Current:

Northern Star (1837-1852), 22nd May 1841, Edition 3 of 5, Page 7, Untitled Article

Page 7
Page 7
7 of 8

On this page

  • Departments (3)
    • 3£tnxicvtaX TBurlimnrni
    • Ciwtrttot mttmsfnee
    • Orig inal Ccrrcgpoutrrnte. j ^^_ _ = -
  • Text (17)
  • Transcript

    • Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.

      Additionally, when viewing full transcripts, extracted text may not be in the same order as the original document.

      Untitled Article

      " *""" the e d 1 / ob of the koethee - n STab - » jj ! 5 eTenirf , ai 3 d * - Spencer tu addressing ^ T ^ jBs anditory who bare been accustomed to fct' ^' t-jTrpositian of the Scriptures every Sunday ^* d " yile End Gate , for the Jast two yean , ¦ whea-*^ jT ire * tcer -would permit , two policemen came *•* vim and demanded a tight of hia license , and * * .- « ' mo ** ehop&Den when they were shewn the * " ^ t they & » ied for . Policeman K 29 said , J ^ fc jxrt » license to preach Cbartimi , and unless »^* ^ wm 8 other doctrine , yon shani preaeh * f ^ r spenca replied that he taught L those things & ¦ g ^ jptn res taught , th 3 t all men were equal in &T \ L ^ God , and that all those differences which * "Shihiied i *> & * presentstite ° f society , in which **~ 5 L were revelling in luxury oa the produce

      -Arf fflCfl 3 IIVCK / uJj ltAillC LUU » WUU 1 OWUCU U 2 UU i ^ M for them , net only neeessariea , but luxuries , * £ * r « e ^ T ap ? 6 ^ ' wcre themselves denied the '^ sSoeat even to snpport their natural existence ^ * af «« i Istwir . were contrary to the Scripture * , J ^^ L j- to conunon secse ; that he believed it to be ^ f « to cresdJ that Gospel , aod that he would * till * * £ » prt « fc at all risks . ^« ir , by * hat power are these men elevated into rf lheoJoey ? There weie two other preachers ^ UfereBt doctrine , asd who regularly hold forth ' ' Sand *)' . ^ e ? ^ rertt DO a *^ ert * ° produce thei r ^ L » - tui it must be acknowledged they are not

      2 « ei bj the constant attesaance 01 lour policemen , ^ jSpeccs is , and he won ! 4 perhaps feel proud of i ** L j . jsCed honour it they would merely confine ; ?—ira to taking notes of his teaching for the benefit , ^ Z g Lxxes and their masiers , and not iDterropt him , ; * f «! gHi » desiK- ns of creating a diBturbanc 8 , which , j zl gfet , tbej '"" ^ ** &Die * ° succeed in . It onght y ^ t , » he known , that Mr . Spencer preached in ] ^ O T « ii » a > "wifhin a very short distar . ce of his i » diing . while those who are not hunted , but , i , petted by the police , come from distant parts , ; ^ pjpiid precchers , while Mr . Spencer earns his : Wto the -SFori of his own hands . *^ lam , Tours respectfully , James Savage . yjje End , y ^ Town , lSshiky , 1 S 4 L * |

      Untitled Article

      JO TES ZDITOB . OP THE SORTHEB . X SI AH . ^ ^ tij , me , through the medium of the Northern w is throw oat the follomng suggestions ¦ with gjjj to & more efficient plan for supplying the Irish -joits trlth Sfare , and other papers faTomable to jCtetis ; erase , to distribute among their fel ' iow-^ ijjEfcn . nsmely , by the class-leaders of the Charter if / aSOD collecting the papers from those of their j ^ Tho ctoose to give them , and transmitting them ' ^ i Ganndttee cf four or STe , to be chosen for the ; g « ae in each town , who will send them to the { nspooi Goamittew . 5 ir , I think , tbere is hardly one Chartist who iiMl « p 1-is p-per after he hid read it , knowing the ; ypK to which it would be applied : namely , as a i ^ CJUiT ^ ris ibe political regeneration of 0 "CoaneIl—¦ gsjti Ireland—an event to which every real Chaif keb iurward wiui the feelings of the greatest gBSj . A Chartist , \ And a sincere Trell-wisher of Ireland , C Westbat .

      Untitled Article

      10 THE EEITOB OF THE * iOETHEH-N STAB . jxij Sis , —EoweTer I may feel it my duty pab-^ jb icknowlecse my errors , I am not prepared to teaetbs scspe-foat of erery man who may choose ts % > tcrsEt&re of mr confessions . & » ) etto addressed to yourself by Mr . Hollia , of ynj >^ Tn , pnbiisLtd in last weefs Star , that gentle B t 3 it . t that he wrote to head quarters fur an ex-& £ ka esneeroing the pkn of the old moTe . I beg ifctost&te in the columns of the Siar , for the satis-^ a cf all parties , that 1 never received any comwwtHm from Mr . Holiis on that subject , or any

      &s-, ts& often wondered , ccnsidLiing the exctlltnt kssa that were at that time delivered in Chelten-J » -4 pJtte with which I am well acquainted—that 6 ? fthe lecturers ) did not establish a scciety , and U $ is cards , particularly as there were associations I Worcester , Redditeh , Gloucester , Stroud , and depiicesia that part of England . If Mr . Hollis's isisSci recciTcd no attention , he misht haTe written xb , « addressed the ExecutiTe thiongh the Star . I bun desire to enter into recriminauon , but , at the ¦ a&ae , 1 " *' . sb it to be midsrstood , that I am deteasd to be aas's-vrable for no more than my own BiIAiSri Kin ^ -

      I remain , dear Sir , fSas : dread of tie charge of btirg- serrile oz fnleome , Tours , fcc , TV * M . TILLMAX . JfacAata , ilsy IT , 1 SA 1 .

      Untitled Article

      THE CORN LAW QUESTION . " Ten tait irj house when yon do take the prop Cs : doth , rustiin my houie -, yet : take my liie Via you Co tike the means wkcrefcy I live . " Shakespeare . Ts desga of all GrjTemmezit was twofold—lit To KTOothe pecp ; e from themselres and each other ; ; : b 2 j . To protect them frcm foreign invasion . For fcs pcipesEs la ^ s and arms were instituted . The ^ * ae £ &ad b est Wcrt ireely chosen to rule the rest , and ~ Sej » op ' . e pursned their labours in teace and confi-Bse . Pirtiai or rtmiss governors wore condemned or -i ^ saaied . If tie bad refused to give placa to the : , tht people rose and made an example of them , for

      * T * 0 nid D 0 t permit their rultrs to be above the law f& fifenaelrts alone under it . Bat if fiction proved bsesdnl— if joTerccrsdegenerated to tyrants—thepco-[ £ Teie ppprti&rd by ihe Ttry powe ? which they . had . KEiSjEia icr their protection . Then one p ^ ri was l tM ^ ^ rf ^ iio ' irn the other—brother held brother in : # § = GiaB , -while iu ^ s - . ers plundered them . Frt * s iafeour ^ pae & sSaTe . Goi help the people that suffered s' ^ ch J ^ eof things to come to psss—that did not die Ub& than yield to the yoke ; for their usurping and

      ¦^ pscsble mlers iirxi made laws to establish oppres-V ssd w perpe : uate it from gentratiom to generation , ¦ ni ^ bccij and silenced the people , they got pritste ijesaoe them that the will of man was the will of ¦ d , aa natims Wtre thtreafter diTided into two ¦ ** - " rjrait 3 and tyrsnts' slaves . " atpoa kiunapped in Africa , snd sold to be tortured Mi tailed , are net more unjustly treated ^ a ^ Eugiidi-* roDbed of their rights ; who must obey laws which ^ isTe no Toice in makii ^—laws which en slave thtm ; ¦» &re woried when wanted—starved when not filed .

      Ec cicerecce between the white and the black « t is abso ' utejy in favour of the latter- The black *>*» k 2 K , bora free ^—he was bom a msn , thocgh « Ttrfit biiieii to s . beast The white man is born a we , " » i'iiwii a birthright ; he Las his freedom to gain ; t cstediso-sras him ; he is not provided for like the I » ^ " ^ P ^ i ^ entcd froni proTiding for hima aT : « - 'S the horses and dogs ef his oppretsors—M * not "without csuse . "Work is given to him as a » = 5 r—tie - * wk which be dots for another . Was to em jaci , a £ erf -, p -wretch ! he knows not * 5 ^ of what he feels—he dares no ; seek the re-¦** J- Priests ttli him that it is the will of Heaven ¦ * k ^ ould iufftr thui Lawyers tell him that the ¦* & * -which ^ tx- * iieEces is iaw . ilnst he resign the

      W ^^ ^ fate which they award him ? Must be ¦ pie trad which he can neither buy nor beg ? ¦ t « die Of hunger by the way side , or ef starvation ;« festilc T ~ -a quick death or a slow death ? Must By ** ^ ' ^ obey God , who gave him life , and a ¦ ? ,. ^ i& "'—nature , that says , " Die not while you flT 6 - ' "—reason , that exclaims , " Starve not amid ¦^^¦ —aTd justice , whose trumpet-tODgue pro-**» that cos the willing working man , but the J ^ fcocia -ot eat ? If these inward voices are disr *^ . Trill tte ontward call be obeyed that'eria , Bz ^ ^ te , regain your rights— recover your lost I St ? ' ° * " S 1353 aa < ^ Parish . ?" i ^ k * " t tbs P idafels but ^ P ' 'tied state to which . T * 1 I'g uiia is reduced ? And where is his wife ?

      I J * » ^ td " ° man ' s "w' 0 Ti—to unsex bersslf for I « , ¦ ^^ t&tonifcs of their children ? Go and see . ** f actories : I ^ V * . Si * 1 * that should be playing in the I sri ^"' ^ - ^ a fri ^ 3 t ^ ^^ U ' ^ P » " ^ i « hy fear , ^ ^ ° T" ^^ strength by torture , and maddened I "it * ^ & 7- Saints , who are horror-struck at I faT &f xls S ^> ts and si the sins of idolaters , ™ ^ »^ t 5 by crutlties too abominable for slave-I ith- ? ric" ^ cs ' ^ worship idols more hideous I tZ * 5 ffi kt ^ then lands . Chiidrtn are thrown into ^ us of iic ' och

      : ; ., to be rendered into gold for the tUst - " Kmnoa . SilkwonnB are tetter caied for . —' fef ^ f ° ^^ hines throwing human beings out of S * --is it fit that ought but iron and steel * bJ * Epon ^ t ^^ " B ^ t m oney is wrung ' »« hhjj 3 and bodies of the potrr with is litUe re-1 v p meta ! is smelted from stocee . i » I ~ f ? ^ " ^ blamed for those evils ; but the 4 j V * * " Eot the cause of them . They are not of J h ^?^ "wtb ; they existed pri . r to the Corn haT ^ 2 Bde P < ient cf them . In fact the Corn ir t rt 7 ^ T 06 ly ** < aUed ™ question . Let na go to ^« the auttet 1 M ^ ffc ^ was conquered by a bastard , he par- ' * tanSf L ^ amoa * W * blowers , and the English \ * W ^ to m u tat tt >« n . The descendants of ¦ ^^^ n still pursne this plan . Such was the de-1 * fcd 7 ft ? E ? er 7 to which t ^ corqupjed naUves were , *< tt r ^ L I weie & * & te escaPe hx > m husbandry , ' frtket ' " ^^ I ^ Wotic of all pursuit * , and I l m ^ ^ - ' tD become weavers , or anything rather I

      & **** . <* tune , a manufactaring interest arose ; a * t o »« . Cla £ S ' ' wb <> se money power broke the \ «^ y T cf tte fi 6 hting aristocTExy , and mill lords fe , Zl ^ tSBioiu of the landlords . Ccrn was l ^ aporttd from this country : it can now be i 1 tcST k ' U ** ** h « e -, bat not cheaper j WW be gro ^ n . j ^ . ^ tept cp bT a pro . ( fe , , , foifcign tern , that the landlords may *** <* Up :-ee for Iheir pleamres . The xnaanfac--

      Untitled Article

      turers hate the landlords with a perfect hatred , and w » uld fain " buy aU their corn in Egypt , " in order to ruin the landlords at home . For this purpose , they raise the cry , *• Repeal the Com Laws ! " so Bay we , " Repeal the Corn L * ws r but not with the hope of laying eur cultivated lands waste , but wivh the hope of bringing our waste land * into cultivation . The manufactarera pretend that they cannot afford to pay men the high wage * which tee dear pric « of bread requires ; but they know—the hypocrites—that they are superseding thejise of men as fast as they can , by the introduction of machinery ; and that they get men for ialf the wages they formerly paid them . The agricultural and manufacturing interests depend upon each other ; but each seeks its self aggrandisement at the

      expenee of the other . When goods are supplied faster than the demand , and there is no market for them , the manufacturers—who dread foreign competition , and are In a hurry to make large fortunes—blame the Corn Laws , like the old man who said that Tenterden steeple wa » the cause of Goodwin Sanda , because he had never heard of those- sand * until that steeple was built . Their own selfishness is to blame ; but , like Shylock , when balked the gratification of their evil passions , they exclaim— " The curse never fell up » n our nation till now—we never felt it till now . " Like the oneeyed stag , they watch the land , and turn a blind eye to the danger that threatens them from the sea ; for , if they co-aid succeed in extirpating the " bold peasantry " at home , wkat defence could they mfuVfijTi against a foreign enemy ?

      Both landlords and mill lords tafce a wrong or perversely obstinate view " of the subject Mill lords , in wisaing to impoit all their food from abroad—landlords , in refusing to supply it cheaper at honia Repeal the Corn Laws—d « away with a monopoly that only protects idleness , and corn will soon be grown as cheap in England as it U in Poland , But the landlords sit at the head ef jaSkirs—they are secure in their own possessions , and will not so much as suffer an inquiry to be made into the evils complained of by the manufacturers . The landlords carry their heads an high like those overtopping flowers which Tarqntnius decimated . The only method of reducing them to

      Reason is by the help of the people ; but the people are not so simple as they used to be . The middle ; classes could formsrly conjure up the power of the : psople t « frighten the aristocracy ; but now the people i will not come at their call—they had as lief lie under i the tyranny of the ¦ landlords as under that of the i mill-lcrds ; but they are resolved to remain no I longer under either— -they claim their own rightsthey demand thfeiT Charter ! They have too often done the work of the factions and been cishiered—they will henceforth work only for themselves—their own cause is tba best—it is the cause of all . The middle classes see that their day of cajolery has gone by , and they are frantic with rage snd vexation .

      The Corn Laws cannot and ought not to be repealed until justice becomes law ; it will be time enough then , and that will be when the People ' s Charter becomes law . Let the Com Laws be the first laws repealed after the Charter is passed . We are convinced that more husbandmen would then be employed , and we have no wish to see the poet ' s linea realised" trade ' s unfeeling train "Usurp the land and dispossess the swain . " As the manufacturers have been necessitated to

      ransack their brains for new inventions , to extend their trade into every land , so , if the farmers were likewise thrown into the field of foreign competition , they would make every portion of uncultivated land available for the purposes « f husbandry . ? f o more talk of emigration ;—ne more complaint ef increase of po « r rates ;—plenty of work would be found by all who seek it Talk of a surplus-population i—that is to lay that biame on Provi . ience which belongs to man . God is not in fault England might be made to produce double the food needed by all Earlishmen .

      There are millions of acres that he wast *;—millions that are hud out in unprofitable pleasure-groundsmilLiocs that might be made to produce fourfold . What right have the rich to deny the poor sustenance from their own soil ? Te send them to the antipodts for food ? Foxes and hares an ; bred for the sport of titled men , on lands that would feed the patriot-poor —rabbits feed on crops that would fe » d many famishing families . Should the poor man take one , he is taken for it . An insolent , ignorant , and arrogant aristocracy have all , and keep alL If an honest labourer seek to enclose a piece of common , he is forbid by the squire , who encloses it himself—who adds it to a

      large farm , so that from him who hath nothing is taken even that which he hitb , and given to him who already hath too much . Should the labourer succeed in appropriating a piece of waste ground , the parson immediately' ct-mes , and claps his ten claws upan it for tithe . It may be seven years before the land yields any benefit to its cultivator , but the parson , who stands idly fey , counts the produce of every year ' s labour , and takes , his tenth from the first And what i 3 his pretence ? He has the care of the labourer ' s soul ; " May the devD give him good of it ! " prays the plundered peasant Oh , if the parson and lawyer could be kept out , as well as the polecat and the fox ; but there are no mantraps for these .

      Those who tell the poer to emigrate should be told te do so themselves—those who would force the poor to expatriate themselves , should themselves be mad 9 to do to . What right has idleness to deny labour its reward—and pride to deprive life of its land ? The right of might alone . Our native soil is the fittest for us—we belong to . it , and it belongs to us . It is God ' s gift , appointed to us at our birth by Providenceanother soil is net suited tons , and is tenanted by its own appropriate people . Quit not your native Boil in obsdiecee to the wishes of its unjust possessors—remain at becne and regain your rights . " The people shall EX JOY THE 1 B OWX AGAI 5 . '" W . ( To be concluded in our next . )

      Untitled Article

      ¦ ¦ ^ ^ ^^ ^ ^^^ " ¦ ^*" " - - *^^^* THE SIXTY orxCE IXGOT , OR BAR PLAX , OF THE LATE DAVID R 1 CARD 0 , ESQ . " Et genm , eiformam , repir . ^ pecunia doiiat . " David once with a sling Witness Roths—d and such Madt Goiiah ' s bead ring , Who the gold fain would Bat David Ricardo clutch , At least would as far 20 , And have it ( cunning elves ) E'en the siinger surpass Ing lump to themselves . With gold fcais in a mass , To insure which siy trick Tho' long since be be dead And all law folk to nick > And from Stock Exchange The whole heg they would sptd go To crave the full discount With defunct Ricsrdo ; On his final account ; For though not in their line Fur he to directors , " To drive banrains in swine .

      Our wealthy protectors , Such blades have at corn-Left a notable scheme mand Thtir flashnotes to redsem , The choice fat of the land , And bar out the rabble And whenever they hie From making a sqauhble , To the Threadneedle sty Andfrom ^ rainingtheBank Never get , it is fclear , Of its gold ( a fineprank , ; The wrong sow by the ear . When the gold , it is clear , Thus the men of the bar Backers mske it appear Shew therr . selvesabovepar , All belongs to rich men Than dwarf serpents mort Who grow fat by the pen— wise , Thai is , who are thriving They appear to our eyes By rapid quill driving To shine as the victors And stock speculation Of boa-constrictors . In this 2 nd that nation ; BrSANlTES .

      " I like the Bank of England to be the head Bank , to have all the specie undtr their care , and all the issues , and to be as liberal of money ^ s they can . It is these little people that drain the country banks , and taie gold from the B ^ nk of England . "—Evidence of S . M . Rothschild to Parliamentary Corrmittee , Zlth June , 1832 . " The talent of that gentiernan ( the late David Ricardoi was of the highest order , and his loss greatly to be regretted . Perhaps there never wm &n idea more deserving of consideration , than his plan for a circulation of notes convertible into ingots of gold or Eilver , and it would have been we ' . l for the country , had the government of his day given the subject ma *\ iTe consideration , prior to the issue of gdei coin , and forming that metal ss our standard of value . "—J . H . Palmer , Esq . a Bank Director , 1 S 3 " .

      Sir . J . H . Palmer reems to think as little of the exceeding villany and terrific consequences cf adopting the sixty ounce bar plan of the defunct Stock Exchange speculator , as a fox-hunting joint stock banker does of the risk to ins own neck in leaping a five-barred gate . In fict , the bai schtme is a Jacobinical conspiracy to swell ont bank dividends , to banish the gold eoin , bearing the tffiey of our Kings and Queens from the realm , to rob the Queen and her successors of the right of coining money of ascertained weight and fineness , and to substitute a barefaced permanent assignat system of paper currency . Scch a plot concocted by a class of m- - -n who are continually vounting their own superior wealth and wisdom , ought to be crushed 6 t once by a

      prosecution oa the part of the Attorney-General j for what more insidious plot , than one which would uproot all the ancijnt n-. onctary regulations of the country , and that too af ler the Parliament had congratulated the people on their return to the ancient metallic money , and had warned them against tampering with the wise institutions of their forefathers ? If a" Cbartist or Socialist , © r any political party , the designation of which endB in isl or ism , had propounded such a scheme , the country would have resound td with the phrases , " dt * p laid plot for the subversion of property , " " insidious blo < r aimed at the rrtri-iitive of the Crown , " " daring attempt to involve Ihi etirifcuaity in anarchy and confusim , " is . ; and it

      Untitled Article

      is more than probable that even the patriot banker , Daniel O'Connell , Esq ., forgetting his own partiality for high inflated paper prices , which he recorded in a letter to the people of Ireland , would have offered to aid her Majesty with a hundred thousand of hi « " rint " paying body guard , to crush' in the bud such a monstrous invasion of her rights , and those of her subjects . Perhaps , however , the Attorney General may be shy in taking any hostile rtepa against the conspirators In the back piriour , as he may be a bank-stock proprietor himself ; but if he forbear , it will only furnish one more to the many proofs we have , that , in this country , " one man may steal a horse , while another dare not look over a hedge . "

      > . B—Any wealthy person , with £ 233 12 « . « d . * in bank notes , might , under the plan in question , demand from the bank 60 ounces in bar gold , so that the honest scheme would effectually prevent the great Dons of the paper debt market from being elbowed by " these little people that drain the country banks , and take gold from the Bank of England . " Will the Papyrists try the efficacy of their plan ? If they do , ( and they are powerful in the Legislature , ) it will ultimately strengthen the cause of the Chartists ; and the writer , for one , would rather live under the domination of the latter , than under the ruthless away of a tribe of false money manufacturers . * Sixty times £ 3 17 s . 10 id . Nottingham , 15 th May , 18 * 1 .

      Untitled Article

      . MR . PETER HOEY . TO THE GENEROUS CHARTISTS OF GREAT BRITAIN . An imperative duty demands that we call upon you to render assistance to our tried friend Mr . Hoey , who , we feel bound to say , deserves your utmost aid at this moment . We firmly believe tbat it is only necessary to make public the distressing particulars of his case , to cause you to rush , as one man , to furnish the means required for his present emergency . You are too well aware that it was for advocating your rights , a « well as his own , that he drew down upon his devoted head the united vengeance of both the plundering factions of this town , who obtained for him a place in the Whig hell-hole at Wakefield . The treatment whieh our

      beloved friend received from his torturers has brought him to a very ruinous state of bodily health , besides a very bad leg , which dreadful state of bortily ; fSiction was , no doubt , the principal reason of the base and bloody bratals ( as O'Connell says ) liberating their victim before be yna Ciaytonized . Ever since he was liberated from the mad-house , he has been under a course of medicine , with little or no Buccess . His medical attendants have advised that our friend Hoey should go to his native town ( Drogheda , in Ireland ) to make trial of his native air , and to drink the salt waters . Unless that couise is taken , great fears are entertained that amputation of the sufferer ' s leg will be necessary to preserve to him his life .

      Brother Chartists , —We call upon you , then , to come forward with yonr mites at once , to enable the Barnsley Committee to send oni victinrzed brother to Drogheda for two months , to make trial of the doctor ' s advice , where no doubt he will be as serviceable in the cause of democracy as ever be was wont to be in this country . We are , Your Brothers in the causa of Chartism , Frank Mirfield , George Uttley , William Norton , Johk Valance , John Field , James Uttley , John Shaw , David Leech , John Frf . thwell .

      All persons wishing to contribute will oblige us by remitting it to the Star offic « . Johk Field , Secretary . Barnsley , May 16 th , 1811 .

      Untitled Article

      SHALL THERE BE AN " ENGLISH CHARTIST CIRCULAR ?" " And a voice was heard , saying ' Paul , Paul , why persecutest th&n me . ' " We earnestly entreat the attention of our readers to the following : —

      To the Editor of the English Chartist Circular . Sir , —In consequence of a difference ( not a division ) which now exists in the Chartirt ranks relative to Lovetfs plan of organisation and the Manchester plan , msny persons foolishly threaten the English Chartist Circular with annihilation . Now , Sir , this proves that men are objects cf perscution merely because there happens to be a difference of opinion as to the best mode of obtaining the Charter . I contend that such a difference ought not to be the cause of a malicious persecution of a work similar to the Chartist Circular , got

      up as every one must know at an enormous expence , continued at a weekly loss , and sold at one halfpenny only ! for the purpose of disseminating the principles of Chartism more widely . Such a work requires at least a weekly circulation of 2 a or 30 , 00 * before it can pay its own way ; and if from foolish motives it is invidiously attacktd , the circulation must fall off , and ultimately become extinct , which , instead of becoming a triumph to the persecutors , it would be a glorious triumph to the enemy , who dislike the spread of cheap democratic knowledge among tbu people .

      I hope the silly idea of crushing the English Chartist Circular will be abandoned by those who differ with Lovett and others . And here let it be observed tbat Lovett is not the editor as many suppose . I will give it or any ether publication of the same nature my warmest support . Where is the use of my acquiring political information , if I have not the facilities such as you afford me of giving the world the benefit of my studies and researches ? Sir , so long as you continue to publish , will I contribute articles to your columns , trusting to yonr judgment for their insertion . Though

      the stamp laws prohibit political renimks upon passing events , and justly-merittd censures upon some of our M . P . ' s and officers of state , black bottles , Sunday flogging , ami such like articlej found in uevrsp . ipers , from being inserted in yonr columns , yet an article written with cars I have no d&ubt meets » ready admission in your Circular . I remain , Your obedient servant , R . J . Richardson . Salford , near Manchester , April 28 , 1841 .

      [ Thanks to Mr . Richardson for his very friendly notification—thanks for the assurance that " so long as we continue to publish , will he contribute articles to cur column ? . " We had tl . ought that to contend against the prejudices of declared antagonists of " Equal rights and tqual laws , " and to infuse something like animation into lukewarm friends , now cradled in ignorant snpineness , was difficulty encugh for us to conquerbut when to this is added the misconceptions of a portitn of those wL ;> are " bone of oar bone , and flesh of our flesh , " we are in very truth © ppressed with exceeding great sorrow . What have we done to deserve the enmity— vhrit to call for our " annihilation" at the hands of Chartists ? We dare affirm—nothing ! Point us an article , —nay , but a solitary passage , in any one number of the Circular , that the most enthusiastic Democrat need be angered at ? We rtitorate that we are unconscious of , —nor do we fear that the moat microscopic vision can discern any such passages !

      Whence originates then the dissatisfaction so bitterly bewailed by us ? Doubtless from , we must say , the . 10 less strange than erroneous supposition on the part of the bretfeer Democrats alluded to by Mr . Richardson , that , 1 . The Circular is but the organ of a section of the Chartist army ; and 2 . That it is conducted as such by Mr . Lovett . Now , as regards the first , we have in a previous number disclaimed all connection with either sections or individuals . We seek but to promote the happiness , 2 nd humbly to diffuse a knowledge of those eternal princi ples of justice , ' by whose triumph alone can we

      hope to win a glorious freedom for a ) L It is painful to feel necessitated t" » repeat our most solemn asseveration that it has ever been our studious anxiety to keep aloof from every topic that would seem to savor of controversy , or engender personalities . The name of Chartist has always been a sura passport to our regard . On no occasion have we deviated from this fraternal feeling in deciding upon the many communications "with which we have heretofore , and hope again , to be favoured . Was the article transmitted such as our judgment believed would serve the " good cause "—if so , its insertion was at once decided , without question as to whether its writer was a member of this or that association .

      We must also declare that Mr . Lovett has n « t , and never had any further connection with the English Chartist Circular , than that of Correspondent . The communications of Mr . L . depended as much as those of any other correspondent upon the acceptation or rejection of the defado Editor . What is thvname borne by the actual Editor cannot surely be of the slightest import , bo that he perform well his duty to the publication entrusted to his care That is his sole ambition , and , despising the " bubble reputation" be looks for his best reward in the secure

      establishment of the Circular itself . But let no man imagine tl at he is a mere hireling scribe . No , this is to b'm " a labour of love , " of devotion to the sacred cause of the world ' s redemption from the hell-born powers of darkness and despotism . He would fain believe that those who have known him personally , can witness that he has been no idler , tbat be has cheerfuily made some few sacrifices , and endured not a little without quailing . If a William Lovett have grasped his hand , so also has a Bronterro O'Brien " many a time and oft" proclaimed him—friend .

      Thus much for the English Chariisi Circular , its true objects , and its Editor . Less we could not say , nor do we feel inclined to add more than that we ask not favour from any man , but justice from all who boast the title of Chartist . It is for them to decide whether after an enormous sum has been sunk upon the Circular , it shall now perish . Let them , however , we entreat , take good heed that they , the advocates of truth and demanders of justice , do not countenance falsehood and injustice to us . Let them judge the Circular according

      Untitled Article

      to its own merits or demerits , and not denounce it for " difreKnces , " which its Editor deplores , and with whi ( i > . he ia in no otherwise connected . If a truly honest and adverse verdict is returned , we will Bubniit without reproach ; bat it we fall a victim to passion and misrepresentation , we sliall bare good euxaeot complaint . Now , brother democrats , what »» y you ? » shall tbete be an English Chartist Circular «"—Ed . English Chartist Circular .- ]

      Untitled Article

      TO CABINET-MAKERS EXTRAORDINARY . Wanted immediately , some skilfnl hands to put in order a very curious cabinet , the workmanship of which has been in a disabled and ricketty atate for some months past It is not very ancient , having been put together only about five years ago , since which period it has experienced many changes in several of its most important departments , bo alteration having been productive of the slightest permanent benefit ' This cabinet ia composed of fourteen important parts , termed by the craft , " Ministers , " which are so contrived as to fit very closely together , and made to go in and out by a secret and influential spring , whenever it is applied for that purpose .

      It is also adorned with an abundance of little wooden figures resembling men of different ages , habited in the costume of the present day . All these automata are new within a few years , and have been manufactured at a vast expence . These figures , by a secret touch of the main spring , are so contrived as to utter and emit sounds like the speech of human creatures , and may be made to change their notes , and sing in quite a different key merely by shifting their places . The loading the puppet with coin will also occasion it to move any way it may be directed . It is worthy cf remark that the main spring of the ¦ whvlv cabinet is so exquisitely contrived that the slightest touch even of a child or a female is sufficient to put it in motion and direct all its movements .

      Owing to recent unlooked for accidents this cabinet has lost many of its customary supporters , and has been thrown into confusion , and consequently has become unable to perform its movements and functions . Sevoral cabinet-makers have been consulted as to its repair , but on account of itscomplicated machinery none have yet been able to agree in what is necessary to be done . The most eminent , however , are of opinion tliat it ought to be completely tnkon to pieces and a new cabinet formed . Whosoever will undertake to put the same into complete repair without taking it to pfeces , or looking at the works by which the secret spring is regulated , and which must on no account be touched , may apply at the office of the proprietor , Misa VICTORIA GliELPH , Queen ' s Buildings , Buckingham Palace . —Satirist .

      Untitled Article

      WHAT IS COMING . There are some persons among us who have persuaded themselves , or seek to persuade ethers , that the Reform Bill constitution can only be worked by its inventors . This is but a poor compliment to it The use of a constitution is to yilaee the nation less at the mercy of the individual characters of rulers—to establish so strongly certain forms of conducting business , that the most reckless and ambitious men shall feel themselves hampered if they seek to use for their own selfish purposes the power intrusted to them for the public good . A constitution which can only work well in the hands of one party , is as good as no constitution at all . To say , as some do not scruple to s . iy , that our liberties are in danger as soon as the Tories come into power , is to confess that the Reform Act gave us only a sham constitution .

      Without exaggerating the merits of that piece of legislation , it is not quite so bad as some of its admirers par excellence would make it The old boroughmongering constitution which grew up subsequent to the Revolution was bad enough—especially in its latter days : but it was better than the constitution or no-constitution which preceded it Under it , men enjoyed in security what they were allowed to earn , and went to their favourite churches withont impediment Some qualified praise of the same kind "will be bestowed a couple of generations hence on our Reform Bill constitution , even after the Conservatives have tried their hands at giving it a finish to their own taste . Catholics cannot ba again subjected to political disqualification ; th « Test Act cannot be again made law ; tae principles of Adam Smith must be carried into more extended operation ; more attention must be paid than formerly to keeping the national expenditure as moderate as possible , and collecting the revenue in the manner least severely felt .

      New principles of action must be avowed , and to a certain extent acted upon , by any set ef men who shall obtain and hold power under the Constitution of 1832 . It does not follow that because the son of the Anti-Keforru-Bill Conservative will call himself by the same political designation as his father , that his principles will net have been modified by the different framework of society , to the influences of which he is exposed . The fathers of Marshall Macdonald and General Wir . gfield Scott were obliged to leave thia country on account of their devotion to the divine hereditary right of the Stuarts ; yet the one has made a very respectable Revolutionary General in France , and the other an equally respectable Republican General Sn America . Most men ' s principles er opinions are a mere

      supplement to their existence—certain forms of speech , by which they reconcile themselves to any disagreeable feeliDgs occasioned by thtir reflections on their own conduct and circumstances . The principles and opinions of a party are the same thing on a larger Ecale : they are not so much rules of action as apologiea for belonging to the party . The political creed of the Conservatives under the Reform Bill , if they ever obtain a lease of power of any continuance , must be worded in euch a manner that the recruits they have picked up among the disappointed promoters of that measure can use ihem without buing constantly reminded of tbeir inconsistency . And the danger to be incurred by too glaring a contradiction between words and actions , will make their political creed to a certain extent iiifluential in controlling their conduct .

      When Harley and St . John got hold of the reins of Government in Queen Anne's time , the task of inventing a political confession of faith devolved principally on St . John and Dean Swift A very dexterous piece t f patchwork it was ; retaining juat as much of Tory principles as would not prevent its professors from working a Revolution Government—juat aa much of philosophical morals as served to expose the rottenness of the Whigs , withont tying down their rivals to be " absolute Josephs . " Harley and St . John were driven from power , but tho Tory party formed under their auspices , as contradistinguished from the Jacobite party , gained strength every year , till , under George the

      Third , it was installed in office , and held it with a high hand till the advent of Canning . When Sir Robert Peel comes into power—as there is at this moment every prospect of his doing—some clever fellows will lick the discordant popular professions of his supporters int » shape , and the Reform Bill Conservatives will obtain a code of political principles . A nice medley they will be , to suit the heterogeneous assortment of Colonial monopolists , nnti-slaver » , Presbyterian Non-intrusionists , Puseyites or Eemi-Pustyites , anti-Poor Law enthusiasts , and brea ; l-taxtrs , out of which a party must be organised . But they will be , like the speech of Chaucer ' s student , " souniugin moral jvertue , " and will serve their purpose for a time .

      That time , however , will most probab'y be brief . There is an clement at work in society , the character and extent of whose power is yet too undeveloped , too little known , to alloH' of our estimating its influence . It does txist , however ; and tho manner in which all parties alternately rail at and fawn upon it shews that they hate it with the hatred of fear . Its name is Chartism . —Spectator .

      3£Tnxicvtax Tburlimnrni

      3 £ tnxicvtaX TBurlimnrni

      Untitled Article

      HOUSE OF LORDS . —Fhjday , May U . Lord Wharncliffe presented several petitions from Liverpool , Manchester , Norwich , and other places , complaining of the present state of the marriage law with respect to marriages with the sister of a deceased wife . The Noblo Lord believed that such marriages tended to promote morality and domestic happiness , as no woman was more likely to superintend a family of young orphans with c . jre and affection than the sister of their deceased mother . The Bishop of LONDON pronounced himself strongly against any alteration of the law in this respect Lord Melbourne presented several petitions praying for the abolition of Church Rates . The House aii joumed .

      Monday , May 17 . The Exchequfr Bills Bill , the Excise Collection and Management Bill , and tho Banking Co-partnerships Bill , were severally read a third time and passed . Several petitions were presented for and against any alteration in the Corn Laws . A number of petitions against any alteration , presented by the Duke of Rutland , led to some discussion upon the policy , as well as upon the results consequential upon the enactment of those laws , in which Earl Fitzwilliam , the Earl of Ripon , the Duke of Rutland , the Earl of Stradbroke , the Duke of Wellington , the Earl of Radnor , Lord Ellenborougb , and Lord Ashburton took part The latter Noble . Lord , in the course of his speech , attacked the Government for having taken mea-rures , by means of their officers , to excite agitation throughout the country upon the subject of the Corn Laws . 1

      The Earl of Clarendon rose to give the most unqualified contradiction which the forms of the House would admit of , to the charge made by the Neble Lord , that they had excited agitation against the Corn Laws . Some reflections pronounced by the Earl of Wicklow on the conduct of Viscount Melbourne , who had left the House , produced & warm rejoinder from the Marquis of Nonnan&y , in the course ef which he Btatfcd that every item of the Government plan respecting the import duties was decided upon long before Easter , and was not the result of anything which had since occurred . Some petitions against the Corn Laws were presented by Earl Fitzwilliam , and their Lordships adjourned .

      Untitled Article

      HOSUE OF COMMONS . —Friday , May 14 , After the presentation of some petitions , and the transaction Of some general business , the House proceeded with the adjourned debate on the Sugar Duties . Mr . P . Howard contended for the admission of slavegrown sugar , on the ground that the supply of our own colonies was likely to be insufficient . He approved of the principles of the Budget , and gave credit to Ministers for a lofty disregard of the emoluments of office , and he moreover announced his conviction that , on an appeal to the country , the people would respond to the views ot the Government He believed that the opposition , if they succeeded to office , would adopt the very project they now resisted ; but he wished to see it carried out by Reformers , not by Conformers , and he trusted , at all events , that Ministers would not resign without a dissolution .

      Mr . Alderman COPeland bore testimony to the general feeling of mercantile men against this Budget , as deeply injurious to the commerce of the country . Sir H . Vivian observed , that people who professed their general belief ia the principles of free ' trade were often found to desire an exception for their own case . He commented upon the evils of the existing Corn Laws ; and illustrated them by qnoting an opinion expressed by the gunmakera of Birmingham , that they ceuld not compete with those of Belgium while the Cora Laws continued to keep up the price of bread , which was the standard of wages . Be was as zealous as any man in his hatred of slavery ; but he did not consider himself inconsistent in endeavouring to

      increase the general consumption of sugar . There would be no colonial sugar displaced , if , as he expected would happen , consumption would be increased so far as to absorb a quantity of Brazilian sugar ia addition to the colonial . Sir C . Douglas , after an elaborate attack on the Imports Committee , said , he claimed for the " great Tory party" the merit of having been at all times opposed to slavery . To prove this , he read extracts from letters from Lord CasUereach , written about the time of the Congress of Vienna , in which bis Lordship urged that the Great , Powers should exclude from their markets the produce of those countries which , after a reasonable time , refused to abolish the slave-trade .

      Sir H . Parn ell defended the conduct of the Imports Committee . He next reviewed the working of the Corn Laws , which he described as a burdensome tax , that brought nothing into the Exchequer . With regard to the subject more immediately under discussion , be said that the West India colonies , when relieved from tbe commercial restrictions under "which they had themselves laboured , would be perfectly able to compete with other sugar-growing countries . SirEAJtDLEY WiLMOT would not tafco one step to serve the West India interests ; but he should oppose the proposals of Government , because he thought them calculated to promote the slave trade .

      Mr . H . F . Berkeley thought it was yet too soon to expoBe free labour in the West Indies to the competition of slave labour . Of the general principles on which the Budget was fcased he approved ; and at no very distant time he believed the colonies would be equal to any competition to which they might be exposed . Mr . J . Parker said he stood in that House as the representative of the non-elective part of the population , as well as his own constituents , and he was determined to do every thing in his power to obtain for them cheap bread , cheap sugar , and all the other necessaries of life ,

      as cheap as they could be had consistently "with the exigencies of the revenue . Alluding to the attempts to get up a cry of humanity on the question of the sugar duties , Mr . Parker expressed a conviction that an opinion was rapidly gaining ground among the public that the real humanity of tho case was entirely on the sida of the Government Sevoral of the provincial Associations for the Abolition of Slavery had already protested against the conduct of the London Committee , and on that very day he had heard that a spirit of insubordination had manifested itsolf even in Exeter Hall . He regretted to see an anti-commercial spirit so strong among the Hon . Gentlemen opposite .

      Mr . D'ISRAELi endeavour » d to show that the value of the commerce of Brazil had been much overrated , and made it matter of complaint that more attention bad not been paid to Mexico and tho ether ex-colonies of Spain , where slavery no longer existed . The complaints now made of commercial decline vrere only tbe continuation of those which had always been put ferward , from the time of WaJpole to the present day . His own belief was that our commercial greatness , so far from being on the wane , had not yet attained its meridian splondoar . Sir H . Veuney spoke in support of the Budget , and looked to the proposals of Government , if agreed to , for new openings to British commerce .

      Mr . Kemble maintained thai to lower the duties on foreign sugar would be to undo aU that had been done by the Emancipation Act The proposals of the Government were in themselves ill-timed , aKd presented a most unfavourable account of the financial administration of the party who had now been in power for eleven years . The Chancellor of the Exchequer pointed out the inconsistency of those who ft ' ered so strenuous an opposition to the reduction of the Sugar Duties . They insisted , on the one hand , that he would derive ne revenue from foreign sugar , and , on the other hand , that the country would be inundated by an overwhelming importation of sugar grown by slave labour . One of these positions must be wrong . If there was a large

      importation there must be a corresponding revenue ; whereas , if no revenue were obtained there could be no importation , and , consequently , no injury to the colonial growers . But the fact was , that he gave to the Colonists a protection of 5 * per cent , which would secure them from injury by leaving them a fair and remunerating price . To the consumer , at the same time , he secured a supply in case of an extravagant rise in the price of colonial sugar . The Right Hon . Gentleman contended that the arguments of his opponents , that his proposal was ill-timed , were disproved by their own statements , when they said that the supply from our Colonies wus likely to % e so abundant as to render the proposed measure a dead letter . He expressed a conviction that aoiue degTee of competition would

      be bene 8 d . 1 I to the causa of free labour , to which the same principle might be applied as to every other branch of trade . Nothing could be more injurious , as had been vroll observed by Mr . Hnskisson , than to bolster up any species of trade or industry by prohibition . TJie Chancellor of the Exchequer ridiculed the pretensions to humanity by which his proposals had been met To object to receive Brazil sugar , lest by doing so encouragement be given to the Slave Trade , was futile , so long as we sold our manufactures to the Brazilians , and took their BUgor in return . We did not ourselves consume that sugar , but while we took it ,, andsoldit in foreign markets , we encouraged slavery just as much as if we consumed it at home . Viewing the question in a financial point of view , the Right Hon . Gentleman said he had proposed a scheme

      by which he believed the difficulties of the country would be obviated , without imposing fresh burderjs on the people . If he was wrong , let those opposed to him point out the means by which the crisis should be met Snch had bten invariably the conduct of Mr . Huskisson , of Lord Spencer , and Lord Ashburton , when in opposition . The debate had now lasted a week , and he would dtfy friend or foe to say on what principles the Opposition would shape their course "when they came into power . This was , no doubt , politic , if the only object was to keep together the great party by whom be was opposed ; bnt it was not the good old practice . The Right Hon , Gentleman concluded by expressing a belief that the policy now recommended by the Government must be eventually adopted , whatever party might be in power . The debate was then again adjourned till Monday .

      Monday , May 17 . The adjourned debate on the sugar duties was resumed by Sir C . Grey , who supported the Government propositions , and was followed by Mr . Ainsworth , Mr . Hodges , ( who took exception to the fixed duty on Corn , ) Mr . Trotter , Mr . W . Roche , Mr . Tufnell , Mr . G . H . Cavendish , Mr . Strutt , Mr . M . Philips , Mr . Barron , Mr . W . Williams , Mr . T . Duncombe , ( who made an excellent speech , ) and Mr . Briscoe , Mr . Smytae , Mr . Matthew , and Sir B Hall , spoke in opposition . Mr . Muntz snid the really houest course would be to-lay on a property tax , both on land and money , and to repeal a proportionate quantity of the indirect taxation which presses heavily on the poor . Mr . Shiel movkd the adjournment of the debate until Tuesday .

      Ciwtrttot Mttmsfnee

      Ciwtrttot mttmsfnee

      Untitled Article

      SMETBWICK— Tb e Triumph of Truth . —Corn Law Repealers Defeated . —A public meeting was called at the Talbot Inn , at this village , on Monday last , for the purpose of petitioning Parliament for a Repeal of the Corn Laws , when a deputation from West Bromwich attended to speechify upon them , and amongst them the Rev . W . Stokes . As soon as it became known that the cheap bread criers were going to hold a meeting , two working-men came over to Birmingham to procure help , and if possible to prevent the people from being deceived by euch humbugs , when Mr . T . P . Green , and Mr . W . Dean Taylor , were appointed to go , to give battle to tbe Repealers ; prior to the jmeeting commencing , Mr . Barratt lighted the candles on the rostrum , and while there took occasion to turn the portrait of the Queen , which hung over the mantel-piece , face to

      the wall ; immediately upon the arrival of his Reverence and friends , they proceeded to more a Mr . Downing as chairman , when the Chartists moved as an amendment , that Mr . Seagrave takethechair . Tbe amendment was learned by a great majority , after which ihe Rev . Mr . W . Stokes got up to move the first resolution , which was as follows : — "That all laws which interfere with the importation of the necessaries of life are opposed alike to sound policy and national prosperity , because they afford an undue protection to the landowners , to the manufacturing portion of the community , and whilst they sacrifice the commercial interests of the country , they afford r . o real protection to the agriculturists . " / 'T hat the Corn Laws are opposed to the sacred principles of religion and morality , by preventing that intercourse between nations which Providence , by bestowing upon , one country what it has dented to ano-

      Untitled Article

      ther , evidently intended should be the means of promoting ' Peace on earth and good will to men . '" " That the Corn Laws are peculiarly oppressive to the working portion of society , for whilst Holy Writ declares' That the labourerer is worthy of his hire / these restrict ! re l * m hare * direct tendency to prevent the fair remuneration of labour by raising the price of provisions , whilst they choke up the springs of industry . " Now , this was originally three Separate resolutions , but finding the Chartists prepared to show fight , they determined to move them as one . The old hackneyed arguments of repealers , which have been a thousand times told ,, were retailed here , but with great ability and considerable tact , and , as usual , pity for the workers , was the moving caus ©

      of the appearance of his "Reverence that evening . He spent considerable time in shewing his ability to make black appear white ; and , in so doing , stumbled upon the confession that he was an advocate for universal right and Universal Suffrage . Mr . Jones seconded the resolution , who did anything but aid the cause he had espoused ; but , as far as personalities and ill temper could do so , he was mighty valiant in its defence . A plain labouring Derbyshire man then moved an amendment aa follows : — " That this meeting considers the Whig scheme of » partial repeal of the Corn Law duty as one of trick and fraud , for the purpose of keeping themselves in office to perpetuate national plunder ; and this meeting will not acknowledge the Hoase of Commons aa

      at present constituted to be the veritable representative of the population of this country ; nor the House of Lords any thing else than a house of territorial aristocrats ; and further , this meeting considers it folly and madness to expect any redress of the grievances of the industrious classes , until the People ' s Charter be the permanent basis of the constitution of this country . " He remarked , that he thought it was woadrous fine to talk about repealing the Corn La to , but what would be the condition of the farmers , unless their high rents were repealed alsol He also clearly pointed out the manner in which it would drive the agricultural labourers into the manufacturing towni ; aud concluded by giving them a broadsider upon their inconsistency .

      amidst the laughter and cheers of the people . — Mr . W . Dean Taylor , Chartist lecturer , then got up to second the amendment . He appeared there not as a lover of Corn Laws . He did not believe they were either holy , just , or gooi ; but , though he was convinced that any tax upon food was in itself wicked and base , yet he was alto well assured that the Corn Laws could not be repealed without a decided chango in Government . Mr . Stokes had said we must first know the disease before we could know tho cure ; he , therefore , contended that the cause of the miseries of the people had not been shown . The question was , whether the passing of the Corn Law had produced all the misery and want of this country . If it had , then

      its repeal would , of course , take it away . But if the passing of the Corn Law had not produced the whole oi the evil , then its repeal would not remove it , or impart permanent peace or prosperity to the country —( hear)—on tho contrary , he was prepared to show that its repeal at present , and by itself , would not only fail to give domestic peace or national prosperity , but that it would produce real evil and greater distress . It had been stated , that before the passing of the Corn Laws the people could purchase food at remarkably low prices ; when it was a fact that , in 18 Q 3 , the quartern loaf was ltd ., and in 1812 , 20 d . was paid , and tha ' , these two periods were both prior to the passing of this iniq'litous law ; while it was well known that in 1841

      ttio eamo quantity could be purchased for 7 id , ana this while the Corn Law was in existence . Much had been said about the great orders that would come to this country , and make the labour market prosperous . Bat he wished to ask , what would be the effect if machinery was introdacsd to perform it instead of human labour I Numerous authorities could be brought to show , from among the Repealers themselves , to show , without doubt , that they were well satisfied that nothing but improved machinery could ever enable them to maintain their position in the market , the meaning of which was , that there must be less hand labour , and consequently the labour market more glutted than it was . He would also ask if this tremendous power of invention

      was to go oa so as only to require mere overlookers , how it would be possible to keep up our wages , when our wages depend on the scarcity of our numbers , and when the population is continually increasing . He clearly painted out the impossibility of competing with foreigners who manufacture to a great extent , who grow their own material , who are not burdened with taxes as we are , without we alio como down to their low wages , which a repeal of the Corn Laws by themselves would speedily bring about . He then referred to the exportation of machinery , that tho countries expected to give us corn for goods , had the first and best machinery , English mechanics and workmen—in fact , whatever was superior in British manufactures and machinery

      they had them ; besides could any man in bis senses expect those countries to throw away their machinery , buildings , and capital , for the sake of ploughing , sowing , reaping , &c , to please the manufacturers of this country—i ; was monstrous to suppose it . They were told the Corn Laws were injurious to the manufacturing interests ; . but they must always understand that ; to mean the interests of the masters , not tho workmen . It was not a Corn Law Repeal that was wanted , but a labour repeal , and an increase of wages . Englishmen worked too much already ; in fact they had worked for the world ,

      and a few had reaped tke benefit ; and now the masters had eaten up all the produce of the manufacturing operatives , they- were resolved to gormandizo and gulp down their ungodly throats the land auu its produce too . It was well known that a cotton spinner , thirty years ago , would earn three times as much with two hundred and fifty or three hundred spindles , as he can now produce nith one thousand , or from that to two thousand two hundred ; -pindles ; it was also known that the increase in sptcd was such , that where some spindles only revolved fifty times per minute , that they perform from four thousand to five thousand revolutions

      iu the same period of time .. How , then , can the labour-market ever be made prosperous again by the repeal of the corn , or in fact , by the repeal of any other la * Vs , until We labour for ourselves only and turn our attention to the cultivation of our country . Mr . Taylor then informed them that there were 30 , 080 , 000 of acres of laud in this country comparatively waste , and yet we wanting corn from others . Of all kinds-of insanity , this appeared the worst ; he laid before the Repealers such a number of facts and with such a power of argument that they appeared completely chop fallen , and concluded by showing the Charter must be the law of the land . Mr . T . P . Grean then got up to support the amendment , when he very clearly pointed out

      the part the clergy had taken in the matter , and that if they had wanted a repeal they would have got it , and if they wanted the Charter they could also have got it ; he gave tho black slugs as he termed them a regular drubbing . He sat down and Mr . Benjamin Hill arose also to support the amendment , in doing which he showed that bread was as dear long before the war without Corn Laws as it was now . ( Hear , hear , hear . ) He also explained in a very able manner the expense of freightage for corn to this country , the damages it was liable to , and that- it could not possibly be brought to this country , leaving profit out of the question , without being as dear or dearer than we can produce it at home ; he supported the

      amendment because he was resolved that the enemy should not slip through our fingers by cunningly keeping another resolution back , and thereby slide us out of the field , and publish it as having passed . He did his work like a true Chartist , he stood to his post . Novr Mr . Hill is a member of the Christian Chartist Church , and in supporting this amendment , he was opposing Mr . O Noi ) , his Pastor , who would not go for the amendment , but for the original motion , and this , a professed leader of Chartists . Mr . Hill , however , would not be juggled out of the victory , nor give au inch to the repealers , but opposed Mr . O'Neil to his face . Mr . O'Neil then said he thought the original resolution ought to be carried , and an

      amendment attached to it to make it perfect , thus giving the repealers a victory over Chartism . He also stated that as we would not do this , he would vote for both ; others could please themselves . The amendment , of course , was put and carried by an overwhelming majority . The resolution was also put , when about fourteen hands were held up in its favour , by Com Law repealers , amongst whom was Mr . O'Neill . Three cheers were then given for O'Connor and the Star , three for the exiles and prisoners , and three for the Charter ; concluding , as all meetings should do , having had a good dose of Chartism that night . Down with the repeal , and up with the Charter !

      Untitled Article

      Sudden Death op Mr . T . Barber Beaumoht . — On Saturday afternoon Mr . T . Barber Beaumont , a county magistrate , and resident director of the County Fire-office , expired suddenly , at his residence in Regent-street . He was sitting in bis parlour alone , and upon one of his family entering the room he was observed reclining in his chair as if asleep , but it was soon discovered that the vital spark had fled for ever . Mr . Beaumont was a fine healthy looking man , apparently about sixty years of age . A few months since he had a severe attack of illness , but overcame it , and from tbat period to his death he enjoyed very good health . About eight months since the deceased gentleman erected , at a vast expense , a large building m Beaumont-square , Mileend , and which is used for literary aud scientific purposes , and which he has endowed for ever with the sum of £ 400 annually . Mr . Beaumont bad extensive property in Mile-end . ,

      Intelligence arrived at the different insurance offices in the metropolis , on Saturday , of a terrilo fire having occurred on the morning of Wednesday week , in the quiet village of Stoke Cannon , situate ft few miles from Exeter , and which occasioned the total destruction of fifteen houses , the dwellings of forty-six poor labouring families . : .

      Orig Inal Ccrrcgpoutrrnte. J ^^_ _ = -

      Orig inal Ccrrcgpoutrrnte . j ^^_ _ = -

      Untitled Article

      [ ADTEKTISEMEXT . j TO THE CHARTISTS OF LO ^ ON * . If net victimised in gaol , I am left to perish from pricci ; Its 1 still hope to see carried out , by advocating the rights of the labouring classes to live by their labour . F ^ r this have I found enemies in masters and iuen ; the latter bave I fcar . il to succeed—invariably the mort . deadly foes I have ha > d to contend against . 1 have been told to get my brcadby my Chaitism , having five chilslren , deititule of support . I trust you ¦ will net "withhold yonr aid froni one who tos relieved others . Tour's , respectfully , RD . ilXDCBOFT , No . 1 , Trinity Court , Trinity Lane , Qaeenbithe .

      Untitled Article

      THE NORTHERN STAR . 7

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), May 22, 1841, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct550/page/7/