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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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THE TEN HOURS' FACTORY QUESTION . A HEPOKT ADDRESSED TO THE SHORT-TIME COMMITTEES OP THB WBST BIDISG OF TORKSHIRE , OF CERTAIN C 0 SFEB . B 5 CES HELD "WITH . THK BIGHT HOKOTTRABLE SIR ROBERT PEEL , BART ., H . P ., AKD SEVERAL OF HIS COLLEAGUES , OS THK SUBJECT OF THE TEN HOURS * FACTOBY QUESTION , AH © OTHER IXPORTAKT . MATTERS . Maxing been deputed by yen to wait upen the leading Member * of the present Administration , to urge upon their attention the necessity and Importance of a . bill for the better regulation of in&ntfle and youthful labour la factories , -we beg to present to you an abstract of our proceedings in the "various interviews "with , which ire -wfere honoured ; as the best mode of laying before you tbe results of our labours in the discharge of the duty eenfided ions .
At a preliminary meeting of your delegates , certain general principlea were agreed upon for the guidance of the deputation . It appeared a matter of primary importance to occupy as little aa possible of the time ' of the Ministers with whom it was proposed to seek interviews , and to Jay before them , in the shortest period , clear viewa of the nature and extent of the measure to which their attention would be directed . To attain these objects , it was considered that one member of the deputation , who understood the question thoroughly , asd the Tiews ef his associates , and was possessed of the-power to explain these clearly , should be appointed to conduct the interviews on their behalf ; the other members giving such assistance by way of suggestion , explanation , or corroboration , as might be necessary .
1 STEBYIE"W \ TITH SIR ROBERT PEEL , BART ., FIRST 10 BD OF THE TJtEASUBI , &C . ( NO . 1 . ) The first visit of the deputation was to Sir Robert 3 * eel , upon whom they waited by appointment , on Thursday , the 5 Sth of October , at his official residence , Downing street Sir Robert received the deputation in the most courteous manner , and after requesting them to be seated , awaited in silence their statement The deputation opened the business by saying , " We hare been deputed to wait upon you . Sir Robert , by the short-time committees of the West Riding of Yorkshire , in consequence of a letter from Lord Ashley , ; stating that Sir Robert Pad's opinions were not yet matured
upon the Factory question . We were in . hopes that yon would have come , by this time , to a satisfactory conclusion respecting the Ten Hours' Bill ; and we now press upon your attention the necessity which exists for introducing such a bill at aa early period of the ensuing Session—a bill for the better regulation of labour in factories . In requesting this interference on the part of the Government and the legislature , we wish to observe , that we have the sanction of precedent , inasmuch as this subject has already been repeatedly before both . , Several acts have been already passed , and as ¦ these , owing to various causes , have not-yet produced the effects which it is fair to presume the Legislature had in view in passing them "—
Sir Robert here interposed and said , ' Tvitt you pleasa " first , to explain the nature of the bill you profpose ? " The deputation explained that the leading provisions they were anxious to see enacted were—2 . "A clause declaring that in future so person between thirteen and twenty-one years of age should be employed more than ten hours per day in any mill or factory . " The deputation added that it was more urgent cow than ever to have a legislative protection for those above thirteen years of age , owing to the immense increase in the proportion of females now working in factories . . 2 . "That to insure the fulfilment of this clause , no young person should be permitted to stay or be found in the mills between six o ' clock in the evening and six o ' clock in the morning . . The mill-owner or manager infringing the law to be subjected to the penalty of imprisonment " ' ¦ .
3 . " The gradual withdrawal of all females from the factories . . L " The boxing off of all dangerous parts of machinery , under a heavy penalty , with a power of recovering compensation for any injury sustained throngh neglect of this provision . ** Sir Robert said— " The last point is s mere matter of detail ; bnfc don't you think there would be very great hardship in the proposal respecting female labour ? Suppose a widow with two daughters , without any other means of support tlian her and their Jabour . Would it not be very uajust to step in between her . and an honest employment , and say , yoa shall not be allowed to support yourselves by your own labour ?"
The Imputation— " There are certainly difficulties connected with this portion of the subject , and the-one so strongly stated by yen , is not the least Snch cases , however , would be the exception , net the rule ; and it is the latter , not the former , to which all legislation i 3 directed . Special cases might be provided for by special enactmanta . We do no . believe that any -evils which might arise from even a rigorous and entire prohibition of female labour could be compared with those which spring from the present systeifl . The females employed in factories are generally the offspring of parents who have been similarly situated . - They get little if any education worthy the name previous to entering **» ° mills , and as soon as t&ey eafer them , ( generally at a very early age , in consequence of the
connivance of parents , medical men , and factory owners , to evade the preset t law , ) they are surrounded 4 > y influences of the most vitiadng and debasing nature . They grow up in total ignorance of all the true duties of woman . Home , its cares and its employment * . is woman ' s trne ? phere , bul these peor tbinss are totally unfitted for attsnding to the one , or participatiDg in the other . They neither leara , in the great majority of cases , to make a shirt , dam a stocking , cook a dinner , or dean a house . In short , both in mind and manners , they are altogether unfitted for the occupancy of a domestic position , as ia evidenced by the fact , that the wealthy and middle classes Tfjy rarely engage any of this class a 3 servants . Yet thos 2 who aie thus considtrsd unfit even to fill tha efSca of menial ~ 3 the rich , are the only parties among whom , ordinarily , the male factory labourer has a chance of obtaining a wife . Tbey are
married early . Many are molL .- 'i before twenty . Thriftlessuess and waste even of th-i ? snia : l incomes , and consequent domestic discomfort and unhappines 3 , generally succeed . Tinouga ili ' ^ -i z- ; .- is engendered a vast amount of immorality ani v : \ c : tj + and "whilesuch are its results as res .-e ¦ = pr . v iL ' a , Uie-op ? rationofthe systtra Ls n-r . ~ . < l ^ - ~ y ± r .-, i- in a naiiotal point of Tiewv It thro *\ s the bnr-ius o : zupportwg ib ? family on the wife sad thz cliil . I , sni c-jrapeistb * adaii male , upon whose shoulders tile ilu- 'y ou , ht rs ^ uifuiiy to falL to be rtlachintlT iriie Ii is ce inversion , of the order of nature asu of Provictnca—a return to a state of barbarism , in Trhiea the wcmrn dors the work , while th 3 Kian luoks idly on . The cons .-quencd of throwing loose such a mas 3 of partial } -infermtd iaen in such circumstances . C 3 p . rctf .-. ii to bs fnraghs with " dinner to the State . Dlsaff . euon ana disc-nx ^ t mas : b < s
engendered ainoDg parties so suTUtsd . i / . tLcrtfare , such evils , bath private and public , can be di-tincriy tracel to this source , we think that it is tb ? izupfcrativo da : y of Government and the Irfgis ' atnre to step in anl arres : their operation to the utmost practicable iX-ent " Sir Robert Peel— " I sdil ree great a . mcultie 3 in the "Way , admitting ail you hire stated . I believe that female and youthful labour is pre " erred , in eyestqnene * of its greater cheapness ; is it n-. \ ? Atw also , because it is , in some departments , bitter adapted for the purpose in view than adnlt labour . " i
The Deputation— ; Teu are right as r--spects the cheapness , Sir ; but the other point may &dm : t uf doubt . Por instance , it is objected that aau . ts could set stoop t j the machinery , to the height of -which children are perfectly adapted . Bat this objection could easily be obviated by having the rauJts raised , and other machinery fixed a little higher from the groand . And aa to dexterity of § ngers , you must be a ^ are that the utmost fineness of tonch and qaickness of movement may be acquired and retained by constant practca . " Sir R Peel— " It is evident tha-i the course you propose would have tha effect , if adoL-tea , of compelling the employmsEt of a greater mainbcr of adults , an < l consi-qTientiy higher priced laboniere ; and the r « nJt of
that would be to raise the price of British manufactures , and thus place our manafactnrers under greater disadvantages in foreign markets than at present New , the complaint of cur manufacturers is , th-. it tUe competition in these markets is already so great that it is wit ' s the utmost difficulty tn-. j can maintain a footing in them . I feel deeply for the woriin ^ classes of this country , and I am sure that if any measures could be devised by which the deep distress they now suffer could be alleviated it would be the duty of the Givern .-ment immediately to cdopt them . Bnfc -wn have not only iheir case tt consider , but also the effect which such measures would have upon the employment of capital , and . the interests of- those classes who have invested their capital in these parittiti
Tfce Deputation . — " Hitherto , Sir Rjbert , the interests of the capitalists have bsen attended t ) almost exclusively ; and the consequence is , that tbe ictroflact-on of Brlf-acting machinery , And machinery requiring the attendance of women and children only , together with ir . tense compttifcim between our own merahiiiiis , has thro-wn Tast numbers out of work , and ^ educed the vagHs of those-who are employed to the barest pittance which can support existence . This evil is likely to be still further aggravated by tbe immense increase of machinery abroad . The policy of the late Government had been to allow that it should be freely exported . Of late years machinery has befn extensively introduced on the continent . Belgium , Saxony , Prussia , and other places nave , instead of taking our goodssucceeded in
, their primary ot . ject—that of supplying their own markets : in some instances they have gone farther , and row compete successfully with us in neutral markets ; and m some articles even eome into direct competition with us in * ur own markets . Above all , America iB & rival thit threatens uitimately to destroy one of the itaplemanufactures of this country—cotton . It can be shown , that , inconsequence of the American manufacturer possessing the advantage of having the raw material almost at hia own door , he is enabled , notwithstanding a higher price of lab-r-ur , inferior machinery , , and less economical processes of management , which ^ ive an advantige to the British manufecturerer of 17- per cent , the American is yet enabled , with his waterpower and cheaper raw material , in all fabrics in which
quaiiJty is more a matter of consideration than quality to beaS as in the end by a small per ceatxga Now , the disparity aV present existing between us as respects niieilBWffi ^ iwaro ^ bc'Ur , sad * nperior management , ::.:-&&& : ¦ " ¦
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must , in the nature of things , be continually lessening , and a closer approximation take placa . The population of the United States of America , by natural increase , aided fey immigratiori , * 'will ~ lower the cost of labour ; improvements will be daily introduced in the machinery , effecting more with a , less expenditure of power , and experience " will improve their " modes of management , until at length they will be on a par with us in all these points , while the substantial and ' permanent drawback of having to send to America for our raw material , bring it home , and retranaport , it for sale in its manufactured state , will rtill press npon us . " r * " ' . "; 8 ir Robert PeeL— " Well , but dp you not think that , according to your own admissions , ; tbe arguments against any interference which might aid the process which you have so clearly and strongly described as nowgoing on , are very much strengthened . "
The Deputation— " Pardon us , Sir Robert , such ia not the case aocprdingjto the light in . which -vre . view tiie subject It is an axiom in political economy , that price is dependent upon supply and demand . If an article ia scarce in tbe market , however small the . deficiency maybe , the price of all the stock in the market is raised . In like manner , if there be a , surplus , however small that surplus may be , it affects not merely the ' surplus , but tbe whole of the commodity , which is thereby reduced in price . Wow , we can shew , T > y statist tieal facts and irrefutable document * , that since the year 1815 , there has been a constant introduction of self-acting machinery , or machinery which imposed -greater labour on the smaller number of adult operatives retained ; thus cheapening the cost ,. and increasing
the amount of production . And what has been the consequence ? Why , exactly in proportion as this has taken place , the profits of the capitalist and the wages of the labourer have regularly decreased ; until at length , in 1832 , we rewived no more money for three times the amount of raw material" manufactured , than we received in 1815 for the one-third . This result , in our opinion , is clearly traceable to the unregulated use and extensive introduction of machinery , which ha 3 either superseded adult labour entirely , or replaced it by the cheaper labour oT women " and children . What is now the consequence ? Throughout the manufacturing districts the mills are nearly closed . The capitalists and middle classes are in difficulties—insolvent or bankrupt ; while the operatives are in a state of
destitution which must make every heart bleed , and which arises from causes ever which they themselves have no controuL Now , if this insane course had been checked—if over-production had been discouraged by wise laws , and a prudent system of trade pursued , wages and profits would have been better , and employment more permanent and more equally diffused over the year . We shonld not have had flushes of prosperity , succeeded by long periods of depression ; a continual recurrence of gluts and panics , each crisis folio wiug the other at shorter intervals ^ and finding us less prepared to bear it than its predecessor . For these reasons , Sir Robert , we believe that the dictates of sound political wisdom coincide with the dictates of humanity , morality , and religion , in calling upon us to retrace our
steps , and arrest the progress of a system which is spreading . disease , disorganisation , and disaffection in the factory districts . As a proof that we are not overstating the facts , we beg to present yon , Sir Robert , with , one illustration out of many which might be offered . It is a printed copy of the report of the Unemployed Operatives' Enumeration Gammittee of Leeds , in which a detailed statement of the condition of the operatives in the several wards of that town , the emporium of the woollen district , is given . The summary of that appalling statement i s , that neatly 20 , C 00 human beings are now living upon an average weekly income of 11 ± L per head . We leave to your own judgment what must be the ultimate end of such a state of things . "
Sir Robert , taking the document , said— " I am sorry to say that I have already seen this melancholy statement in manuscript , through the kindness of Sir James Graham , to whom it was presented by Mr . Beckett . I am deeply grieved by the knowledge of inch an amonnt of suffering , and sympathise most sincerely with the condition of the people as there described . It is , indeed , very distressing , and some efficient remedy is most desirable . " The Depntation— " The requirements of humanity imperatively demand it No system which entails upon the great bulk of the community such suffering ought to be permitted to exist : such a baneful influence ought not to go unchecked , whatever reasons , political or economical , may be adduced in its behalf . We l > eg also to present yon with a synopsis of the evidence of Mr . Joseph Henry Green , a medical gentleman of the highest eminence . { The depntation litre delivered in a paper , for a copy of which seenote . *) " This evidence , "
said the deputation , " is corroborated by many other witnesses of the highest standing in the medical profession ; and we have also much pleasure in reminding you of the unequivocal opinion of your father , the late Sir Robert Peel , in favour of a Ten Hours'BilL Be was conspicuous among the earliest advocates of the regulation of factory labour ; and as one of the most extensive employers in England , and a practical man , his opinions are entitled to the utmost deference . The following were bis words : — ¦ Such indiscriminate and unlimited employment of the poor , consisting of a great proportion of the inhabitants of trading districts , will be attended with effects to the rising generation so serious and alarming that I cannot contemplate them withont dismay ; and thus that great effort of British ingenuity , whereby the machinery of our manufactures has been brought to such perfection , instead of being a blessing to the nation ^ will be converted into the bitterest curse . '"
Si .- Rooert Peel then directed the conversation to the broad question of machinery , which he said was one deserving of the greatest consideration . The deputation slid , " We will not attempt to conceal from you , Sir Robert , our opinion that , in « rder to meet the cass fully and fairly , the enactment of other and more comprehensive measures is indispensably necessary . A Ten Hours' Bill ten years ago might and would have produced much more benefit than it can now produce . In the interval a v&st amount of automaton power has been called into existence . It appears by the reports of the factory inspectors that between the years 1835 and 1839 the horse power increased at least one-half , while , so far from tae new machinery calling new manual labour into exercise , the fact was that the number of
spinners in Manchester required to work the enlarged bdq increased machinery was not more than one-third of the number previously employed . For sueh a state of thiap it would be very unwise , and a concealment oi the troth , to say th 3 t a Ten Hoara' Bill would be a complete and perfect remedy ; but it would , at least , be a step in the right road . It would be an earnta » t to the operative classes that tae Government sympatises with them , has its attention directed to thtir cocduion , and is anxious Vj do what lies in its power te ameliorate it The subject , as we hive already stated , is not a new ona The Ten Hours' question hai been discussed over and over again in the Legislature . Ssveral committees have taken voluminous evidence upon it—evidence which is conclusive of the
justice , the humanity , and the sound policy of the measure . The qussfcion , in those districts where it is test ncVlerstood , has long ceased to be a matt-r of dispute among the working classes ; even the master cbss , ¦ who formerly thought it their interest to oppose it , have been taught by experience of a painful descript ' on to abate that opposition , and many of them are now favourable to the enactment which we seek . Public opinion , therefore , will be with the Government ^ should it res- Ive upon proposing this measure tj the ensuing Parliament . Bnt to insure effective relief from the dangers and evils by which we are now surrounded bolder and more comprehensive measures most assuredly are requisite , and if yon , Sir Robert , will excuse us for stepping bsyond the legitimate boundaries of our
mission , we will tell you our opinions as to those measures . We have come to you in the spirit of friendship—net to dictsta or dogmatise—neither have we come to find fault , wthont suggesting such a remedy as appears to us capable of alleviating tbe evil ; aad we aiso come free from all party feeling or prejudices . We are Eick of paity nicknames , and party contests , for party purposes' We are sick of the everlasting confusion and b 3 d feeling arising from these contests , and are prepared to award our confidence , support , and gratitude , to any Government , or set of men ( no matter whit their party name may be ) , who will show by their actions that they sympathixa with our wrongs and our sufferings , and are honestly desirous of removing them . We approve of the course you have pursued since your
accession to power ; and especially ia your resolution to take time for the consideration and maturing of the measures on which you may resolve . We have had too much of legislation which ean only be fitly characterised as being from " hand to mouth , " and we are therefore willing that you should have all tbe time which may be requisite to enable you to decide both what measures are necessary , and how they may be most beneficially carried into efivct . But , perfectly willing that such time should be accorded to you , we shall expect , Sir , that measures of real substantial justice will be the result In order to aid this object , we now respectfuliy contribute our small qiwla of information and advice . We venture to recommend , for the reasons laid before you at length , the passing of the Ten Hours' Bill , and
to accompany it , either by the total repeal of the Jfew Poor Law , or by such an alteration of it as will render it applicable to the manufacturing districts , in which it is at this moment practically inoperative , and in which we fiefy any Government ever to enforce it . These preliminary measure * would give confidence to the working classes and their friends , insure io the Government the rapport of the well disposed and humane ct all classes , and clear the way for au equally important , and not less imperative measure—namely , the appointment at an early period of tbe session of » committee of experienced , practical , moderate men of all parties , to inquire inte tbe causes of existing distress , and especially into the workings of machinery at home and abroad since the close of the war in 1815 , with a view to the adoption of a comprehensive and efficient remedy .
SirR . Peel , who had been sitting with his head bent down , in a manner txpreuive of very deep thought and attention , here raised it , and setmed favourably impressed with the suggestion . The Deputation continued , —In order to the enactment of good measures full information , is necessary . We have hsd inquiries into almost every qaettion but this , which we believe lies at the root of all the difficulties we experience . We deprecate hasty legislation , bat we also earnestly desire to see substantive measures adopted ; and tbe course we respectfully suggwtt seems to as veil calculated to insure immediate satisfaction
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and future permanent relief . If we have been boht in offering our opinions it is because we feeLihe ^ fanpirti anee of the position which we are . now permitted . to occupy , and fully appreciate the vast influence which your decision will have upon the happinees a » d prosperity of our own class , which has iU state in Jiatlonal well being equally with that class who are the lords of vast possessions . Ypu , Sir Robert , are now placed in the most important and commanding position of any individual in Europe ,. perhaps in the world . At the head of a strong Government , with a powerful majority in the Commons , and an influential portion of
thepopu-Iution thinking with you ; unfettered as you declare yourself to be , save by your own convictions of what is right amd useful ; the resources of an empire on which the sun is said never to set- —an empire unparalleled in ita natural and artificial appliances—at your command , and a population whose enterprise , industry ; and genius is proverbial , looking up to you ; a grave , an awful responsibility rests upon yeo . Sir . Robert ! The mean * fox producing national well , being are superabundant ; the population is but limited . Broad and comprehensive views , vigorous and decided action , are all called for by the exigencies of the times , and we earnestly hope that such will mark your course .
- Sir Robert , who seemed to be much affected by this appeal , paused for some moment ? after ita conclusion , and then replied— " Well , gentlemen , I have listened with deep interest to your statements , and feel obliged by your waiting on me , I am free to coofes * that there is much force in what you have advanced ; and that the evils you complain of are manifold and great , especially those which press upon the manufacturing' operative . I also fear that an extension of our manufactures will not afford the relief desired ; for past experience , I think , shows that such an extension would only bring into play more machinery , and sot employ tnanii ^ t labour ia any thing like the rate of the increase in the machine department Of course I cannot pledge myself to any particular line of action in respect to the measures you advocate—TheDeputation . —We do not wish it , we do not wish it . ¦ - ¦ ¦ ; : - : - ¦ ¦ ; ¦ .-.- ' . '¦¦ : : ¦ ¦
Sir Robert PeeL—Bnt I shall give the subject that full and attentive consideration which its importance and various bearings deserve , and should I come to a different conclusion to that you h » ld , I shall do so with a confident re li ance on the intel ligence , moderation , and good feeling you have now displayed , assured that these conclusions and the reasons I may adduce for them will receive a calm and impartial examination . ¦' The deputation repeated , that tfeey had no wish to draw from the Premier any premature avowals of his policy . Their sole object was to make a true and full
statement of the condition of those whose interests they represented in the spirit of friendship to all parties . They sought not the injury of any class , but the welfare of all ; and taey believed that the policy-and measures they recommended would insure tbU commendation . They wished it to be understood that they had no antipathy whatever to the masters—no desire to injure them . They neither accused them of selfishness nor cruelty . It was the system which made them what they were ; and the object the deputation had in view wis to alter the system in aa gradual and beneficial a manner for all parties as possible .
The deputation then rose to take leave , observing that they had some thoughts of waiting upon Sir James Giaham , and asked Sir Robert if it would be advisable or necessary ? , io which he replied , "Certainly , I think you had better see Sir James , and also Mr . Gladstone . " Sir Robert immediately wrote notes of introduction to those two gentlemen , and rang for a messenger to accompany the deputation to their respective offices ; after which he most courteously bade the deputation farewell , again expressing the satisfaction the interview hid afforded him .
The impression left on the minds of every one of the deputation on retiring was , that Sir R . Peel is fully aware of the great source of eur evils at the present moment , and that he siucerely sympathizes with the working classes . It is but fair to add , that the emphatic words which drepped from the lips of one of the members of the deputation , after they . withdrew—• ' Well , at all events , it is clear that Sir R . Peel has a heart , " conveyed the unanimous feeling of all . - ' George A . " Fleminc . Joshua Hobson . John Leech . Aiark Crabtree . Titus S . Brooke .
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INTERVIEW WITH SIR JAMES GRAHAM , BAKT . SECRETABT OF STATE FOB THE HOME DEPARTMENT , { N © . 20 ; '¦' . ¦' .: /¦ Previous ta waiting upon Sir J . Or * h&m , which they did the same day , namely , on the Sath of October , the deputation proceeded to the residence . gf Mr . William Beckett , M . P . for Leeds , with whom they had a very satisfactory interview the day before their coaference with the Premier , and who had theft , inihanaoBt frank
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manner , offered his serv ices . in any way which the deputation ' might think heat ' calculated to further thb object in view , either by accompanying them to the different Miniatora , or otherwia-ft . The deputation were , in the flrat'lnstahce , afraid thai the object of their mia ^ slon might be associated ^ wi ^ the idea < Jf i party measore , if they ^ uwepted thifl kind offer , and therefore r& apectfully declined It ia jtjje caw of the interview with the Premier s put ; upon teconsjlderingtheTaubjeiBfcthey were Induced to come to the conclusion that \ Ir . Beckett ' s countenance ! , and ; aaaiotance would tendto promote , the object . of their mission , and therefore subsequently made an appointment with that gentleman , ! which they riow ; proceeded ^^ to fulflU , Mr . Beckett listened . with deep interest and evident gratification to tfce > ccounfc of their toterview with Sir Robert Peel , and immediately accompanied them to the Home Office , ' where , after the lapse of a few minutes , thfey were Introduced to Sir James Graham , who received them moat courteously . ' , v : •; .:.. \ ' : > ' . - ¦ . ¦ ¦ -S ' r < ; .:-. -: .--i . HYv ' v
The Deputation briefly » tated the leading features 9 t the . measure which they weire sent to press upon the attention of the Government Sir James Graham asked if they had considered what effect » restriction of the labour of all factory workers between the ages of t 3 ~ and 21 to ten houra a-day would have upon the manufacturing interests of the country . -V Do you not think , " saidhe , "thatJt would very mwh aggravate tbe evila and the distress under which that portion of the commnity are now ^^ represented to be suffering ?" The Deputation replied , that if they thought such would be the-result of the measure they would be the last persons in the world to press for its adoption ; but it was because , after a mature consideration of the subject in allfjita bearings , they had come to the conclusion that it would be a benefit rather than an injury , that they nowventured respectfully to call theattentton of the Government to the measure . .
Sfr James Graham .- —Well , but I want to know the reasons which induce you to form such an opinion . It will be argued by those opposed to your views that such an Interference with the free use of capital and labour will necessarily place the British manufacturer at a disadvantage in : the market of the world , as compared with his rivals , and who are utfder no suob- insttttction . Npw , r wish to know whether yon have looked at the question in this broad and economical light ; or confined your attention entirely to the effects of the system upon tbe condition of the labourers themselves , and thus exoluded from ; your calculation the general operation of such a restriction aa you advocate J
The Deputation said they were , in the first place , convinced that they were justified in asking for this measure on the grounds of humanity , justice , and morality ; and further , that it waa in accordance with the soundest doctrines of political economy . They repudiated the idea of entertaining any hostile feeling towards the ; employers of capital and labour in the manufacturing departments ! of industry ; : They neither accused them of selfishness nor cruelty as a class , but they wished to alter the system which made it the interest of the employers to aet in such a manner as to justify the use of such terms in relation to the treatment which the working classes received under its iniuence . The deputation proceeded to show , at considerable length > , that the destitute condition of the operatives ,
in manufacturing districts , arose : from the neglect of the very first principles of political economy—a neglect which led to an over-supply , a Supply : greatly beyond the substantial demand for their productions . Sinoe 1811 there had been a continual improvement going on in machinery , by which three times the amount of goods was now manufactured with less adult manual labour than was required in the previous period for the smaller quantity . What had been the result ? Why , that they were now actually receiving , for three times the quantity of goods , less than the same amount ef money which they got in 1815 for the one-third . It Was not , therefore , to be wondered at that , coincident with this over production of machine-made goods as compared with a substantial demand , wages and profits bad both decreased ; that
the workmen who were still required bad to work harder for a smaller remuneration , the capitalist for a , lower rate of profit , and that pauperism bad kept pace with each successive ^ mechanical invention ^ which displaced male adult labour , substituting in ita place either the labour of mechanical automatons , or that of women and children , For . these and other reasons , of Which an outline only is here presented , the deputation said they were firmly convinced that the measure they advocated was in accordance with the dictates of the soundest political economy , and calculated to lead back again to a greater amount : of national wellbeing than could be anticipated from any of those remedial measures which contemplated a continuance in the false eourse which bad already entailed such evil on the community .
Sir J , Graham , in reply , urged most of the reasons adduced by the free-trade party . He dwelt with great emphasis upon the possible results of a policy which , by placing our manufacturers ib a comparatively worse position than the manufacturers of the Continent and America , might nltimately : render the capital' of the former altogether profitless , andthereby induce them to close their mills altogether . He pictured the awful effects which such a course would have upon the thsnsands thickly congregated in the manufacturing districts , and entirely dependent on the continuance of our foreign trade for existence , He said it would be argued that with such an intense and increasing rivalry ou the part of foreigners as the deputation had admitted , it would be impossible to interpose any checks to the production of manufactured goods in the cheapest possible way ; unless indeed we were determined to give our rivals the advantuge in the market , and thereby put a stop to our foreign trade altogether .
ThoDeputationsaid , that the extension of the foreign trade in the manner in which that had of late years been effected appeared to them calculated moat certainly to produce the very results , which Sir James Graham seemed anxious to avoid . \ Sir J . Graham here said , " Understand me ; I am not arguing as though I personally participate in these views ; but ray object la to show you what will be said by those opposed to your views , and to ascertain the ground upon which you claim such a measure as a Ten Hours ' restriction . "
Tha Deputation proceeded to say , that according to the arguments presented in favour of the policy of causing the operatives to be dependent on a foreign market for employment , it was admitted that eur ascendancy in those foreign markets could only be kept up by a continuous cheapening of the cost of production . How fra 3 tiiat to ba effected ? Ifc could not bedone by reducing much lower the wages of the adult operatives . That class of labourers were as near the bare " subsistence level , " when in full employ , as it was possible to
place them . The qnJy way , therefore , to doit was by atUl further displacing these adult and comparatively high-priced labourers by self-acting machinery , or machinery ao contrived that what little attendance it might require would be that of women and children j and as little even of that as posalble ; and thus we shall come to the same result The great bulk of the labouring claaaea would , be thrown idle , whether we estended or restricted our foreign trade under the present direction of machinery . Sir J . Grahani . —Yes , but not bo rapidly .
The Deputation . ^ It a sorry conclusion , Sir James , to think that this perversion of human ingenuity should make the multiplication of means for the increase of national wealth offer us only the alternative of slow or speo . dy ruin . 1 Sir J . Graham —Well ! but how is it to be remedied ? I do not see any practical mode of averting it ; do you ? ' . '; . ¦ The Deputation . —Yes , we think we do . Sir J Graham . ^ -What would you recommend ? The D 3 putation . —The adoption of a comprehensive and efficient plan of home colonisation ; for which purpose we would advise the passing , at the expence of the nation , of a General Waste Land Enclosure Bill .
which should make provision for reasonable compensation to all those interested in these lands . We should then have a Parliamentary grant raised by loan , or by Exchequer Bills , to be applied under a Board of Cohtrol to the settling down upon these uncultivated but improvable wastes our now unemployed population ; and if the waste lands Were insufficient we would recommend that the Government should have recourae to the Grown tanila-for the same purposej and in the Bame way . Thia would increase real wealth at home , direct the energies of the people , in the first place , to provide food and shelter for themselves , and the surplus of their labeur would form a fund for defraying the necessary expencea , and ultimately repay ing the principal advanced . ' ¦ ¦ : ¦¦ ¦' - ' ¦¦' ¦ ¦ ¦ : '¦¦ ¦ : ¦ ¦ ¦ : ; - . : ¦ ¦ " ., ¦ ¦
Sir J . Graham . —Ah ! that might do very well if we were beginning , de novo , but under present circumstances it seems quite impracticable . The Deputation . ^ --Well , Sir James , you have j oat these alternatiyea—either to commence this measure now gradually and peaceablyi and thus avert the evila we have been anticipating , or to let the present system take itaoburse , spreading destitution , pauperism , discontent , and disaififection , more anrt more widely , until it termU nates iB geherail disorganisation and anarchy , and then to be fonced to begin fie novo , amid the wrecks of former insUtutipna . - ¦ '" ¦ ¦' ' ¦ ¦ ; ' ¦ ¦ - . , ; . . ¦' . . ' . ; .., ¦"¦ - : \ : . ¦; -. . ¦ . - . ; :-. Sir J . Graham—I hope matters are not likely to end in that way , and that our prospects are not so gloomy aa you appear to think them . / :
The Deputation . —We are convinced , Sir JameB , by long and painful sufferings , which have induced us to search deeply into and ponder often en the working aad tendencies of the present mode of using machinery , that unless a different direction be given to its mighty capabilities it wiU become the deatroyer of those who ¦ o misuse it ; aud not only the destroyer of them , but also of the working classes , whose fate is now , in a certain sense , in their hands . Gl » t after glut , panio after panic , has visited ns of late years , the period between each progressively lessening , and each finding na still less able to bear it than ita predecessor . The
humble comforts of the operatives ' cottage ham disappeared . The middle classe * of tradesmen , who depend Hpoa the lower classe 8 , are in all but an insol vent state , and trade is concentrated In Uie bands of a few overgrown capitalista , in consequence of the inability of smaller capitalists to contend with them . Such is the state of oar towns at toe present moment * We have given you our reasons for believing that tfae increase of oar foreign trade under the present system would permaneatiy iucreaae neither wages nor profits , nor arrest their dowawa rd tendencies ; and W « leave toyou the conrideratiouof thesereaaona .
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Sir J . Graham , who throughout the interview had appeared to take a deep interestin the subject , said that the views of the deputation were certainly start-¦ ling , and deserving of aerious attention ; anil that one thingwas ^ rtalq ,, that we must lay aside the rw that we could ever again ; become " the workshop ' : ' ; iX ' ther ; . ifo&i ? lai 181 S , ; Jthe * a ae " was different Then we were almost exclusively possossed of machinery ; since then other nations had rapidly ad-VanceS fn tftia particalar , and were manufacturing for themselves . For thia and othfii jreasons it-was manifestly Imposaible that we could ever again command the markets of the world , aa we once had done . •¦ : X
The deputation then pressed more particularly upon Sir Jamea Graham the moral aapecta of the queatlons involved in the passing of a ten honrs' WU . that extent to which the present system produced ignorance ,- a want of domestic comfort and economy , a disruption of family tiea , and , conaequently , both reokleaa and vicious conduct The deputation mentioned many par@e ^ r ; litttan (^ h | rt - ' ~ the ''' w pr ^ aig : of ihe syatem , which strongly confirmed the general premises laid down , to all which Sir Jamea Graham gave an attentive hearing . As , however ^ those portions of the subject have already been treated of in the report of the interview with- Sir Robert Peel , it la unnecessary to go over them again . •;; M ;^ v ¦/
In the conise of the interview the depntation had drawn attention ta the fact that the self-acting machinery and the " double deckers" introduced of lateyears into the cotton districte had thrown out of employ a great number of adult labourers . These altera * tiona had been carried to auch an extent in Manchester as to redHce $ he . number ofJ spinnera from 2 , 600 In : ^ the year 183 Q tot 6 Qfl .: in ; ttMJ (; year 18 U ; in the short space of eleven years , that prodigioua alteration had been effected , chiefly by the introdaction of self-acting machinery , and double , treble , and quadruple deckers . ' .. , . - ., :.:, ;/ \ . - / - ' - v ;^ ^ . W , ¦ ¦ . ' ' . ' ¦ :- 'U , '' ¦ - ¦ " ¦ : . Sir % i Q& AH A M sald , ^—Wbjr » you complain of labourers being out of employ , and , yet a few . ¦ yeara ago the manufacturers were advertising for labourers to be sent down into thoBepaita ef the country .
Deputation . —True , Sir James ; but that was connected with a contract mada , between th ^ KSrega and Aahworths and . the Poor Law Comml 83 loners , the purport of which was to reduce wages in the raanufactaring districta . The effect waa twofold ; : Thiep migration ay 8 tem assisted the commissioners in carrying out the New Poor Law in the agricultural districts , and it enabled the manufacturers to lower and keep down wages . Thia keeping down of . wages waa so clearly the great object of the manufacturers in many parts of the country , and the additional hands were' in many places bo utterly uncalled for by any real extension of the demand f si labour , that It is a fact , and it is one , Sir James , which we are most anxious to press-upon your attention , > hat in very many instances , , where new families were taken on by the manufacturers , an equal number of the older families and hands were dLsmisaed to make room for them . ; ' - ;
After a long and very intereating coqverBation , of which this report will give but an imperfect . idea , Sir James Graham said , —You will not expect that I should give any distinct pledge as to the course which the Government may take on the subject you have brought before us in such a temperate spirit , and in support of which you have argued with equal intelligence and good feeling . ^ AAl I can say is that , in common withTny colleagues , I am most desirous to adopt any measure which may have the effect of introducing and maintaining ¦
prosperity among our fellow-conntrymen ; and you may rest assured that we will use our best exertions , and pive our most careful consideration to any measures which Beem to us calculated to effect that primary and paramount object I am obliged to you , gentlemen , for your kindness in calling upon me , and for the information and pleasure you have afforded me , and will only add , that it will always be the duty of the ^ Government to receive such deputations from the working classes , and to listen to their statements attentively , aye , and rcape ? tfuUyr ¦ :-. '¦' . ' . *¦ ¦ . - . ' : >¦¦ : ¦ ' . : . " ' ¦ ' ' : ' ' ¦ ¦ " :: ¦ ' - - ¦ - . ¦ : ¦ ' . ¦
At the conclusion the deputation pressed upon the attention of Sir James Graham tbe same ulterior measures which they had suggested to the Premier , and again disavowed ail party feeling , their object being to unite the wise arid moderate of all parties , and , through the medium of the constituted authoritieB , to carry such measures as would tend to promote the welfare of air classes of the community . The deputation then withdrew . , ' ' . ¦ ' ¦ -: ' -: >¦¦¦ ,-. \ ¦ ' ' -. ^ ¦¦¦ ' ¦ . ¦ ' /¦ ¦ - ¦ ¦' : ' Of the Home Secrttiry it may be remarked , that while his treatment of the deputation waa unexceptionable throughout—while there was no want of expressions of politeness and cordiality on bis part , upon the whole the impression produced upon the deputation was less favourable than in the previous case . . Sir James Graham seems to us to have drunk too deeply at the fount
of the Malthuaian philoaephy ( which has inflicted so much evil on this country ) to be able to get rid entirely of its influence ; and though , while putting forward the arguments of that school , he repeatedly cautioned' the deputation against supposing that he was uttering hia own sentiments , the deputation think that there is reason to apprehend , from the earnestness of manner which he displayed ia arguiug , and the importance he seemed to attach to those opinions , that the dogmas of that school continue to exercise a considerable influence over his mind . ¦ . ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦• . ¦' . ¦ : ¦ ¦ . '¦ '¦' . - . ¦ '¦ .. ¦ -. . ¦¦ George A . FtEkiNo . Joshua Hobson . John Leech . Mark Crajstree . Titus S . " Brooke . .
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soch a trifling pecuniary penalty asjttoi operate but slightly , if at all , in deterring the employer , in coneequence of the profit ^ hioh , be could reahse even ^ th the drawback of much larjger fines . 'Mr . Gladstone inquired whpther the depatatioa wished to abolish inspectorships ' altogether t To whioh ' - ' ih »'' 'il ^ ntotito \ ' ^ pUed ; . vUiatV : tHey thoa ^ tL ' with such a bill aa they proposed , ther , ^ would not bo much neecessity lor them ; and they also thought their abolitiorl ^ nld remore ; i greai eobrce ! of i rri tatioQ
witK tlientchMy , ; wid vBeidomt tfith '; il ? e operatives , that . jthe " fnspectora oante ; ihjipntaet . In ' faot , ; they were as arsbrt'biP ^ spies ' , npoiiihe ; , employers , whioa the dfcpntation thought might he dispensed with if a biHofthenitBreindicated were passed into a Jaw ; fors if thd ' master or Other directing person were liable ; : ' like - the poor matt , to be ; commuted to the treadmill for aainfractiQnxjfi jtS j Provisions , and the common informer were restbred to hia , former position , there would ie . very few infringements of tha law .: : - ¦ ¦ -:- . ' ¦ - ¦ ¦' - '¦"•¦ " ..: ¦ ¦ -: o Ir ^ ' j ' , ¦¦' - ¦ ¦ ¦ :. ¦' < ¦ : . ¦ :: V . ¦ ¦ : '
IAird Wharocliffe and Mrv ; GIads , ton . e . both expressed their de ^ psympatfiy with , the condition of themaunfacturingclasses , andmthecoarseofaloDg and friendly oaversa ' tion gave utterapoe to many truly ^ oh ' eioleat and enlightened opiniona . After the TenJiOnirB * !!!^ canvassed in its various bearings , the deputation took the liberty of laying" before his Lordship and Mr Gladstone ( aa they 'h ^ xtirj&ii 4 y : dioBe , ' iwjtli ' , ' SiVK . ' PeelJ their viewa as to the imperative necessity of passing it in connection with an alteration of the Poor Lawj , ia accordance with the dictates of humanity and justice , and as Canj instalment of good measures to the working classes ^ These were matters about which jibe deputation thpught there should
be no delay , as upon them an immense ' mass of evidence had already been accumulated . But while considering th ' ose points about ^^ " which the , mind of the Government ought - to be immediately made up , there were other point 9 , as the deputationhad already stated to the Premier and Home Secretary , of vast importance to the prosperity of the country , ; ba which the deputation thought that Parliament ; might collect valuable information ; and therefore , though it' was going beyond their instructions ,. the deputation took upon themselves -to suggest and press for the appqiatment of' "'' a Committee of . Iaquiry into the causes of the present distress of the country , as-arising from sources not likely to ba reached by alteratiou 3 ' in the Poor Law or the Factory Act . tha
Committee to consist of moderate and well-informed men of all parties . v ; : > . „ 1 . - : Lord Wharticliffe asked whether the niasters were hot generally opposed to the views advocated by the depntaiioh in f eferehce to the "Ten Honre' Bill I To which it was replied , that the masters were now in many instances becoming convineedj by dear-bought experlence i that these views werecorrect ; that a . tea hours' restriction would be the only means of : saving them as well . as their workpeople from utter destruction . , His . Lordship said that h ' e ^ upposed that . might , be the vjoase with , the smaller manufacturers , but such instances of approval of the Ten IJon ^ a' Bill , he thought , wera rare among the more wealthy and extensive capitaJjste . The deputation stated , that as a general
rule that might be so , but : that many of the large employers were now " coming round , to the same opinions . In corroboration of that statement the deputy from Huddersfield mentioned the names of several of the most extensive and influential millowners of that district , with whom his ; Lordship was well acquainted ; , / ¦ " y Mr . Glad 8 tone , at the termination of a most friendly and encouraging interview , expressed himself highly gratified with the conversation , and said that it was impossible to direct the attention of Government to subjects of graver importance that those which the deputation had brought before Lord Wharnoliffe and himself . ' ; ¦ ; . •** . You . may , ' ? ..- ' said he , resfc ^ Assured that I will devote my best attention to them , in conjunction with the Cabinet , and . with ah earnest desire to discover and adopt those measores which may be best calculated to put a , stop to the evils you
have described .: Where we may happeaio ; differ , I feel a confidence ( ooHaidering the candour , moderation , and intelligence which have characterised your representations ) thajour motives and opinions will receive from you a fair and liberal construction . 3 ut , indeed , it is not fair to as&ume that we do or shall differ , for the evils are palpable , demand intmediate remedy , and your claims are just and reaonaSle . The spirit and tendenby of . your views are alike rational and conciliatory . " Lord . vVharncIiffe , at the request of the deputation , readily , and ia the kindest manner , gave a iettei- of introduction to his Grace the £ > uke of Buckingham , upon whom the deputation next proposed to wait . ; The deputation then took leave , after expressing their high sense of the kindness and courtesy with which the : Noble Lord and the Right Hon . Gentlemen had treated them . ' v : ;• ' ¦
The impression left on the minds of all the members of the deputation by the bbaring of Mr . Gladstorie was of the most favourablo description , aud gave rise to hopes of a cheering nature as to the ultimate results of their labours , and the intention of the Government , both with reference to the Ten Hours' Bill , and 'also to other measures deeply affecting the operative classes . And of Lord Wharncliffa the deputation have to report that he rendered them very valuable assistance by \ corroborating several of their strongest statements from his own personal knowledge of the manufactaring districts . . GkorgB A . Fljeming . Joshua Hobson . John Leech . ^ Titus Si Brookf . . Mark Crabtree . ( to be Continued , )
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, A FEW WORDS ABOUT TEXAS . N . D , Maillard , Es * ., having resided nine month * in Texas , during part of which time he waa editor of a newspaper pablfshed In that Republic , baa recently published a volume , from which we extract the following : —• . ¦ ' .- ¦ ¦ . ¦ . ¦ . - ¦¦' : .. - ¦ ¦'¦¦ . ¦' ¦ ¦; ¦ ¦ ' ; " .: ;¦"¦ ¦ - ¦ ''" .. ¦ ¦ . ' ¦ . ; -. ¦ ¦ . ' ' . , "Character of theTexans . —Texas , a country filled with habitual liars , drunkards , blasphemers , and slanderers { sanguinary gamesters and cold-blooded assassins , with idleness and sluggish indolence , with pride engendered by ignorance , and supported by fraud .
The loafers are by far the most numerous class , and go . about from one dram-ahop to another for the p \ upose © f gaming and spunging on their friends , and not ufifrequently on strangers ; but thia latter practice ia by far too common in Texas to be confined or strictly applied to any one branch in the community . * ' * * The Tsxana , either separately , or en masse , exhibit all the features of a ruffianised European mob , to whom , however , they are gteatly inferior in social refinement , and much lesa formidable in a military point of view . - ' .. ¦ - . . ¦¦ ¦ - ' : ' ¦ . ¦ ¦ . ¦ . r" ^ . '" " ¦ . ¦' ¦ ' ¦ ¦ .- ¦ '"¦¦¦ ¦ . ¦¦ "•; . :.
; : ¦ Thla character of the Texan 8 , of course , is meant to apply , in the aggregate , to both sexes . But Mr . Maillard , whose notions of gallantry are 8 omewhat peculiar , proceeds to specify the graces of the softer sex in Texas . The picture , as painted by him ia ao little flattering , that we shall not expose ourselvea to the odium of being regarded aa libellers by describing it . Here is the original , aa touched off by his own coarse pencil : — . ' ¦;' - ;' . - - ' . '¦ . ' ¦'¦ ¦ - ¦ - ¦ .. ¦ ¦ .. ; . ¦ ¦ - ¦ ;; . ¦ ¦ ¦ - . . - . . ¦ "Texan Ladies—The Texan ladies seldomahow themselves to strangers , and , like those of the United States , they use either the pipe or the swab . The swab is a-piece of soft wood , about threa inchea long , which they chew at one end until it forma a brush , then
dipping it into a small bottle of brown rappee snuff , which they carry about for the purpose of cleaning their teeth ; this operation being performed ,: the awab is placed in one side of the mouth , while the pipe sometimes takes the , other . They have little neatness or cleanliness of person to attract the eye . Their figures are scarcely to be described . coarse from neglect , or emaciated from self-indulgence , their skins have borrowed from the sun the exact hue of the Union \ and if the countenance be an index to the mfrid , I doubt nofc that their dispositions have somewhat of the peculiar flavour of that sour bullet of the tropics ; but yet to those who admire Bilerice above everything elae in woman , permit me to introduce ^ the ladiea of Texaa ^ fr excellence aa mutes . " ¦ : . ' ¦ ¦¦ .. - : - ' : ' ¦
According to Mr . Maillard the climate of Texaaia not a jot more inviting than its inhabitants , The prair rjles he describes as swaRipa , covered with water for several montha in the year , and hardly habitable from the bites of insects during the dry season , Tbe city of Sabine , besaya , ia ' very unhealthy , " the city of Cralveatpn , ' extremely unhealthy and insalubrious , * tbe town of yalasco , ' very unhealthy , ' and the city of Matagorda , ' moat unhealthy . " v Even religious toleration , Mr . Maillard contends , doea not exist in Texaa , which he endeavours to prove . The great drawback , however , ia alavery—the accursed traffic in human blood . '
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¦ : '¦ , The Marquis of Waterford had several of his hounds poisoned . in the covert ofDangan . I ) isTRESs in Bariubd Castle , —The earpetweaverBand others , amounting to upwards of . 120 families in this town , are reduced , to extreme distress , owing to the want of employ , most of the manufactories being at the stand still . The town has been divided into disteiots , and the habitations of the poor visited to ascertain the nature of each caseof distress , and it appears that for the last ax or seven weeks the average incomes of the above
families have been at the rate of Is . ajd . per head per week , but now it will not be more than . on an average , 12 d ; per head per weeki for many have no employment whatever . A subscription is now making amongst the neighbouring gentry and the inhabitants of the town , and it is determined , as far as it is practicable , to give employment to those able to work , in improving foot-paths , roads , Ac in and about the town , and also to afford soine relief by corn at a reduced price , in those urgent cases where the parties cannot be employ *" at out-door yroik . —Sunderland Herald .
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INTERVIEWS WITH LORD WHARNCLIFFE , LORD PKESrDENT OF THE COUNCIL , AND MR . W . E . GLADSTOKE , VICE-PRESIDENT OF THE BOARD OF TRADE . - > :. ' . ' ¦ • ¦ ' , ¦ ¦ - ;( No / : 3 . )\ . :- ;¦ : ,, ¦ . On leaving the Home-office , the deputation , accompanied by Mr . William Beckett , proceeded to the office of the Board of Trade , for the purposo of waiting upon the Right Hon . W . E , Gladstone , its Vioe-President . The gentleman was unable to grant
an interview that day , but appointed the following day , at three o ' clock . Mr . Beckett promised to meet the deputationat that hour .: > . ¦ ¦ . On the following morning application was made to Lord Wharncliffe , President of the Council , to know when it would please him to grant an interview ; aud he , learning that we were to see Mr . Gladstone in the afternoon , kindly agreed to meet us at the same time . Accordinglyj at the hour stated , the deputation had an interview with Lord Wharncliffe and Mr > Gladstone .
Aa in former cases , the deputation proceeded to explain the nature of the measure which they advocated , and . .. the ; economical and moral reasons upon which they based their claim . Lord Wharncliffa testified , from his own knowledge , to the fact that thefctatements thus presented as to the physical , the domestic , and the mental and moral condition of the f actory workers , were hot in the slightest degree exaggerated . His Lordship expressed his deep sympathy with i he manufacturing population , and his desire ^ for an amelioration of their condition . /
Mr . Gladsione appeared to take an earnest and absorbing interest in those portions of our Btatement which had reference to the educational , the domestic , and the moral and religious statistics of the subject , a « d paid particular attention to the proposed restrictioni of which Sir Robert Peel seemed to doubt the praoticability—namely , that Which would limit the employment of female labour . Mr . Gladstone treated this subject in a very able and practical manner . Agreeing in all the deputation stated as to the evil effects , both on individual character and on the domestic , condition of fa , milies , which resulted from the present mode of substituting female for adult male labour , he asked , " What practical measures would you suggest to
make such a clause as you propose generally operative 1 " The deputation , in their replies to this question , were rather aided ^ by Mr . Gladstone than otherwise ; arid it was ultimately suggested that the object might be effeoted by means of three regulations ; First , by fixing : a higher age for the commencement of infant male-labour in factories . S 8 conily , by Hmitihg the number of females in pro-? ortion to the number of males in any factory , 'hirdly , by forbidding a female to work in a factory after marriage , and during the lifetime of her husband . : It will be seen that these suggestions meet the case put by Sir Robert Peel , and at the same time obviate the objections taken . ; The working of the present Factory Act was also
very fully canvassed , and the unwieldy and impracticable nature of its provisions illustrated by facts well known to all conversant with the ' subject . ; The deputation , while ^ ^ on this part Of the subject , stated , in the first place , that the short-time committeee , and the friends of the"factory labourer , had been no parties to that measure ( the Act of 1833 ); that they had seen from the beginniag that it would not work , and they were thoroughly convinced that it had been adopted more as a means of evading , than satisfying the demand for the due regulation of the labour in factories . Wiih respect to the eduoatioB for which it profesBes to make provision , it waa notorious that in most cases its provision had either been entirely evaded , or that what instruction had been given had been imparted : under circumstances which made it a mockery both aa to quality and quantity ; and one instance in particular was adduced , in which the stoker of a steam-engine had been
constituted the schoolmaster , and the fire-hole had ; been made the school-room . The inducements the Act held out to parents to allege that their children were of the full age . required , when they knew that the facts were otherwise , and also to medical men to certify that the children appeared tc beso , were also pointed oat , and numerous instances were brought forward to show that this was very commonly the case . With respeet to the inspectors , the deputation stated that it appeared to them that they would be unnecessary with eoeh a bill as that proposed ; and that experience had shown they were , in the majority of instances , rather a meat's of enabling the masters to evade the provisions of the bill than otherwise , by giving the idea of an efficiv ^ nt su permtentfeace , when in consequence of the many motives Tvhich operated to make the inspectors take * -he side « f the capitalist rather than that of the labo nrer , infringements of the law were frequent , the ari "sh offenders either escaping with entire impunity , or being punished by
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* A Synopsis of the Evidence which was GIVEN BEFORE TUB SELECT COMMITTEE OF THE HOL'SE OF COMMONS ON THE 4 TH OS August , 1832 , bt Mr . Joseph Green , F . R . S :, Surgeon op St . Thomas's Hospital , Professor of Surgery at Kikgs College , and Clinical Lecturer at St . Thomas ' s Hospital . The period of growth la one of weakness , the purposes of growth necessarily rtquire a more than ordinary supply of nutriment ; children k quire not only a large supply of food , but that it Bhould be nutritive , and given frequently . Assi / nilation cannot be perfectly formed ¦ without air and exercise . Children should be allowed long re *» , in the horizontal position , and
sufficient sleep ; eight or nine hours at least ; under many circumstances , twelve hours . Children are extremely susceptible of vicissitudes of temperature . The muscles have not acquired that tone which enables them to perform actions which require strength and persistency of action . Their exercise should be varied , not longcontinued nor disproportioned to their strength . Their bones and joints are soft and spongy in their textura Children are not fitted by nature for laborious or stationary occupation . Subjecting them to business or woik which requires sirong exertion , or which , even being comparatively light , demands uniform , Jong-con--fumed , and therefore wearisome exercise , must ultimately have an injurious effect upon their health . But if , in addition , thfir food is scanty , supplied only at
long intervals , their occupation is not alternated with amusement and exercise in the open air , and their clothing is not warm , disease must be the inevitable consequence of this violent counteraction of all that nature suggests and demands . If you were to subject the healthiest child to the causes which I have enumerated , it is impossible that it should not become weakly , emaciated , stunted in its growth , dull , sluggish , and diseased . I fear that this country will have much to answer far in permitting the growth of that system of employing children in factories , which tends directly to the creation of nil those circcmstances which inevitably lead to disease . ' I am quite sure that the results will 'be , in regard to the health , most destructive , &nd , I think I may
venture to add , in regard to morals most injurious , and that the consequence of this culpable inattention to the physical and moral welfare of the manufacturing class will be , a population weak and diseased in body , feeble and degraded in mind , and vicious and dangerous in conduct Children were not designed for labour ; but if some labour must be permitted both our conscience and wur feelings equally demand that the labour of children should bs under such restrictions aa will insure them againti their being made the victims of avarice and disease , and as will render it compatible with iheirphysic * 1 and moral welfare ; twelve hours ' labour , including the . time for meals , is the utmost average pe > iod of labour for the full-grown , strong , and healthy man . I am of opition that the
deterioration in tht human frame caused by this systtm will beco : ne hereditary , and even increase from eeneration to gentraticn , if the . causes are to be continued . I should suppose that such results of the shortening of human life , as are bh- > wn to be the case in the factory districts by tie official documents before the committee , would be the results of such a system . Manufactories and machinery , so long as they procure employment for the iabouring poor , render the necessaries and comforts of life cheap and eaay of acquirement , and aro the means of the poor bettering their condition , and must be regarded as blessings , and in every way conducive both to the physical and moral welfare of the people . In order to obtiin this desirable object , it is , however , necessary that the labourer should participate in
the advantages and benefits arising from the employment of machinery ; and in diminishing human labour fey its use , the only legitimate purpose must be admitted to be , that of substituting a machine for thu performance of that labour which would reduce man to a mere m&chanism , to the end that he may devote the time and leisure acquited thereby to bis moral cultivation . It is indispensable , I say , in regulating a manufacturing sjsttin , that the labourers employed should never be considered as merely the means to its success , but that their condition , moral and physical , should constitute an essential object of tbe system ; aud ita success , as the source of wealth and power , be subordinate thereto . But if , instead of this legitimate object , and this wholesome restraint , ruled by the
insatiable avarice of gam , the manufacturing syatem is without check , and has no bound but the possible means of creating wealth , and of making the rich richer ; and wages be lowered , till it be simply calculated upon bow little life and the motion of a pair of hands can be supported ; if we find that these human beings ( the factory workers ) are only regarded as parts of the machinery which they set in motion , and with as little attention to their moral welfare ; if we find that these , even at the tenderest age , and without respect to the distinction of sex , and without regard to decency , are crowded together under all the circumstances that
contribute to disease and vice , and all this to add to the wealth of their employers , to minister to the luxuries of the rich , and to mafce overgrown capitalists still score rait and oppressive , whilst the labourers themselves are degraded into the mere negro slaves of Europe ; then , I say , that these and all the physical evils incident to such a state require no medical opinion , bat demand unsparing moral correction , or they await the punishment due to depriving man of the birthright of his humanity , of degrading him into the ciacs of me&os and things to be used ; instead of recognising , as the esd , his happiness and dignity as a moral and responsible agent .
Untitled Article
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), Jan. 8, 1842, page 6, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct581/page/6/
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