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Northern Star (1837-1852), 24th July 1841, Edition 3 of 5, Page 4, Untitled Article

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    • fflE NORTHERN STAR. SATURDAY, JULY 24, 1841.
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      Untitled Article

      3 XJLLLS RAENEY TO THB DEMOCRATS OF THE WEST RIDING . Mt Fjussds , —Having been granted , by your delegates , leave of absence for a short period from my duties as lecturer for yonr district , I Irish to inform yon how I have spent my time . I left Dswsbury on July 7 th , for Leedi . from there ¦ went by railway to York . I paid a visit to Mr . O'Connor on my arrival , and the same evening addieaed an « xeellent meeting in the Chartist Association Boom , -which was densely crowded , great numbers being usable to get admission .

      Thursday , 8 th . —Again vMted Mr . O'Connor . TJpon the occasion of each visit a person sat by the whole time , listening to the conversation . The Gcveraoi of the Castie , Mr . Noble , appears to be an excellent man . Onr glorious friend , O'Connor , I found in mudi better healtb than he previously had been , and in excellent spirits , fall of hope thai the victory of Chart&rm over class legislation is Je » Ua « -d to be si no distant day . The same day went by railway to Darlington , then took eo&eh to Newcastle , reaching that town at ten © 'dock at night . FrWay , « th »—Went by railway to Carlisle . Siiarvlay , 10 th . —Addressed a mteting of my old friends at DaJstor .

      Monday , 12 . —Addressed a goon meeting cf the Carlisle Chartists . I wish to direct tho attention of my friends to an address from the Carlisle ChartistB in the last number of the Siar , the lives of the two ucfortn-T »^ t ^ men are in jeopardy , and may be sac . ificed unless they have that legal defence which justice demands , bnt which is denied to those unable to pile gold upon the altar . Men of the West Riding ! remember ye , that whenever an appeal has been made to the country for pecuniary a&sutanc ^ in behalf of the Welsh victims or the persecuted patriots ; remember ye I that the men ¦ of C&ilisls have been the first to respond to that appeal -, let , then , the country make some return . Be it n- ^ t forgotten that life is at stite , and oh . ! let it sot be said that tha lives of our brethren were sacrificed to the vengeance of oppression ' s mercenaries through the * snt of a f « w pounds .

      Tuesday , 13 th . —Went by railway to winlaton ,-where , that evening , I addressed a large gathering of my old frisnos , by whom I \ ras heartily received . Wednesday , 14 th . —Returned to Newcastle . A meeting had been called to take placa in the Association room , capable of holding some hundreds . By eight o ' clock , it was crowded to suffocation , and some hun-< lr » ds being usable to obtain admission , an adjournment to the open-air took place , where a large and enthusiastic gathering was held . A letter from Mr ; O'Conn » r tji read by the Chairman , and elicited shouts of applause . A resolution , proposed oy Mr . 0 Connor , was aeconded by Mr . Mason , in a spirit-stirring speech . I followed ,, spesiing for nearly two bonus- It was nearly fiteTea o ' clock at the conclusion of the proceeding * .

      Thursday , lath . —Addressed a glorious gathering of the men of South Shields , in the Market-place of that town . I regret to have te say , that 1 found no Associ ation here , but , at the close of the meeting , a number of the old leaden accompanied me to my lodgings , and there made arrangements fur the calling of a public meeting , en an early day , to form an Association . Let tiik be done , " snA l « t ths leaders work with spirit , and no fear but that " fee days of old " will be speedily restowdrwier . South Shields ranked in the van ef the xacks of Gbartism .

      Friday . 18 th . —Addressed a splendid , overflowing and most enthosiastie audience in the Arcade Roim , Snntierlasd . Messrs . Williams and Bums were on the platform ; the former did me the honour of introducing me to his compatriots , the men of Sundtrland—the latter proposed the th&nks of the assembly to year humble Eerrant This was by Ear the most enthusiastic meeting I have addressed , and tells -well for its almost superhuman exertions in the democratic cause of those talented patriots , Williams and Bines ; to them -we owe the present glorious state of Chartism in Sunderland . Long , long may they in health and « treBgth continue to es joy the esteem and affection of theii townsmen—esteem they have so nobly won—affection they « o nobly

      deserve-Satnrday , 17 tb Left Sunderland for Stockton-u Tee * , where , that evening I addressed a large open-airnwf ^ ng , in the High-street Toe Stockton Chartists are as excellent bod / of patriots , they have a good leading room , a co-operative store , and are found ever ready to play their part when any appeal by the Chartiat leaden is made to the country ; yet strange to * ay , Stockton is but very seldom visited by Chartist lecturers : this is much regretted by the local leaders . I would earnestly request any of my brother " demagogues " who may be going from York to Sunderl&nd and Newcastle , or from either of the latter places to the former , to pay Stockton a visit ; they will find excellent secoszmodation for an open-air meeting , and trill thase meet with » people generous and hospitable , and sternly patriotic in liberty ' s cause . Monday , 19 th . —Returned to York .

      Tuesday , 30 th . —Again had the pleasure of an interview with Mr . O'Connor . How is it , let me ask , that my fair friends , the good wives and bonnie lasses of Oldham , forgot to send me ias promised ; their address to Mr . O'Connor ? Let them make amends for their neglect , by at once going to work in preparing for the patriot's reception on his liberation . Oldham , the only place in Britain that returns to Parliament two real Badkal Members , mast—will ( to O'Connor and the canse ) do its duly . The aame evening addressed a second excellent meeting Of the Chartists of York . Men . of tb « WesURlding ! I am kappy that 2 can congratulate you . on tiis triumphant progress of Chartism In this city , hitherto the fortress of ariztoeratical despotism and priestly ignorance ; but now ( thank 3 to the persecution of O'Connor ) destined , I verily believe , to be , at no remote period , one of the strongholds of democracy .

      I shall this day return to Dewsbury , and on Monday next shall recommence my lectures in the Riding . Brother democrat * , I reserve till we meet , face to faee , comment upon the late downfall of Whiggery in your Riding , as also any advice I may have to tender as to tbe future coarse your own interests command yon to pursue . In the meantime , I cannot but congratulite you that

      The flag that's tainted ten long years The once free English bretZithe filthy yellow rag , is at length hauled down ; and although in its stead , for a moment , the Tory blue flies aloft , yet union and energy , my friends , and no fear but thit the glorious burner of green will yet—aye , and speedily , too—fisst triumphant on the bretza , proclaiming the liberation of ourselves , and the enfranchisement of cui father-land . Yours , fraternally and faithfully , eBO&GE JULIAN HORNET . York , Wednesday , Jn y 2 lst , 1 * 41 .

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      BEErtflWGHAM RESTORATION COMMITTEE . This industrious Committee has this last two or three weeks been bnsily engaged with their balance shaet and Mrs . Frost ' s ease . At a previous meeting , Mr . Ross , of the Central Committee of Glasgow , was unanimously chosen an honorary member of tie Restoration Committee of Birmingham , St On Tuesday evening last , Messrs . "Wilkinson and Startin were appointed auditors of the entire balance sheet of tJoe Connnittee , which wQl be printed and sent te every district of the country that has contri bated thereto . The Committee recommend the ease of Mrs . Frort to the country , and hope , st an early day , to secure the presentation of the memorials to the Q'leen . Cormspocdence was received from Mrs . Frost thanking the Committee for their vote of £ 3 10 s . 8 d . in the cos ! poEre terms .

      40 so a communication from the Executive of Manchester is to the state of the funds of the Committee , Mr . T . P . Green tendered hii resignation as corresponding secretary , in consequence of want of time to attend to the duties of the office . As he held that trust only until a competent person would take theplaee , and on Mr . Wilkinson being unanimously elected on the Committee , Mr . Green would either propose or secend that gentleman to the effice , believing him qualified in every respect . Elected unanimously , as Corresponding and Financial Secretary to the Comsuttee .

      The Committee unanimously elected Messrs Wilkinson , Nichols , and Thorp , as members of the Committee . AH communication ! for the Committee to be addressed to Mr . J . Guest , ( Treasurer ) bookseller , Steelhouse-lane , "PiTTniTijjlfoa-TIl-

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      TO THE CHARTISTS OF YORKSHIRE AND LANCASHIRE . F&IB 5 DS a > 'D Bkethrxh , —The day so anxiously looked forward to by the enslaved mUli » n 8—the day ¦ when the dungeon fetters of tyranny shall be struck off , and the prison bonds burst a « ind « - * -tlie day of O'Connor ' s liberation is rapidly drawing nigh . I doubt not , men of Yorkshire and Lancashire , bat tbate&dh locality of yoni important counties will be anxious to outvie each other in doing the patriot honour . But , yon will see the propriety of so ordering matters , that the arrangements of one locality shall not clash with those of another ; this can only be prevented by a rigbi understanding between all parties . To effect this , I would respectfully suggest the holding of a meeting of -delegates , from all parts of Yorkshire and Lancashire , at Hebdan-Bridge , at at early s day as

      possible-I n * nm Hebden Bridge because , abont half way between-Leeds and Manchester , it stands on the direct line ¦ of railroad uniting the two counties . I would suggest that such meeting take place in the course of two or three weeks * time ( some Sunday )—as to work early is to work welL Moreover , such delegate meeting would determine whether our noble friend Bronterre should hold a series of demonstratims previous to tie liberation of Mr . O'Onnor ; or , resting from his prison cares in the bosom of his family for a ftw weeks , should accompany that gantlemzn in'the march of triumph deserved by , and I feel assured desfcned for both . Offering these suggestions for you to improve upon , I have the honour to be , Respectfully and faithfully yours , GSQBGE JULUH Hifi-NET .

      Ffle Northern Star. Saturday, July 24, 1841.

      fflE NORTHERN STAR . SATURDAY , JULY 24 , 1841 .

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      " The Chartists hate proved themselves more accurate calculators than the middle cl 4 . sses . Whethes thkib kostbum would have mexded mattebs is not now the question ; but the result HAS SHEWS THAT THEY wbre COaKKCT IK THEIR opinion—that in ihb present stats of thb representation , it was vain to thikk op a repeax op the corn monopoly . *?•?•• « Political power in this country , though it besides in a comparatively small class , can only be exercised by the sufferance of the masses . "Morning Chronicle f organ of the Whiq Ministers ) , Friday , July 1 M > , 1841 . THE PRESS AND THE CRISIS .

      As yet the chaotic rubbish of the press affords the only materials from which we can form any notion of the new political temple about to be erected ; and so misshapen , rude , and unmanageable are they , that it would require an architect of no ordinary capacity to guees at the description of political architecture for which they are designed . Whether it is to be of the pore and chaste Tory style , with smooth front , stately and coIoseo ! pillars 3 and rojal dome , ct whether it is to be of the new order of Whig-Tory architecture , with Gothic front , corridor , and wings , yet remains to be proved .

      Oae thing , and only one , appears plain ; and that is . jad sing from the stand which the Ministerial organs appear resolved to take upon prerogative , the Whigs , as a party , have not , as yet , had sufficient proof of the utter hopelessness of any attempt to regain power upon their olden principles . This madness we may perhaps ascribe to the yet unbalanced Etate of parties , and a desire to soften or retard Tory craving for the mess . Of this policy vre thought our friends had had enough , without publishing a second edition of their folly .

      Lest however there may be any , the slightest , intention of a coalition of the heads of factions " in order to give stability to onr drooping trade , so essentially necessary just now , " let us point out the obstacles to such an alliance . In the first place then , we have before shown that patronage , to suit the expectations of the many sections of Conservatism of which the Tory party is composed , is far too scanty to admit of the remission of a single abuse which would diminish the " idle paupers' Poor Law fund . " Without the introduction of Russell , Palmebston , and Macaulay

      to the Tory firm , to say nothing of Hobhouse , Baring , Laboccherk , and the small fry , there could be no partnership ; and we guess that the terms , ( fiscal , not political , ) required by those three patriotic Senators , would be such as to reduce the mesa very much below par . But suppose sach a union did take place , what , in such case , is to become of the young Tories who would be thereby deprived of their share of the mess ! and what would become of the constitutional Whigs when deprived of their patriotic , philosophic , constitutional leaders t and whatwould become of Dan and his tame associates 1

      of WSklbt , Duncombe , Leader , Warbubton , Bowrisg , Roebuck , and Crawford ? And again , what would become of Charles Buller , George Hesbt Ward , and that Email section ! in short what would become of one and all of the hardpresserB and close-watchers for Whig windfalls ! What , we ask , wonld become of the cut-off Whigs and Tories in case of a coalition ? The answer is plain and easy : —they would put Chartism to the blush by glaring exposure of its insufficiency to attain the just and righteous ends of justice ; and they would start Republicanism on their own account .

      Already have the leading organs of the respective parties , the Chronicle and the Times , taken their ground ; and where does the reader suppose . ' Aye in troth , where , in the nineteenth century , and in the tenth year of Reform and the thirteenth of emancipation ! W&y , upon old Mother Bang ! Yes , in faith , the bloodj old Times , not satisfied with the many murders and calamities of which its

      pestilential columns has been the immediate cause , has the folly and audacity to threaten full-blown popular power with the revival of the religious rancour of resuscitated Toryism and bigotted Protestantismand this charge , the Chronicle , ( which we are in justice bound to say has for the first time the best of the argument with its gigantic rival , )—merely meets by a set-off of what in such and such caseB , it would be justifiable for the oppressed to do .

      The Times insists upon the appointment of holy Protestant spies , whose Christian dnty shall beto attend all Catholic places of worskip and report , we presume , ( if summary Tory justice is to be dealt ) to the next Protestant chief constable , who shall be a competent judge as to the tendency of the language complained of , and shall , upon the spot hold a court of oyer and terminer ; and after evidence taken , that is , after having heard the lies of some hired ruffian , he shall forthwith decide upon the amount of pains and penalties to which the priest who utters politics in Ms chapel shall be subjected , and that thereupon * he , the said constable , shall forthwith proceed to execute his own decree upon the said priest .

      Now , just a word in the ear of old "Bloody . " Does the old lady not remember the reply of the cab-man to his passenger , when the passenger threatened to taie his number ! " Aye , " replied the cab-man , " You would , and my cab too , if I'd let you . " We have no doubt that the protestant chief constable would take the priest and the chapel too , if the parishioners would let him . "This infernal and bloody threat of the old lady , the Chronicle , meets thus : — " Well , in such'c&se ,

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      would it not be justifiable to utilise and . report upon the tendency of the visitation iennoofl of Bishop Philpotts , and of pro teetant pulpit demagogues , and to deal ont like punishment to them V * Why , what nonsense ! To be sure it would be equally just and reasonable ; bat then to wh « m are the parties aggrieved to appeal 1 there ' s the rub ! The Tories are in and the Whigs are out . As we are the real constitutionalists , and as we love precedent , as others do , when it makes for as , let ub jost direct the attention of the Chronicle to a case in point . The grievance now threatened

      by the Times , and complained of by the Chronicle , is doubtless a great one , and one which with all our might we will resist . Bat are we not justified in asking the leading journal of oar oppressors , why it was silent when ex-offMo Poor Law Guardians ) with the title of magistrates ; when petty constables and penny-a-line reporters ; when Lord Mayors and minions of the faction in power , were made judges of what was evil and what hod an evil tendency , in the harangues of poor working men not having equal education with Bishop Phiuotts , and having much more cause of

      complaint 1 Why , we ask , were poor working men subjected to that inquisitorial scrutiny and legal construction of guilt according to the law ' s whim , of which , in the case as laid down by the Times , the Chronicle now Bees so much injustice 1 Why were policemen , and ignorant jurors , and old women , allowed to be good and sufficient judges of what constituted just cause of alarm and apprehension of violence , in the case of poor working men , when the politics taught at their places of meeting did not square with Whig convenience !

      There is nothing like proper light for setting off the merits of a picture , and no doubt the char go from the glaring sun , which throws its dazzling and unequal rays upon the right of the Speaker ' s chair , to the steady light which beams upon the left , has exposed to the critic all those inaccuracies which blazing Whiggery so long obscured ! In fact , the great change which change of place and scenery works in the human mind is almost incredible .

      In conclusion , we beg to assure our friend , the Chronicle , that it must celeot seme more open ground than the narrow limits of the Church whereon to fight the approaching battle . We havo more than once sta'ed , and we now repeat it , that with perfect religious freedom , civil disabilities , and great social inequalities may exist ; whereas the existence of religious tyranny iB incompatible with the existence of perfect civil liberty . We have now seen that a people deprived of all the privileges of freemen will net struggle with the favoured privileged oppressor for the accomplishment of his self-interested objects . Civil liberty is a means ; religions freedom is a end .

      The English people are , foi the most part , Protestant ; and they repudiate the present ascendancy of their religious order : while , upon the other hand , the Catholic people of Ireland are beginning to discover that without civil rights all religious disabilities removed are but so many manacles taken from the wealthy leaders and placed upon the poor man ' s limbs . The Chronicle may rest assured that the shrewd , the oppressed , and oft deceived people will never again struggle for any object until they first acquire the means of effecting it , and of afterward 8 enjoying it . Proof , full , ample , and

      convincing proof , has been given that the Whigs are not able to carry even their enticing modicum of " Great Reforms , " constituted as the House of Commons is . We are for every change , the justice of which the Chronicle admits ; jea , for all the " Gbeat Commercial Reforms , " free trade and all ; but we are not for allowing the power of exciting the public mind upon them as a mere means of perpetuating office to remain in the hands of those who have not strength to carry them , even if inclined . Give the people tho means , and just and prudent results will follow ; therefore for the Charter , and that alone , will they contend .

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      THE WHIGS AND THE POOR LAW . All the old fashions are about being revived , and among other ? , we find the Whigs abandoning the gallopade , waltz , and , quadrille , for the old country dance . Doubtless the figure suits them : down the middle and back , change 6 ides , set and turn your partner , is all the go . Well , well , to be sure , what a world we live in ! !!

      It is now some time since we told our old story about the fine l&dj who was compelled to seek shelter from tho pelting storm in the cold and cheerless widow ' s hovel , where system-made wretchedness and nakedness trembled in the corner . Wo have told how the lady felt for the perishing inmates while she made one of the shivering group ; and how Bhe condoled with the widow , and how she ordered John , her footman , to be surd to bring a goodly supply of coals to cheer the inmates and

      make the cottage hearth send forth its heat ; and how , when she got home , and thrust her feet into a pair of morroco slippers well furred inside , and placed them upon the fender , with the last number of the Ladies' Magazine- in her hand , she rung the bell and asked John if he had sent the coals to the poor widow ; and when John answered "No , my Lady , not yet , bnt I am just going , " how the fine lady said , " 0 , you need not mind it now , John ; I don ' t think it is near so cold as it was , when we WERE IN THE POOR WIDOW ' S HOUSE 1 "

      As we never relate an anecdote without some point , w » have told the above for the purpose of contrasting the feelings of the fine lady while a participator in suffering , and her subsequent relapse into ossification of the heart when relieved herself , with the feelings of the scribes of the Whig press in general , and of George Hbnby Ward in particular , when similarly situated . When the Hon . Member for Sheffield , upon passing by all the Government offices on bis way from his cock-loft in the Strand to the Senate-House of the nation , was regaled by the savoury smell which issued from the

      stew-pan of the Ministerial kitchen , we never heard one word in condemnation of what the cooks term " gravy stock . " We never heard that the sauce which smelt so savoury was wholly and entirely constituted of the poor man ' s marrow , of little fingers , twisted limbs , broken constitutions , and , in short , of a hodge-podge of human suffering . No ; not a word of complaint while *• the fat' Buck of Sheffield" licked his lips in anticipation of the feast . 0 , then " the Po or Law was all right and proper ; " it was " the industrious labourer ' s protection against the idler , who pressed too hardly upon his

      means of subsistence . " But now , alas ! when " mine host" is about to be changed , the close weather and the close grasp of power in Tory hands , makes well flavoured dishes and savoury sauce to stink in the nostrils of the humanity-monger ; and while swom testimony and daily instances of brutality and cruelty failed to open the bowels of Mr . Wakd to the sufferings of his fellow man , so long as they promised to constitute his ( Mr . Ward ' s ) comforts ; the moment that he ceases to be an invited guest , the authority of a correspondent is proof convincing that the law is bad , and should be narrowly watched .

      No doubt our readers were struck at seeing an article copied from the Weekly Chronicle in last week's Star , reflecting upon the hardship of taking their stays from the female inmates of " the Chesterfield Union . " We quite agree in every word of the said article ; but has it never been the lot of Sir . Ward , while on the threshold of office , for seven long years , to have arrived at the knowledge of any greater grievances under the New Poor Law ? Has he never heard of the skin being taken from the back of many a little girl and many a little boy ? Has be never heard of the father , in a moment of frenzy , when driven to want by Mr . Ward and bis class , depriving Ms children whomhe tenderly loTedofexisteuoeitself . lest they should become inmates of the said workhouses ?

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      Hw h © never beard of the BoRlilh Tirtuoua mother girfng birth to her infant in a pool of water , tt the workhouse door , and of hex labour-moans failing to soften the heart of the devil overseer ! If he has heard of those things , why is it that we have never till now heard a single word of condemnation of the Poor Law from the said humanity-monger !!!! We hare always said that the opposition of a few Tories to the measure was a sprat to catch a mackerel—a bait for popularity ; and having been rather successfully tried for a season , we now see strong symptoms of a similar attempt beiDg made by a section of the displaced Whig popularity-huniera . Yes , we see the parties about to change sides ! and the Whigs

      are about to occupy the position now abandoned , because no longer of importance to the Times and its party . From the Times we shall hear no more wholesale abase of the Poor Law ; its opposition will dwindle down into an exhortation to the new possessors of power to " make the law , which they found upon the Statute Book , as congenial as possible to the wants and feelingsof the poor "—that is , in other vfovda , as congenial as is consistent with the feelings and wants of the landlords . Upon the other hand , w « feel convinced that a new light will shine upon a section of the Whig ); and that they will taunt the Tori « s with . uot accomplishing that change , the promise of which , as they are foolish enough to suppose , has acquired for them much of their acquired strength .

      Neither Whiga nor Tories ever intended to make any further or greater alterations in the law than the force of public opinion and a dread of public vengeance compelled them to adopt : therefore , we would recommend the Whigs to bundle up that claptrap with the rest of their traps , before flitting ; for they may rest assured that no such fly will catch a Chartist fish . The Whigs and tho Tories may play tho game of diamond cut diamond ; they may dress abase for the stage , and opinions for the

      masquerade as they please ; but Chartism , like loveliness , most adorned when unadorned , shall still appear in artless simplicity as the great means to tho great end , which is , the regeneration of man , —the placing him in that situation for which his God intended him , and making him a welcome guest at Nature ' s board , covered with the produce of his own hands . This abuse , as well as Church abuse , the Charter would remove ; nothing else can ; and therefore are we for the Charter .

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      THE REACTION . The great error into which both Whigs and Tories are now likely to fall , is into a supposition that the unexpected majority of Tories bespeaks a corresponding reaction in the public mind in favour of Tory principles . Such , however , is sot the ease ; tho fact denotes a great reaction in favour of ChartiBm . The Tories have gained a triumph which must prove their ruin ; while the Chartists hare gained a great victory over the enemy immediately before them and in power . Our assertion is susceptible of easy proof .

      Suppose then , that the Whigs had even gone on progressively with administrative changes calculated to make the condition of the people more comfortable , while they allowed them the unopposed constitutional privilege of seeking for those great a ; id organic changes to which they look for complete and ultimate happiness : in such case would the Tories , upon a general election have been able to gain such a triumph over their opponents 1 Undoubtedly , not . Upon the other hand , do the people in their most

      sanguine moments expoot from the Tories any of thoso administrative changes to which we refer ; or do they anticipate an unopposed license to prosecute thoir"jast demand for organic change " ad interim " 1 As undoubtedly not . Therefore popular expectation to receive from the Tories more than has been granted by the Whigs , cannot be set down as an item in the reaction account ; while desertion from the WhigB may be attributed to the non-perfbrmanoe of their several promises when at the right side of the hedge , and looking for power .

      It is of all things necessary that the rulers of a great country should clearly and critically understand the terms upon which they hold power , and the incidents or chances to which their tenure is attributable . In our endeavour faithfully to discharge our duty to those rulers then , wo beg to assure them that there has been no reaction in favour of Tory man or Tory measures ; that their majority is proof of Whig imbecility and popular hatred of treachery , but not of any diminution of Tory hatred .

      The party squabbles of electors , the supenor tactics of leaders , the greater attention to the registration ot voters , and unceasing appeals to ail who had votes to register , backed by a fair share of the needful , brought into action with consummate skill ; these things proved that the Tory machine * y for electioneering purposes is more complete , better arranged and worked , than the Whig machinery ; but , beyond that , their present position proves nothing .

      Suppose we were to ask , what one principle the majority proves the triumph of , where are we to fiad the answer ' . Is it in the accomplishment of those measures of which the Tories , as a party , have professed themselves determined supporters ! and are the people in favour of any one of those measures ! No , not one . Let us try . War , a favourite Tory game . Protestant Ascendancy , and extension of Church patronage and proselytism , a vital portion of the Tory creed . Augmentation of the power of the landlords' interest , the best feather in the Tory cap .

      A kind of natural distaste for popular interference in anything but slavery and serfdom , to which the Tories consider working men as heirs . Advocates for a larger standing army and police force , as the great upholders and safeguard of Tory principles . Now suoh are some of the darling objects of Toryism ; and to which of these are the people inclined , and in favour of which has the reaction , &o loudly boasted of , taken place 1

      We imagine that tho Times would find some difficulty in treating its readers to a plain common sense answer to our questions ; however if the great magician of the press can still dress fiction in the language of gullibility , and persuade his audience thxt ihe man is in the bottle while he is In bed , and if the audience are not only reconciled to the juggle , but pay daily for seeing it repeated in a new and improved form , well and good : but we beg to assure the juggler that some fine day the bottle will tumble and crack , and mortal and ferocious will be the disa ppointment of the well-gulled audience when the man fails to jump out !

      Now then , reaction may be a triumph in politics , just as a verdict given against law and evidence may be a triumph in law ; but as one can be destroyed by a new trial , and by a new jury , so may the Other . Having beaten the Whigs , thereby proving our hatred of treachery and deceit , we now but require a new trial to prove that reaction is a mere political fiction , paraded fon the purpose of inducing the beaten party to hold their weakness in contempt and the strength of their enemies in respect .

      Unless the times and the Tories can prove that a greater number of the unrepresented classes are in favour or % 6 ry principles in 1841 than in 1837 , they prove nothing , except indeed , as is not unlikely they still adhere to the philosophy of believing the electoral body to constitute the people , and the unrepresented to be mere filling stuff . Well , then , what has caused the great change denoted by the result of the recent contest ! Why just this . The action of a few score English landlords , both Whig and Tory , and the counteraction of a few Irish assessors , both Whig and Tory , who preferred erring with the high bench to which they look for countenance patronage and support , to a conformity with the spirit of law by the mystification and perplexity of which they live and thrive .

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      The reaction , then , amounts to action and counteraction ; and if the result was but the removal from office , and for ever , of the head-long , tail-foremost , Whig Government , we should say , " well done thou bad and faithless action and counteraction 1 " We trust that the fleshed * ruffians , hallood oh by their u killing huntsman , " will not presume upon re-action , and use it as » temptation to upnold prerogative by force , upon the presumption that the people are with them .

      We advised tho Government not to choke Fbost , Williams , and Jones , for more reasons than a desire to spare the lives of good and innocent men . We feared that from their ashes would rise a huge pile of disaster , which we shuddered to think upon ; and we now tell the Tories that a econd Peterloo will not do . We tell them , indeed we have given them ocular demonstration from almost every hustings , that we are united to a man ; and we assure them that we will not bear from them what we but reluotantly submitted to from the Whigs . In short , and in plain terms , we will resiBtvtyranny to the death , in whatever shape it may present its hideous form .

      In doing our duty , however , we will make the grand distinction between men and principles . We will not oppose Toryism at any risk or hazard , for the mere purpose of giving the fallen Whigs a triumph . We know full well that they would glory in an experiment of popular outbreak , provided that their recall to office was to be the result . We feelassured , however , that henceforth every struggle of the people will be for themselves , and not for faction . We are quite ready to forgive and forget , provided we got the means of preventing a recurrence of those acts which required forgiveness and oblivion . So much for reaction in favour of Toryism !

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      THE BALLOT AND THE ELECTORS . If the Tories boast of reaction in favour of their principles , the Whigs , resolved upon some sort of setoff as a counterpoise to defeat , begin with their little go , and they too speak of another reaction . They tall us that there is now a great reaction in favour of the ballot . Poor simpletons I Surely if we are justified in chastising the Tories for their audacity in presuming that even a reaction in their

      favour , if it did take place , and was confined to the change of electoral impressions ( for as to opinions , one half of the boobies have none ) would be an equitable title to rule the unrepresented classes according to the principles supposed to be most popular by the result of that reaction , we are more than justified in condemning the Whigs for their presumption in supposing that the success of a purely elector ' s question will satisfy the said unrepresented people .

      By the way , we are in error , and hasten to correct it . The ballot is not merely an elector ' s questionit is a vital , a most vital , question for the non-electors , as we have more than once explained . But let us throw some new light into the ballot-box—the rat-trap , as Mr . O'Connor appropriately termed it . What , then , is the result which the Whiga hope for from the ballot t Liberal measures ! No ; because when their majorities were greatest , and procured by open voting , their measures were most dark , foul , and illiberal . Liberal measures ? No , decidedly not—thai is , not such measures aa the people would ask for , or accept of , without the trouble of forcing the ballot as a means of their accomplishment .

      As to the purity of election anticipated , or rather said to be anticipated , from the Ballot , it very much reminds us of the philosopher ' s et # ne . The Tories only complain of bribery when their man is out-bid ; and with the Whigs the case is precisely similar . Let us have the sword and then we will look for the scabbard to keep it bright and clean , and free from rust ; but without the sword ; no scabbard , and wit hout the vote , no Ballot .

      The Whigs have told us all they would do ; and their liberality , we are told , has .. destroyed their existence as a Government ; what more then are we to expeott Would not any extra liberality , even with the Ballot , act progressively towards their utter annihilation as a party \ What then is the Ballot for % Why , as a matt « r of course , an experiment—a bait to fish for Whig supremacy once more , and to repeat in the dark those foul deeds which they blushed not to perpetrate in open day . Suoh must be the meaning of the Ballot , or like many other political bubbles , it means " an agitating hobby-horse , which hitherto has invariably had its head where its tail ought to be .

      One thing is quite clear , that the very last act of a privileged community would be to open the door of their snuggery and admit a large influx of competitive power . Another thing ia quite certain , that with the ballot the people would lose all controul over the votes of their trustees . Another thing is quite certain , that by the new jury law qualified persons alone can serve upon juries ; and those very jurors have been the most blood-thirsty , wicked , perjured monsters that ever breathed , when a Chartist stood in the dock , whose crime was an attempt to procure peaceably

      for himself the same privilege by which those very persons were empowered to decide upon all questions affecting his life , his liberty , and his property . Another thing is quite certain , that the present House could not carry the ballot any more than a repeal of the Corn Laws ; and therefore we should be battling for mere moonshine . Another thing is also certain , that without the non-electors the electors cannot put on the mask ; and the paople , so far from helping them , would upset every meeting called for

      placing the , enemy in ambush , and would petition against so unconstitutional , unjust , and unfair a measure as the ballot . Let us get the vote first , and then we can soon decide the question of the ballot . Give us the soup and we will soon get the ladle . Offering the ballot to a starving people is not less insulting than offering " a loan of your gridiron " to a man who asks you for a mutton chop ; and as a gridiron ^ without the cho p would be cold picking , so the ballot-box without a vote to put into it would be but cold comfort for the non-elector .

      Then as to the means of carrying the question . How very whimsical—how very foolish , unjust , and childish , that the electoral body should apply for aid to the non-electore , whose interference they loudly protest against ! and is it not strange that the very men who make the people miserable and wretched , and who oppose every measure for which they think proper to agitate , should presumptuously come as suitors to the same people for a mask to hide their deeds 1 Is it not strange that tho Chartists seek the acquirement of six points , five whereof have been aforetime component parts of the constitution , while the constitutional Whigs offer them one of the six , and the only one which never was a part of the said constitution !

      Again , we repeat what we have more than once stated . The Ballot , with the present Suffrage , would be an unjust protection for the trustee against a general right of scrutiny as to the use made of the said trust ; whereas the Ballot with Universal Suffrage , would be a general protection against any unjust individual interference with the disposal of a defined right , and which every man would be justified in using as he pleased .

      The reaction in favour of the Ballot , we imagine , is confined to some wealthy Whig masters , bankers , traders , and manufacturers , who anticipate a r « ady sale of Tory voters in convenient lots . It is quite a borough question ; and in boroughs , so far from lessening influence , or destroying intimidation , it would increase both the one and the other .

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      THE FACTIONS AND HOUSEHOLD SUFFRAGE . Our readers willabserve that we have this week endeavoured to class men , and parties , and measures , with a view of developing' the immediate interests which those parties respectively have in the accomplishment of certain objects , by means of certain

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      measures . In our course of procedure we have now arrived at perhaps the most important , because the most extensive of all those queationa ; in fact , the principle sought to be established , of which the Ballot and to forth , are but the detail means of bringing into practice . Our opinions have sot undergone the slightest change with respect to the question of Household Suffrage ; still holding to our unconquerable objection of making any amount of one man ' t

      property the standard which is to constitute another man ' s title to vote ; we need not now go over our oft-repeated reasons for denouncing the agitation , ' for this measure . But , in truth , the example f ur * ] nished by the recent elections of dependency and , subserviency , constituting what is called reaction , ' < is so powerful and pertinent to our argument " against Household Suffrage , that w * cannot injustice forbear to expose it by applying it to . ' . what , under the altered circumstances , Would be equally liable to similar reaction .

      We have elsewhere shown that the reaction consists in the dominion and power exercised by landlords over their tenants . This is acknowledged by every Whig print , and complained ot , and justly so by all ; but we beg to ask how the dependency of the holder of a house under the nose of his landlord ie to be obviated , and to know wherein the tenant of a ten pound house , or of a two pound house , would be more at liberty even with , the ballot 1 Bat this is not all . We find that ; the little spirit contained in the Reform Bill ( after the detail moulding of the

      measure far use ) has been completely destroyed by the malicious ingenuity of landlords , overseers registering barristers , attorneys , and agenta employ , ed with the view of mechanically applying tho spirit to their own party purposes . In this operation they worked positively and negatively—positivel y ,. by bolstering up their own faggot votes ; iOdjH ^ s tively , by negleoting the interest of those : parties who could not be surely purchased or safely relied upon ; and by opposing such applicants upon mere technicalities .

      Now could anything be more defined than the ' principles laid down in the Reform Bill , and pro * mised to be made law by Reformers ! We think not ; and yet do we find , after nine years , that the spirit has fled , and the corrupt body * of detail rottenness alone remains behind . What then , is to guarantee , even to the brawlers for Household Suf - frage , such a detail code for its easy working as to render the mechanism less complicated than that of which we now complain ! There never was an Aot of Parliament through which a practised lawyer could not drive a coach and six ; and there never can b » any mode of making a voter independent of tia landlord , BO long as the landlord ' s property constitutes the tenant's title to vote .

      Let us just point out the manner in which land * lords could , as a preliminary step , destroy the spirit of what is called Household Suffrage . If they discovered from popular feeling and by the current of opinion that their tenants were about to oppo 9 » them , they would either devise some means of learning for which candidate the tenant voted , or , failing in that , they would forbid the tenant from

      registeriugat all ; ( an act which he must do openly . ) or they would take care that a parliamentary possession of their houses never should be held . Suppose the law made three months' residence previous to registration a requisite , and also stated , as it most do ,. the time in each year for registering ; in such case the landlords would give a mere habitation possession , bu ; would take oars to vitiate the electoral qualification by a lapse of some sort or other .

      Again , Household Suffrage would not facilitate one of the greatest objeots sought to be obtained by extended suffrage . It would not render the return , of poor but honest men more practicable , but upon the contrary , would remove them further front all chances of representation . Neither would itadvance the question of payment of Members , which and the return of poor honest men , with a national provision for their honourable maintenance while engaged in doing the business of the country , are tw » of our greatest points . . i : '¦ - ¦ , ' . ¦

      Suppose the landlords f ject tenants who oppose them , may not House-lords do the samel 0 ! fcutthe Ballot . Well , "the Ballot ; grant the Ballot and an evil which cannot be endured will very speedily be cured . " How ? By depriving the tenant of all the necessary qualifications of a vote in the outset , and by keeping the householder in a similar situation . But where is the justice ? No doubt the brawlers

      will point our attention to the present scanty constituencies , as compared to the number of houses presented in the returns about to be made by the enumerators . But let us point to one damning fact . Dojiot the advocates find that in many instances as many as twenty-nine persons are inmate * of the same house 1 Now , will any clause in a Household Suffrage Bill enfranchise them ! No ! impossible I—nor is it intended that it should .

      What is the real object of the parties who may now look for Household Suffrage i Merely to createan agitation for the nearest point to Chartist principles , without any other earthly motive than to ensure a reaction in favour of Whiggery . The brawlers for Household Suffrage would much prefer doing their own work without it ; and the very agitation for it , if joined in by the people , would accomplish their aim , their end and object . They require

      but just enough of that , or anything else , to whip the Whigs back to the mess . Bat no 5 we now know our strength and our position . We know that the Whigs will try to use us as a forcing pump * while they remain waiters upon events . But they shall not . We will never again work for anything short of the whole Charter . The agitation which can ensare Household Suffrage would eosuTg that 1 !

      Let the Chartists be assured that however Whiggery may ride the high horse for yet a little , that it will very speedily dismount without the help of a step-ladder , and mount the Charter with " a bold stirrup , " They will have their emissaries abroad ; bnt let the people , we mean the fastian jackets , bS " on the watch atid meet treason iu the outset ; aril ' let them further be assured that the present orgar nisation once , broken up will be the finality of Chartism . They must , they will , and they Bhall give us , SUni « versal Suffrage !! Blood , flesh , and bone , before bricks and stone and mortar '

      Every man who agitates for Household Suffrage is a direct enemy to the fustians . When the Irish landlords no longer required the votes of the forty shilling freeholders , the land was depopulated ; and so it would have been , even with the ballot . The necessity of a certain tenure for a term of ~ years being required by an Irish county voter has made one half the tenants tenants-at-will and mere serfs v and get Household Suffrage , —in plain terms , onco make the cold building , in any way the representative of money , —and at any hazard * and by some means , the rich will have it . Have not the Tories in nine years ; got full possession of the representative mint , and in five ' more , or less , they would get possession of any standard of money-franchise which ingenuity can coin .

      We are Bick of this hide-and-seek , fast-and-Ioose , prick-in-the-loop game . Are the people for evert * be used as a means to the great man's end ! if w , let them say , and say boldly , we have no brains ; ooi ' house" is our head , —ask it for ona vote . The thieves have one and all robbed the people , and cow they see the day of retribution is at hand , and they want to set up a most unjust judge * "Household Suffrage . " Our cry is , and ever shall be till it ' is granted , every jf ' iota of the Char * ter , body and sleeves ; " " the Charter , the whole Charter , and nothing less than the Charter ; " the poor man ' s house , the poor man ' s table , the poe *" man ' s bed , the poor man ' s meat , drink , and clothes , and therefore the rich man ' s terror i

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      __ . « noH © cr-i / jkdon cttKRESPorrDKirr . ¦ : ¦ ¦ * ¦ £ & : - ¦ * - ¦ ¦ ::. - - -- /^^ I W eaxaiay Evening , Jvif nti . 3 tThs Pathos of rain , St . Swithin , is this year establishing his fame ; fer the weather we are experiencing is mnch more of a November than a July ehriracter ; rain , cold , and bleak winds prevail , w / iich have enabled the forestallers of the Mark Lane Corn Exchange to raise the cry of a " bad harvest , " and caused a rise of Id . in the 41 b . leaf . The gambl « rs in the tea trade have likewise made a shout of " short supply , " so as to produce a forced market at an increased price . This state of things is sure to be felt severely by the men of London , as the mechanics are now feeling , most acutely , the effects of ehort work .

      The -wart of confidence is fast and far extending ; indeed there are no grounds of hope ; for , instead of any alleviation from the present heavy burdens vt tbe State , poor John Bull is very likely to have other charges heaped npon him . Thus we have the Governor General of the Canadas , in his address to the Chambers , stating that , in consequence of the heavy weight of the interest of the debt , ( the Canadian debt ) , her Majesty ' s Ministers are about advancing £ 160 , 000 to the Canadian Treasury , from tbe empty Treasury of Great Britain ! The plain fact being , they dare not let- the real expence of the war againsi the patriots be known , and therefore a pretty juggle is to be played oft The Whigs had , on Monday last , a feed at the Colosseum , in the boToueh of Marytebone . The din

      ner was cold , at 4 s . 6 d . per head , and the speakers were remarkably tame indeed . The Chairman had it nearly all to himself , be having to propose the first four toasts ; and having succeeded , during their proposal , in Bending the company a nodding , ho obligicgly allowed some other gents to follow , amongwhom were the two Membersforthe boroneh , Sir B . Hall and Cqpnnodore Napier , and Col . Fox , Dr . Bowring , and Col , Evans , who were TisitoM . The Commodore decided the WhigB must go a-head ; and Col . Fox said there must be a further impetus given to Reform . As for Dr . Bowring , he was so dull , that your correspondent fancied that Col . Sibthorp had carried his motion relative to the nonallowance ot * ' extra services . " The only enlivening period was , when the dinner party broke up , and the ball commenced .

      The Lonikw Mejubebs are most particularly requested to let tbe London correspondent have the information when , and where , they meet ; and again . that the secretaries will send to him , at either Mr ! Geave ' s . orat 15 , Little Clarendon-street , Somer ' s Town , the resolutions which may be passed in any of the localities , for though -willing to attend on all , he fine ' s there are three or four which meet on the same evening . He likewise asks that when anything of importance is about taking place in any locality , he may be informed of it , so that all may be fairly dealt with , and no grumbling ; it is clear , that unless te baa notice , he cannot know of what is going on .

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      4 THE NORTHERN STAR , ¦ -, . . ., „ . . - . - ¦ . ' . / , ; -.,:..-.- . :. . ' - . .- "' - . V- /

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), July 24, 1841, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct559/page/4/