyped speeches in the Corn he

      Exchange ; and sings the old favourite tune" Monet Wanted ; - " Give me , " says he . " but four millions of names , on two husdked thousand pounds . " Not four millions of names and two hundred thousand pounds , but four millions of names OB two hundred thousand pounds . About the former he would not be very particular ; but about the latter he wonld be very exact Tlw former may go to the devil ( I beg pardon for using the name of his satanic majesty —its vulgar ; but let it go , as I am one of the ignorant and immoral ); but the " one thing needful" must not be forgotten .

      Fnends Collins , lovett , and Co . have & plan with a thumping lump of money tagged to the end . Dan is talking of doiDg mighty things with " two hundred thousand pounds . " How sweetly things harmonise , in some quarters , now-a . days ! Well , now , the bantling is jusfc giving ap the ghost , what is to be done with its nurses ? Must we not go out to meet them on their return , and present them with medals , scaifs , gloves , to . &c . and bedaub them a foot thick with fulsome adulation ? No ; they repudiate such childish displays , therefore we must not wound their tender consciences . There is a better way of doing the thing . They must get about a dozen tools , or fools , here and there to slightly censure the move , yet , at the same time to flitter them as much &s possible ; and to do the thing well , the tools , or tools , must give a few he : wy blows at the Star and its conductor , as a set off for the patriotic gentlemen who have erred , but will , no doubt , return to their old friends ( who will be ever -willing to receive them ) and to the cause for which they have so nobly Buffered .

      It appears that the Sun is the organ of the " ratcatchers . " People get into strange company at times , don't they ? But what does it look like , Mr . Editor , eh ? I guess ; don't you ? Don't the lads , eh ? Yours truly , Will Watcu ' em . Leeds , April 26 th , 1841 .

      Untitled Article

      TO THE EDITOB OF THE NORTHERN STAB . Sir , —A . short time 8 go , 1 was much pained on perusing a paragraph inserted in the Star , calculated to injure an old , tried , and disinterested Chartist , both in character and cirenmstanees , and knowing jour love of justice , I feel confident you Will not refuse administering the antidote . In the paragraph te which I allude it was stated , in no Tery respectful terms , that George Ellis , of Biadford , no longer gave one half of his profits on the Star to the Victim Fund , and broadly hinting that he was no longer worthy of support _»^^ M ^—^^»^—^»—fc—i^^*—_^^^^_^—^—^—»~—»— «_^ l II a ^^^^^^^^^—^ J ^ M ^^ MM*———™_

      Now , Sir , as G * orge Ellis voluntarily subscribed one half his profits to that fund for four months subsequent to the expiration of the time he acted as agent under a certain association , called " The Co-operative Association , " whose number is very small , I should think him more -worthy ef praise than censure , particularly as very few . agents have evinced s > disposition to make similar sacrifices . The parties who have made the attack ought , in justice , to bare stated tbe amount of money thus paid into the fund by Gaorge Ellis , and also shown that the money has been appropriated to the purpose specified . This thoy have not done , but must , ere they are iree from suspicion . Let them justify themselves by tbe publication of their balance sheet , and then , but not till then , they may be allowed to hurl their missiles at others .

      Having made a little Inquiry into this matter , I give you my friend ' s version of the matter , feeling confident that your readers will exonerate him from tho odium attempted to be cast upon him . He says : " In the first place I was appointed agent for the sale of the Star by the Association for one quarter , ( observe , I was selling on my own account befor « this , ) which agency I fulfilled ; at the expiration of that time I was not re-elected , but continued to give onehalf of the profits for four months longer ; st that time , through bad debts , < fcc ., of which 1 have many , I was reluctantly ( to make good my payments )

      compelled to relinquish giving one halfpenny , without tbe Association would stand and make good those deficiencies . In some instances , I bavo had a number of papers left on hand , which , if I bad to meke good on roy account , I should have little or nothing left for all my trouble . I had postage of letters , as also postoffice orders to pay when remitting money , &c . &c , which , when taken into account , made my profits very small . Up to the time of giving up half the profits , I had paid into the hands of the Secretary from £ 3 10 s . to £ 4 , and have not seen any account , with the exceptien of once , and that noticed in the Star . "

      He further adds" A number of the members here ( Bradford ) investigated the aSair , and passed a vote of censure on the parties who sent the paragraph in question to the Slav , but it was not inserted ; thus , it appears , that a man is to be ruined with impunity—aa attack is allowed to be made , but publicity rafused to the person attacked . " With respect to the last sentence , I must say , that the " vote of censure " must not have reached yout office , or should it have come into your hands , it must have been mislaid , os it is well known that your columns are as cheerfully thrown open to the accused 03 to the accuser . Yours truly , April 27 th , 1841 . Fair Play .

      Untitled Article

      TO THE EDITOR OF THE NORTHERN STAR . Sin , —By giving the following addrfss a place in the columns of your truly invaluable paper , you would much oblige , Sir , Yours respectfully , P . M . Brophy . Dublin , April 26 th , 1841 .

      TO THE CHARTISTS OF GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND . " Cursed be the wretch that ' s bought and sold , Who barters liberty for gold . " Fkiends , Brethren , and Fellow-countrymen , —A fierce , determined , and unwarrantable attack having been made on the Chartists of Dublin by Mr . O'Connell , I beg to call your attention to a few plain facts , Mr . O'Connell has thought proper to state to tbe world that Chartism in Ireland is a transportable offence , but he has not pointed out the manner in which a Chartist Association in Ireland would be illegal . This he has done in order , to deter tbe gulled and starving people of Ireland from joining us , lest they should acquire a knowledge of their real state ,

      and the means of redressing it Before he published our Association in the venal . press of Ireland , he should have been certain that the rules of our Association were such as to warrant the assertion . Mr . O'Conneil dreads Chartism ( although one of its propounders ) , because he knows that if its sacred principles -were once known by the people , b . e -wo \ i \ A lose his popularity . He has called us " a despicable set , " and says that he knows us all ! Now in what are we despicable ? because we are honest and that we have truth on our side ? He knows us all ! what does he know of us ? He knows we are poor working men , and that we will not pin our opinions to his sleeve , but that we will think and act for our own and country ' s good . Let Ireland be enlightened in the principles < , f the Charter , and the bleod-Bucking minions have an end to their traffic in human misery and in human blood . Ireland has been disunited

      by factious demagogues ; her people have been taught to hate England and tho English ; England has been taught to bate the Irish ; and thus a system of rapinB , murder , treachery , and wrong has been perpetuated , in order that the traders in human blood might be able to glut themselves to satiety . The present effort to suppress Cliartism in Ireland is another of the many hell-born machinations devised for still making appropriate tho motto , " Divide and conquer . " Shall we be divided ? shall v ? e longer regard each other aa aliens in name and in blood ? shall we hate and persecute each other on account of our political aud religious opinions ? shall Protestant stand in opposition to Catholic , or Catholic to Protestant ? when tbe common interest of the people of this country , nay , of the vast empire , demands a unity of the producing and unrepresented millions , to resist by legal and moral means the progressive science of tyranny .

      Mon of England and Scotland ! you nave done much for the people of Ireland , by your agitation and dissemination of sound political and useful knowledge ; yoti have sent that luminary of truth and reason , the Northern Star ; that Star has been a comet to Ireland ; it haa spread its light through the dark horizon , and dispelled tbe gloomy fears that honest patriots have had for Ireland ' s regeneration ; from its hallowed columns has flown more real truth than from the -whole of the " Liberal" press . The schoolmaster is now abroad in Ireland ; the bird has flown , and nil the powers of earth and hell cannot impede its progress .

      Wen of England and Scotland , you have the best wishes of the Chartists of Ireland ; go on in the holy cause prospering and to prosper . Irishmen , let your solicitude for your country direct your energies to the all-important principle of Universal Suffrage ; recollect that on your exertions depend the fute of Ireland ; her destiny is in the hands of powerful demagogues , which the spread of Chartism alone cau make null . Reruember your friend and countryman , Feargus O'Connor , ( the disinterested and uncompromising patriot . ! has been reviled by these demagogues , because of the purity of his intentions in furthering the moral and physical condition of the working classes . May he live to see the deatli of tyranny and despotism . Let union be your motto , the Charter your banner , truth and justice your guide , and you will soon see a speedy downfall of the enemies of Ireland and Britain . Hurra for the Charter , and No Surrender . Peter M . Brophy , Secretary to the Charter Association of Dublin .

      Untitled Article

      " A democracy is a rough instrument of rule , in tha prea ^ nt state of education and manners in the Uni ted Stats , and I have not yet met with a British Radical who has had the benefit of five years' experience of it , who baa not renounced his creed , and ceased to admire Universal Suffrage . But the coarsene ? sof the machine , and its efficacy , are different questions . Itiscoarso , because the mass of the people , although intelligent , compwed with th « European masses , are still very imperfectly instructed , when their attainments in knowledge and refinement are contrasted with the power which they wield . It is efficacious , however , because it is sound in its structure and its mainsprings are strong . " But bow admirably are those drawbacks counterbalanced by the manifold advantages I In the following sentences , we have the rationale of democratic institutions : —

      " Ia the United States , the people have the power to tyrannise , if they please , over the wealthy , the educated , and the refined ; in Britain , the aristocracy and middle classes have the power to trample , if they choose , on the masses , who have no control over the legislators . So far as my observations extend , the peoplo in the United States have not perpetrated onetwentieth part of tlie acts of injustice , by their legislation against the rich , which the aristocracy in Britain has done by their legislation against the poor . " I frteiy confess , that while I lived under the British institutions , and enjoyed the advantages which they confer on the upper and middle classes , I , like many

      others , bad a less lively perception of their one-sided character . Even'now , after contemplating the greatly superior condition of the masses in the United States , I am bound to state ray conviction , that this democracy , in its present condition of imperfect instruction , is & rough , instrument of Government , and that , wero I to consult ray personal comfort merely , I should prefer to live in England . But viewing the results ot' both , as & citizen of the world , and as a man boundJto love his neighbour as himself , and perceiving fnat the one tends naturally to the elevation of tho few , and tho degradation of the many , while the other tenths to the improvement of all , it is impossible not to wish success to the American Republic . "

      Untitled Article

      TO THE CHARTISTS OF GREAT BRITAIN . Stroud , April 26 th , 1841 . Brothers , —Having seen my name , amoug others , in a vote of censure passed at Derby upon persons who approve of ths plan of organisation proposed by my friend , William Lovett , I deem it necessary to say a few words to you on the subject . I must say that I feel surprises , aftcif the many proofs I have given of the intensity of my devotion to the people and their cause , that any individual could for a moment suppose thai 1 hud so far fallen from the path of duty as to take part in any movement other than the movement of the people for the attainment of their political and social rights , m The whole of my political life is before the country . When an apprentice , ten years ago , I opposed the Reform Bill , on tho ground taken up by Henry Hunt , namely , that no suffrage short of Universal Suffrage would ever satisfy the people .

      Long before the Chartist agitation commenced I contended for Universal Suffrage . I moved amendments alike at Whig . and Tory meetings in various parts of London , in favour of that measure . I overthrew Whig vestry meetings in Marylebone and St . Pancras upwards of three ySars ago , to the no small mortification of the Whiglirigs in that neighbourhood . I was one ef the first to take part in the Charter agitation . I was one of the six working men appointed to dTaw up that document . I went through Yorkshire , a part of Lancashire , a great part of the West and

      Wales , almost entirely at my oxen expence . I expended , in two years , Two Hundred Pounds of my own Money , besideB loss of time , relations , and friends I formed numerous associations in places where " liberty" had . neyer been heard of . I denounced alike the tyranny of Government and the fawning sycophancy of the people . ' 1 exposed the base conduct of the Whigs , and the still nioro monstrous conduct of the knave O'ConneU- I established the Vindieator in the West , and I appeal to those who know me thereto bear witness to iny exertions .

      I became a member of the Convention , and was soon arrested . I was s . ent to Monmouth prison for iuelv * months . I have never complained of my imprisonment , though I was t .-eated like a < iog . Attempts were mud * in prison U get m « to compromise matters . I was told " ii' I would but dp so , I might be let out , and further imprisonment be avoided . " I spurned the recommendation . I told Mr . Vaughan , a magistrate of the county of Monmouth , ( a Catholic , } " that I would sirjk or swim with the Chartist party ; and that I would see tha enemy d d before I would do ought but despise and oppose them . " I was served with a copy of a SECOND INBICTS 1 ENT . I then refused-all compromise . Copies of three MORE INDICTMENTS " SROM \ V \ LTS AND GLOUCESTER WERE then served vnth the view of alarming me . I laughed them to scorn I

      After a confinement of eight months—a portion of which waa passed in the condemned cell—I was brought to trial a secon'd time—and sentenced to a further imprisonment of TWELVE MONTHS . Since I left prison—though under bail—and with " indictments " hanging over me—I have again taken " part with the people for the Charter . I have lectured in Banbury , . Northampton , Kettering-Leicester , Loughbordugb , Nottingham , Arnold ,. Sutton- ' in-Ashfield , Dorby , Cheltenham , and Gloucester ; and I am now in S ' . roud , the pocket borough of Lord John Kusself . To each of tlwse places I can point with pride . In each J have denounced all compromise of our glorious principles—in each have I exposed the knave O'Cojineli—in each I have denounced the Whigs—and in Nottingham I recommended the Chartists to vote for Walter rather ' than return LaRPENT the nominee of O'Oonnell and the base Whi $ s . I SUBMIT THAT IN THE ABOVE I HAVE GIVEN SOME PROOF OP Mi" SINCERITY TO THE PEOPLE .

      I now come to the one point on which I am censured , and which , in the eyes of my Derby friends , Liis rendered me a " fallen" Chartist ; and for doing which , in the opinion ef some , ( without even waiting till they hear me , ) I am to be denounced as a " traitor , " tliief , imp , pimp , Whig , Tory , O'Coiinellite , and the Duvil kuows what . Now , how stands the case ? When in Leicester , I received a circular from Mr . Levett , " addressed to the Political and Social Rfcfoimers of Great Britain . " I found on reading it that it was based on the admirable pamphlet , written by Lovett and Collins , when in Warwick gaol . I found that it proposed the establishment of an Association to erect Hails , and to establish libraries for the use of the working classes ; . and , feeling it to be a part of my duty to countenance anything which would have a tendency to place tbe working classes in an improved position , tuorally and intellectually , as well as politically —and having perfect confidence in tbe integrity of my

      friend Lovett—I signed my name to it , at the same time good humourertly telling him , " that I eld not think the plan could be carried out in consequence ef the general poverty and slavery of the people ; but that if uiy humble name could be useful in the slightest degree towards the ertctiqn of but one Hall in which the people might meet , free from tbe influence of persecution , he was welcome . to it . " I declaru moat solemnly that I had no other object when I signed that docusnent . My whole soul was then , and is now , in the Charter—and if any man had dared to request me to advocate anything short of Chartism , I ehouldJiave publicly denounced him as aknave . Wby , in London , J heard Lcvetl tell Hume that he never trouUl join in an utjilation for anything less than Vie Charter—and I told Hume to bis teeth " that he and his party had ruined therusfcl ves ; that I was glad of it ; and that they never could < lupe the working classes again ; thut we would 30 on with the Charter until it triumphed . " *

      Ikuewofno " conspiracy "—I know of none . lam a member of the " National Charter Association , " and Lave bten * irce it was runodelJed . 1 ever have been with the people—I- am cow—and I ever shall be . I am pained to have to write this letter—but justice to my own character demands it . 1 ai peal to all , who know me—to those who have heard we s » in <» I left prison in public or in private—I appeal to one and all , to say whether I have ever swerved from the one great object of my life , that of obtaining political power for the working millions . I shall write no more . We can ouly be judged of by our actions , and « ur professions . I point to both fearks » ly ; regarding neither the frowns nor the praises of my friends , but as incentives to further activity in our glorious cause .

      With my heart in my pen , I am , Brother Chartists , Your unalterably devoted friend , HENB . Y VlKCENT

      Untitled Article

      Alleeed Death from Starvation . —An inquest was held on Friday , the 23 rd , on the body of an a ^ ed female , named Colemau , who lived at New-Btreet , St . Nicholas , Btrmondsty , and who waa supposed te have died from want . It appeared the decua-sed was addicted to drinking , and that she died feom natural causes . Her intemperate habits rtdeced her to extreme poverty , and the parish officer of Deptford , said the Guardiats had forbidden him tosi ^ & ber out doorxelief . The jury returned a verdict , " That the deceased died from natural causes ; at the same time they could not separata without deprecating ia the strongest manner tha system of the New Poor Law . " One of the jury , who oontended that a verdict of died from starvation bhould bo returned , refused to sign the inquisition .

      The Armstrong Liver Pats are recommended as an Anti-bilious medicine , to every sufferer from bilious complaints and iadigestioa , or from an faaotiyo liver , and are procurable at all Druggists , and at tho Northern Star o&ce . It is only necessary to see that the stamp has "Dr . John Armstrong ' s Liver Pills" engr&Ted on it in ¦ white lettetB , and to let no one put you off with any other pilla . N . B . The Pills in the boxes enclosed , in marbled paper , aud marked JJ ., are a very mild aperient , and are particularly and universally praised . They are admirably adapted for sportsmen , agriculturists , men of business , naval &nd military men \ as they contain no mercury or calomel , and require neithfit confinement to the house , nor restraint in diet .

      Gjrt' S Inal ^Qvytspov&Tntz * » ^ J^^^ A ^ M A . ..-_ ._&Gt; _A A. Kk^_- _&&^^^._

      gjrt ' s inal ^ QVYtSpov&tntz * » ^ J ^^^ A ^ m a . ..- _ . _> _ A A . Kk ^_ - _ && ^^^ . _

      Untitled Article

      Effects of Fanny Ellsu A r ' s Dakcing . —Fanny's dancing has s « turned a por , r functionary ' s head , that he danced from morno )? . till night all over his boarding-house , till hia landlady had to take him before tbe polioe , —iv > w Tork Her aid .

      Untitled Article

      THE BACKWARD MOVE . TO THE EDITOR OF THE NOKTIIEB . 'V STAB . " Oh ! Peers of England , shameful is this league ! " '' Cancelling y our fame ; Blotting your names from books of memory ; Razing the character of your renown ; Undoing all as all had never been . " SUAKSPEARE . Sir , —Through the medium of the Star , I beg to thank Lovett , Hetberington , Cleave , aud Co ., for the honour they did me in not sending me a copy of their anti-Chartist declaration for my signature . They must have thought better of me thun of themselves . Their move was a secret to me until the Sizr turned its unwelcome light upon it , and brought it from that darkness in which Lovett would have loved it a little longer to dwell . This premature exposure was very uucourteous in the Star .

      When Lovett was released from prison , the people were much disappointed in not having an opportunity to pay their respects to him , aud to show their gratitude . He pleaded ill health , and was excused and commiserated . While in prison , where , I believe , he was supported by tho people—not by bis new friendshe wrote a book on Chartism , which was published on his liberation . The Government organ highly praised this book—a circumstance which looked suspicious , for praise from that source must be deemed censure by every right-minded Chartist . Lovett , however , appears to have been pleased with this praise , and to have sought more of it . " While his colleague , Collins , was gathering laurels in Scotland , and deserving them too , if we may judge him by his speeches , Lovett was sitting at home hatching his cockatrice scheme , or weaving his spider ' s web .

      The meeting at Leeds was a middle-class trap set to catch Chartists—an artificial fly thrown out for gudgeons ; but none were hooked , though there were a few who looked at it , and some who nibbled . This open attempt having failed , a secret one must be tried . Lovett draws up an address so very like Chartism , that it might be taken by tbe simple and unsuspecting for Chartism itself ' : just as a pitfall is covered with earth to look like firm ground . Lovett , Hetheriflgton , CJeave —ail names of good men and true , at least , of men who

      wore thought so—head the list which is sent secretly with these decoy-ducks to entrap Chartists . Dan O'Connell , Hume , Roebuck , and Co ., the fowlers and birdcatchers , keep out of sight , lest their appearance should scare away the prey , and the sweet singers aforesaid tune their notes tu entice the unwary , some of whom light upon the cage and are limed ; but as soon as they see the monster-men approach to seize them and put them in , they struggle hard and escape ; others submit to lose their liberty , and join the " unclean birds" within . There are others that ,

      " Struggling to be free are more encaged , " because they seek to justify themselves , aud cannot . Tbe leaders of this league knew that there was a National Association in existence ; but they are of that kind of mon who will not follow what other men propose . Th * y wish to , set up themselves head over all and they will be set up—but as warnings aud examples to shun , nnd not to imitate . " Infamy will brand their memories . " Duped by the middle class , they would fain have deceived and betrayed the people . They could not roaist tha honour of being courted by

      mtiubers of Parliament , and Lovett tho cabinet-maker , has been set to make a cabinet of Chartists—Collins , the tool-maker , to make tools for them—while we were to have been cloven and divided by Cleave . Old Dan , like Falst&ff , rinding that his " dato was out , " wished to know where a commodity of " good names" could be bought , and he found these . The trust reposed by a confiding people in Lovett and Co ., was to be turned against them to please the middle , classes . Could a man make or allow to be made a more shameful use of his good name . '" But they have overrated their influence with the people .

      What is the pretence of this backward move 1—the people are not sufficiently educated , forBOothi The mtn who want to bridle tbe people and check them by an educational bit , are booksellers who , of course , would charitably sell tracts , ic , to the starving millions . Do they think the people can be fed on payer ? They remind us of the cockney who rapped the live eels in tbe pan on their cockscombs , and cried " down , wantons , down ! " , in Mr . Lovett ' s opinion , the men who misrule the

      nation are well educated . The people who feel the wrong done them , and who would right it , must not ; because they ave not educated ! Mr . Lovttt is either a very dishonest or a very timid man . Does he wish to sophisticate the unsophisticated people ? But the greatest grievance is Mr . O'Connor , the " people ' s idol . " He must be got rid of , because his popularity Is envied . Mr . O'Connor earned it , and earned it dearly ; and did not Mr . Lovett possess his share—his full share ? was not the Star the herald of his fame ? Air . Lovett resembles the Turk that cannot btar a brother near

      him . Perhaps our " trading politicians" fancied Mr . O'Connor had monopoly , aud thoy wished to break it . It is well known that , in a pecuniary sense , the Star has done more benefit to others than to Mr . O Connor . He is out of pocket by it- Had he chosen to serve himself and not the people , he might have been a lord . He is in a prison for liis patriotism , and set upon by curs that durst not bark if he were out—spaniels that fawn upon their own persecutors . O'Connor ' s value to the people is indicated by this mean attempt to shelf him—an attempt made by men who owe their power of making it to bis favour , aud who have eat of his bread . To injure O'Connor is to injure the people ; he is identified with them . Had the people ' s enemies succeeded in turning the people against their friend , the people would h . we felt it first , and must have hated themselves . It would have been enough to make all true patriots turn to Tiiuons . Ingratitude is a sin which neither goda nor men can bear .

      But the traitors l » ave not succeeded , and cannot . This is their last attempt . It is well when men shew themselves in their truo colours and separate themselves . The goats will be known from the sheep . I do not think it will be worth while waging war with them , but , if we do , we will wage it warmly . " TVken Greek meets Greek , then comes the tug of war . " I am roost sorry to see Vincent ' s name in the lish I consider Vincent the chief Chartist writer of tho day . He has fought with us and suffered with us . Does he bleucli now ? Can he have become enamoured of those whose stripes he bears ? Turn again , Vincent , and be a true man . IS o doubt some of the London leaguers finding that they cannot mislead the people , will retract and come over to us again . There is one of them of ¦ whom we may say— " The devil a Chartist , or anything else is he , constantly , but a time-server , "

      What good could they expect by diverting the people from tbe old path ? Did they intend two natimul associations to be set up ? We canisot worship God and Mammon—we must hold to the one and neglect the other . The people ' s , attention would have been divided and distracted . They could not pay attention to both . A house divided against itself cannot &Uvnd . We cannot play a double game . We are not jugglers to keep two balls op at once . Young Chartism like a " graceless son , " would have tripped up hr . s sire . We must do away with one or the other . Aa for me , I will stick to the eld path—I will not meddle with the changelicgj . Onward , and we conqver—backward , and we are conquered . A little longer my friends , and the victory is ouis . Hold out—Wjb MUST MOI BE BEAT ! London , April 26 , 1841 . Johi * Waxkins .

      Untitled Article

      UNIVERSAL SUFFRAGE IN THE UNITED STATES . After pll that we have read of late concerning the Anwricau cities and people , ( says a reviewer of Combes Notes on tlie United Stales , in Tail ' s Magazine , ) there is little now left lor Mr . Combe to te ) l of mere externals . His attention was given to objects not lying on the surface . He reached Philadelphia about the time that the riots at Harrisburg—the town in which the State Assembly of Pennsylvania meets—were going forward ; those disturbances which to us at home presaged a dissolution of tbo Union . Even in America , he states that the excitement was very great , an < a all over the Union the proceedings attracted Much attention .

      " The Senate adjourned In confusion , and the mob organized a committee of safety , ' which directed their proceedings . Disorder reigned for several days , during which neither branch of the Legislature could bold a regular Session ; ' the Executive Chamber and State Department , ' says Governor Ritner , ' were closed , and confusion and alarm pervaded tbe seat of Government / The militia were called out ; and obeyed the summons . # e ¦ * * " In any European country , a tumultuoas assault on the Legislature , if successful , would ptobabiy have been the fo wanner of-a revolution ; b « t here it is of far I ' NFERU * ikpohtaKCE . In the United States a revolution can scarcely mean anything but AH abandonment of freedom . The suffrage is already all but universaland the people elect , either directly or

      ; indirectly , not only the Legislature but every officer of State . The wildest imagination , therefore , cannot devise & more democratic form of government ; and as there is no aristocrats class , having separate interests and distinct feelings from the people , who could usurp cower , a revolution could lead only to a despot ^ m . The States , however , are very far removed from that condition in which a despotism becomes possible . There are no poverty-stricken , 6 ufferiugt and ignorant multitudes , whom an aspiring tyrant can beguile to lend him their physical force to overthrow the liberties of their country . A large proportion of thejilectors are owners of their own farms , -while even the bumblest class possesses property and some degree or intelligence . All are reared in the love , not only of freedom , but of power , _

      Untitled Article

      _ ^ ^ THE NORTHERN STAR , 7 —^ \*~~^^ , , , m ^^ . ^^____ _ _ _ - m ^ ^ _ ^ ^ ^_^ . J ^_ —_ . . . . „ » _^ _ ¦—^^^—^»^—^

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), May 1, 1841, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct547/page/7/