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Northern Star (1837-1852), 6th February 1841, Edition 4 of 4, Page 7, Untitled Article

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    • TO TUB EDITOR OF THE NORTHERN STAR
    • THE PARLIAMENT OF GREAT BRITAIN IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY.
    • THE EFFECTS OF CLASS LEGISLATION AS SEEN JJT THE STREETS AJfD HOUSES OF THE WORKING CLASSES.
    • SUBSTITUTE FOR PETITIONS.
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      Untitled Article

      cn THE FTSTIAN JACKETS , BLISTERED ^ A ^ DS A > TJ TNSHORN CHINS , OX A UNION OF THOSE WHO LITE BY LABOUR WITH THOSE WHO LITE ON THE PROFIT OF THE jjSOUB OF OTHERS . v A * weB may the lamb with the tiger unite , jbe souse with the eat , or the lark with the kite . " jIT dkas FEIKKD 3 , —You , OTer whose every iater-# , i bare -witched with a fond , a parental eare , -while * bare bean bard at work , or , in broken slumbers , Cj L gbbsg your weary limbs for another round in the _^ aml mill' to jw » I address my thought * .

      yon Trill do me thejutice to say that , fire yeast ago , r osed the motto which I now place at the head of this fetter to prore the impossibility of any beneficial erion beinr formed between tk-ose who lire by their libcrar , and thoee who lite upon the profits of tixrf labour . Let m » make this as plain to eTery man m the bow upon hi * neighbour * face . YThii ii the " « w" ^ Oi' * & * P 0 ^ m ^ P 0 ^ lg not that the labourer * , upon their own part , look tor » better remuneration for their labour ; while , upon the -rf of their employers , they look for a greater profit that -rery labour ? Nothing can be more clear than Z . ma nothing , therefore , can be more dear than g ^ magic alone ess effect the double object of

      j ^ & natter political necessity , the masters tell tistt yom condition alone is the great aud goTernfc T object of their new enterprise . Let me test this . fbej » 7 ti » *** the Com ^^ Wil 1 accom P liah je desired end ; while I hare proTed , OTer and over .-j ^ that it ? ould but multiply ruin . But , if their ... ^ j , golely cs » of consideration for you , how ^ paa it that they nefer try any scheme , for your ^ jef , ore and except » ueh plans as those in the me-ea of which they themselrei haTe the greatest incomfort of order forms

      to ^ Substantial your no Bgjt tf their plan , and for this reason—they haTe so comply tnrnea uatare " topsy turry" that they , living m artificial life themselves , propose that you alao shall gsfrna the same . It appears , bowe-rer , that the ¦ ifieisl jaiiet is already oTerstoeked and will not atei ; of sui ** addition as the proposed nnion and bjcb tie proposed principles . This k quite clear ,-^ iiScs ] society presses too hardly upon man's natural jejon-es , amusements 'pardon me for mentioning the ytsfl sEaacnent in connection with slaTery ) and

      dispoeiioa . In thii state of things , I say , let the portion & txiety -who wish to liTe more in accordance with Btsre " s lavs , checked by man ' s artificial and proper jataints , return to the bosom of nature and thereby pjirre , far a time , the press on artificial society . G' . tb to one million heads of families , for a full rent , fig mesas of supporting » eTea millions ef the " svrpliu wtlatiot" in comfort , peace , Effluence and

      contentset , icd thus harmonise , and something equalise , the jtsSdal portion of society relieTed by so large an ssiration to port Nature . By this means you insure a iscprodty of interest and dependency , and without aa tqsii dependency you can hare neither justice nor eTen gecj . rnifl the master is as much dependant upon X » Turkman , for an augmentation of his capital , as gg myn is npon the mister for employment in the issaii , no union can be formed upon anything like

      Hsrinf thus prored that the misters will noi jom in , t eren eountenanee , acy measure which ha * your pod c * ijr for it « object , let me now shew you the comjfete sod utter hopelessness of erer accomplishing wliat k ailed a union between masters and men , upon termi of equality , or even upon terms which can hare fgj other effect than a further prostration of the labourers . like society u at present constituted , and I will at ffw prore to jou that an bjjou cannot exist . Let us hke , u an example , the middle-class society in any

      BaamfactBiiiig town in TtoglaEd . This society is subdiTided into sections and classes , hating either identical cr antagonistic interests . The manufacturers , merchants , banters , shopkeepers , lawyers , and tradesmen d the higher order , may be said to represent the saddle-class interest ; wMla oTerssers , shopmen , clerks , isd all subordinates and dependants , compose the wciting staff , as a political body . Well , then , mark —End mark "well—the impediments to any union with sFf of these "lurfii

      Suppose the manufacturing portion to consist of CD ? , t » c , or three hucdred of masters . They are firstly Urn-let into Wing and Tory ; and secondly , the social fistinction , claimed by the ruling , the goTernin : * , and laoTPg memberg of poth parties , are much more dear b ibaa than your political rights . The large capitalkti are perfectly satisfied with thmg * as they are , or other they prefer them to the risk of chatffce , and they isle the inferiors of their own class . The tail of each east mkr their social distinction iwMch they think tisj bsst preEerre by being at the wrong end of the osiBBGusts / to eTen the risk of contending for a eoeaaGa of political rights , at th * expence of the 1 « of tie countenance of the leaiers of their own

      . Tile the ihopkeepicg class . As yet they are only is 8 s jciitic-n in which yon were when yon were led i ? crc ^ iet-inocgers and wafted by eTery political inKh . Three-fifths , at least , are satisfied with things u : 1 st are ; £ ud they , from superior property , hold ** r ^ 4 cf social eielusion orer all irko ehall polici-« 2 j atsDdon the old faith . All these classes hare 2 ^ to be brayed , as you hare been , in the mortar of ife-cnr , before a perfect union can be hoped for . BejEust , ££ the apothecaries ha-re it , be pounded WT ^ Ee , tsbiClissime triU , before the bolus is ready t » ibe patkEt .

      & £ t in mind tliat necessity has been your drill ser-P * & , £ ad that until a majority of the labouring f ^ x * beams paupers , you and your trades' unions *•« 7 ® z dabs , your orders and your associations , each B&a rouriizj under existing circumstances , to pull a ** 2 & * i for their own order , at the exp-nce of all " ^! . raiii , si length , that fellow-fetling , which Jala Ej n -B-oudj ^ as j ^^ ^^ y ^ 7 OU irresistibly into CKetiss , cf tie pooi oppressed . In 1 S 3 S I di-rided * into two classes , " the rich oppressor and the f « r or-preiKd , " sxd issath I haTe eTer since dealt ^ P ^ tialEceety .

      It - t-aentiniss a few deserters Tery much weakened ts = rited rzLis of the people ; a good crotchet-^ fa tocl -K-i-jj fcija a ^ ole section to the enemy ; , '" . r f : T rt 7 t -- ^ but £ 3 the sl ongb-ing eff of the proud ' - * vE is sore , leaTisg it cleaner and more easy _ ~ ere the hostages -which the new allies propose ) c *^ F ^ ^^ ^ ? WLj ' the Ter y - Ts J i ^ Ts . OTer cad OTer again , sold the people's *" - K-. cclIict that the literal meaning of the term a ¦ B- . th -v zzia ^ - iasseS ) is Tou fforting meQj 5 ie

      fe . can ' t yoTI ' P yourselTcs up g ^ f [^ ff ' ^ ch . a few trsficting politicians Bhall T ^ p-ir to mik . of yon f . r oar sole use , behoof ^ tffi - jtaie the matter ; the middle-class fentle-^ l ^' ' ° i' se to ^^ te . <» to take any trouble ; j *« tarjour they intend for you , when , like good ^ - ¦^ -s , they will come in at tho heel of the hunt , ' ^ p sp the game from the exhausted pack . Of - Jw mast ej ^ Km 6 desertions .

      loit , tfc * » ^ t" ^ n to make yon inde-* to " * if roCl 1 ea ! n * Itiai ' ud f have bo fax succeeded re ^ -er eTen my ewa abandonment of the cause a T » « no gr ^ t moment to you , while it would eon-^* to eternal infamy and diagrsae . 18 ** itei - ? C 3 ^^ to kaow * chap irho u P !*^* ^ i ^ T ^ "" ¦ e » y of the runaway tenaats in k jB ^ T : geof P ^^ ^ ith , will be always known «* aj ^ *" ^ " ^ * tokea < : ~ He * m , in the j ^ ^ ce , en ^ eaTour to enlist around bis own t-J 6300 . a set of disciples upon some new faith ,

      *; . L " . SCaao 1 r « » «^< ie . from the Charter , ^ ftad aters diffsr ona from the other abont * ^ C- ° EOaMMDe - ^^ « i « iples constitute ifci , c , { t ^ He be S ins ki » course by picking holes ** « v * a " iLUl > EIld ^^ ^ old associates . He becomes **** to * ?? v ° lent > t ad ' at len « ' he be S ills *® h fte » ^ . aUj reas ° o ; hethenrubs his Ekirts ¦ e clia aoei intceEtial of his about-to-be

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      adopted friends . He then watches all and eTery opportunity of associating with them , and at last attends their meetings , and , w 2 iile he sells you , he would persuade you that he has surrounded the whole force of the enemy , and taken them all prisoners . Such men irresistibly remind me in their newly-inflamed , excited , and cock-tailed state , of a " garron" of a horse at a fair figged up for the occasion , and , like the ignorant bumpkin , who , not knowing the real cause of uneasiness of the burning beast , trices his writhing for high spirits , and Tery often giro twenty pounds for the hone flesh and thirty for the ginger ; and when he finds that the animal loses his ginger Taliancy , asd drops his tail , be

      begins to think he has " paid too dear for bis whistle , " just as the purchasers of one of eur cocked-tails , who , instead of finding that a whole section of the Chartists constitutes a part of the terms of the bargain and sale , diacoTer , to their mortification , that they haTe purchased a " garron" with a piece of ginger under his tail . I think we cannot do better , then , than to christen all deserters " cocked-tail gingers ; •» and thus , as we haTe always sailed with our colours at the mast head , let eTen the enemy know what they purchase . I asked you , in July , which of the middle classes yon -were to join ; for you baTe two at daggers drawn—Whigs and Tories ^—and neither united among themaelTas . -

      Hare the Tory middle classes , either as magistrates , prosecutors , or jurors , been more hostile to Chartists than the Whigs . * HaTe they made worse Guardians , or ~ e * -n # icio Guardians , of the poor * HaTe they made worse Visiting Magistrates of prisons * . HaTe they , in short , in aught oppressed you more than the Tery Tagabonds , who quote Scripture , while they defild eTery clean thing , and then ask you to join them . Yon may join them j but I'll be d A if eTer I do , or if eTer th ' e . 5 tor ahalL I began the battle with you ; I'll fight it out ' with you ; and we'll die , or conquer , together ; but fr » m our colours we more not an hair ' s breadth ; from our principles we budge n » t a pin ' s point—though thousands rot in prisons , die on the scaffold , or work in the colonies .

      We -will this time proTe , in fact , what has been a mockery for ages , that the people are "the legitimate source of all pewer , " and that Great Britain and Ireland shall be the enry and admiration of surrounding nations . If the object of the enemy be to desert us , we well know how to reeeiTe them and will place them under a strong guard , lest they come as spies to our camp . Inoorown union we are inTincible and omnipotent , while a union with them would make hm the laughingstock of the whole world . I tell you that the union only means the power of keeping the iron hoof of Toryism from oar necks in order that the iron hoof of Whiggery may hare an undisputed possession of the restingplace ,

      HaTe you not had enough of middle-class union in 1831-2 , or do you want to be sold again J The Tery hacks , to whose leadership you are designed to be transferred , are * be men who haTe allowed the GoTernmest to commit wholesale plunder and injustice , in order that they may be allowed th « profit upon retail abuse . If I had a choice , I would a thousand , aye , ten thousand times , rather be goTemed by Melbourne , Normanby and Russell , than by O'Connell , Wakley and Co . Now , just attend , for one moment , to a Toice which comes from a most infernal place—a felon ' solitary stone veil , and listen to reason , or , at least , reason the matter with Tourselres .

      Firstly , then—Do those demagogne * eTer court an alliance with yon when they are strong enongh to hold their ground withoat you ? Ho ; tkey trample upon you . Secondly—What has ruined the Whig eause ; which , by cbserrance of honourable conduct , might haTe been made the rallying point for all Europe i Yes , had » he Whup played the Reform game fairly , they were

      masters ot the world , and England was the nation ot nations—Ireland the gem of Isles , and Scotland the land of freedom , science , and the arts . By Hearen . ' we could haTe beaten the world ; because Reform principles would haTe fvren us friends Ik eTery foe ' s camp . Well ,-what has dashed them , or rather rolled them by degrees , from this proud eminence ! Why compromise ; " union with tha Tories , the Tery weakness of which they now ask you to be ruilty .

      Thirdly—If you are disunited , deceiTed , and scattered once ^ more , who again will rally yon , and when again will you be in a position to make your party the terror of all eTil-doers ! Hear , then , my last words for to-night Let us stick together like men—like the bundle of sticks , and I promise you that we will beat all before us . " United we stand , diTide-d -we falL " Let us once get the old malefactors into a glorious constitutional minority , and then well make the galled jade * put their sore necks to the collar , and pull the Chartist waggon np Constitution Hill ; but we 11 work them in wrinkles lest they start , and jib , and stop at the Treasury .

      Let our motto then be—No Union with the enemy ; no surrenderj Onward , and we conquer , backward , and we £ alL Hurrah . ' Hurrah . ' Hurrah . ' tor our side ; and three groans for the ruffians who imprisoned the officers that they may seduca the soldiers from their duty . But , thank God , not a deserter— not one " cocked-tail ginger , " and woe be with the first unfortunate " garron , " he will pay too dear for bis fig . Again , hurrah for the dungeon , the people , and the Charter . Down with the temple of corrupt ! en , and up with the imperishable monument of freedom—the freedom of thought , and freedom of action , where it trenches not upon the coTenant , natural rights of others .

      I am , Your friend , Feargcs O'Cossob .

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      TO HER MOST GRACIOUS MAJESTY THE QUEEN . Madam , —We haTe seen that constitutional defects , and the misarrangements of society , are the parents ol much of thai mass of crime and dereliction from right principles , which so loudly call for correctiTe and remedial measures . The third source of the frightfu ! erils which oTerspread our land , is the imperfect , and , in many instances , the worsa than useless , education ol onr people .

      Unas been obserred by an eminent writer , that" a little learning is a dangerous thing ; " and it is a lamentable fact ,- that of this " dangerous thing , " we haTe much more than enough in this misgoverned land . Indeed , it is a question -whether , in practical education , -we are not far behind the most nnciTilised nations of Earope-I know that we ' baxe schools of every kind and character , except that of usefulness . 1 am sensible , that if the boasted systems of Dr . Bell or Mr . Lancaster , the so-called national schools , and those of the British and

      Foreign School Society , did what they profess to do , we should b&Te some right to call oarselTes an educated people ; and if the UniTersities were really seminaries of sound learning and religious education , the upper and middle classes might , with some shew ol reason , put forth a similar claim . But , as I can prore that neither the one nor the other do , nor are anything like what they profess to do and be , I am compelled to maintain that we are , in practice , an uneducated people .

      I do not call examining a boy or girl upon dogmas of theology—mis-stated , perTerted , or fabtly reasoned ; upon scraps 0 ? history ( and we hare scarcely any hisUry which deserres , a better character)—the means of discussing the disputed earil * of chronology—the acquisition of . ancient and modern languages—aB « xtenaiTe acquaintance with arts , science , and literature—a knowledge of the most approTed methods of trade and commerce , combined with music , dancing , and other polite and fashionable accomplishments—education ;

      and yet this is considered education of a most liberal character . As well might we call a mass of stons , timber , and other building materials , a stately palace , or a magnificent cathedral No , Madam , real and genuine education consists in the knowledge of the . means of practically applying all these materials to the purposes of use . It is no uncommon thing to find it stated by the press , ( tha conductors of which , for the most part , are among the most ignorant of the altitude of uneducated beings orer -whom you

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      reign , ) that among such and such a number of persona conTicted of crime , so many could not read , and bo many could read , but could not -write ; and bo many coold only read and write Tery imperfectly ; and thus is the falae notioa engendered and propagated , that the greatest number of criminals are to be found among those who hare not these acquirements ; and by inference , that to teach children to read and write , is the best aad most oertain prerenUtire of crime . If this statement wok correct , then those who hare been fvroured with all the other matters which I haTe enumerated , and which are totally oat of tha reach of all bat the opulent chwaes , ought to be the Tery ne plus ultras of moral excellence . We shall * ee , as we pass along , that this is as far as possible from being the case .

      I contend that nothing is worth the name of education that fails to impress upon the mind of tbo student the necessity of his so acting a * to secure his own interest , not as an isolated being , liring only for himself , bat in accordance with tha welfare , the prosperity , and the happiness of that community of which be forsas a part Anything contrary to this , or anything short of this , is not education ; but only a de-Telopement of , animal cunning combined with perTerted rational powers , which , under the domination of internal selfishness , is striving to secure its own ends by practising upon the weakness or ignorance of mankind . This pretended education , I griere to

      say , is at this moment most fearfully preralent among all classes of your Majesty's subjects ; and contributes , to an unknown extent , to increaso the black catalogue of crime , which present * so hideous ft picture to the contemplatiTe mind . I hare said that all practical education consists in the knowledge of how to apply the various acquirements we may possess to the purposes of use . By this I mean , that what we acquire as knowledge in the understanding , will be of no serrioe to us—nay , will be a positito eril—unless it be conjoined with au earnest desire ao to apply it to the purposes of life , as to make it conducire to , and productire of , a spirit of justice and * kindness , both in ourselves , and , as far as possible , in all orer whom we hare any influence . It is for want of this goTerning

      and ruling principle , that we bo often apply the instruction we haTe received to the basest , the most sordid , and the most unprincipled ends . And hence la it that the moat flagrant crimes are frequently perpetrated by those who hare had what is generally , though most erroneously , considered , a liberal education . Suffer me , however , to remark , that the crimes which are the result of imperfect education , must , in « rder to a proper understanding of our subject , be divided into two classes ; that class which is deemed disreputable , and for which the delinquents are held amenable to human laws , and that class which is not called crime , but by a variety of specious names , too Jong here to enumerate , and whioh is considered honourable and respectable .

      I will mention a few of each , in order that your Majesty may perfectly comprehend my meaning ; and , as you are head of the Church , you cannot object to my citing the commandments of the decalogue as the laws which are the most binding authority upon a Christian people . Now , if I prora that while vre pretend to honour the l » w « of God , ire punish » small breach of these lawa with sererity , and couut a largo breach of them as honourable and praibeworthy , I shall show , to a demonstration , the imperfect state of education amongst thoe « who claim to have it in

      the highest perfection—the legislature , and the upper classes—and the inference will be inevitable , that , while so lamentably uninformed , or aatnstrnsted themselves , all their public measures will be remote from the requirements of truth and justice , and bo ill calculated to remoro tho evils , aa < 2 to promote the well-being of society , that a vast amount of criminal acts must be the necessary result of even their most laboured attempts at improvement and reform . To the following evidenoe , then , I respectfully solicit your Majesty ' s moat serious and candid attention : —

      First , as to breaches of the first commandment . If a man , disgusted with the unlovely and frightful character with which aUte priests and ignorant hirelings invest the Deity , turns to nature , and there beholding him portrayed in the robes of uasuliied loveliness , and beamiDg forth upon all the works of his hands , with a countenance of benignity and soft compassion , resolves to worship him by the incense of a grateful heart , and the sincere homage of a benevolent life—instead of joining with the great congregation , K » f the hypocrisy and heartleBSness of a majority of whom he has perhaps daily

      experience , ) in the rites of integral woreh-p , in the temples made by hands , he is styled an infidel , held up to the abhorrence and detestation of Bociety , and if he be poor , and shall dare to make his sentiments known , and to question the truth of a religion , that , so far as he can perceive , is productive of so much evil , he will , at the least , stand a chance of losing his employment , and it will be well if he be not made to undergo the penalties of the laws against irreligion and blasphemy , and sent to prison to learn & more orthodcx creed , from some drunken , gaming , time-serving chaplain . This man it held to be a flagrant and great criminal , and to be sure he must be punished .

      Look at the contrast Yonder is a rich landholder , or mill-owner . He has acquired thousands by rapine and extortion . Money is his God ; no matter how he gets it , hare it he wilL He has ground tho faces of the poor ; his workman hare toiled themselves into a premature grnve ( to increase his gold ; and the blood of helpless babes cries against him ; yet he still cries " Giro , give . " He is so covetous , that he would not give a shilling to save a fellowcreature from starvation , and yet , wholesale robber as

      he is , no law can touch him . He may fill the chair of the magistrate , or his Toice may be heard in tho deliberations of the senate : he is a most honourable membeT of the best society ; and if , as is the case with one gentleman whose image is now before me , he can take the chair at religious meetings , and may gire liberally from bis ill-gotten gains to what is most impiously called the cause of charity , er the cause of G « d , he is held up as a paragon of excellence , and all men are expected to speak well of him .

      I have one of these saints now in my recollection—a flaming religionist , and bite a member of the senate , who robs the public annually to the tune of £ 150 , 000 , and to an unknown extent , in the less of comfort refpectabilty , and temporal and eternal happiness , by the sale of intoxirating drinks , and returns them £ G , OOQ in what the world calls charity . Robbery and idolatry are in this man no crime . I am , Madam , Your Majesty ' s faithful and obedient subject and servant , London , January 25 th , 18 * 0 . NUMA .

      ANALYSIS OF THE HAND-LOOM WEAVERS' REPORT . LETTER X . I now come to the question of all questions , the subject of all subjects , the niott important for the consideration of the people of this Tast " workshop of the world . " The exportation of machinery , though placed last is the list of allegations by the Hand-loom Wearers'

      Committee of Manchester , is by no means last to be considered , inasmuch as it is the last blow aimed at the very existence of the manufacturing operatirea of this conDtry . We hare been familiarised with the cry of the " Churca in danger ! " I now proclaim , and with greater truth , that the " trade is in danger l" And this , my final letter , upon this subject , Bhall be deroted to warn my countrymen of their threatened annihilation .

      Machinery and wealth are co-existent , and if there be one greater ill than another , it is in this accursed union of machinery and wealth ; their connection is prod active of great mischief to the labourers of this country , and whererer such an alliance exists , the workers , or manual hoovers , will be the greatest sufferers , in fact , the only sufferers . Machinery ia the natural enemy of aanual labour , and the rich , who hate ever shown themselves to be hostile to the labourers , possess the means of employing machinery to an advantage , and do so regardless of the eril consequences to the labouring class . As ten men manufacture as much

      machinery as will displace one kundred manual labourers , so in the same proportion will ten of the labouring class be employed in machine making , for the superseding of manual labourers throughout the country . Time was when we could boast of our excess of exports orer our imports ; but the time for boasting is drawing to » close : onr own merchants and maenfactnrera hare for soaie time back been traitorously encouraging , and our Wlug GoTernment facilitating by Orders in Councils the exportation of machinery to foreign countries , contragy to law , justice , and reason : contrary to law , beoaoae many Acts of Parliament h / . ve been s&aced , and , ase » bow in force , to prevent the expostotioo . of

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      MftuUiM > ry , and prohibiting the emigration of artisans ; contrary to ju «> Uc « , because the iBTentlons drawn from our experience , and the reauit of native talent , ought not , in fairness to our mechanics and operatives , to be giren to other conntries who itt matters ot trade are endeaTouring to rival us , and thereby destroy our Tery existence as a commercial nation ; contrary to reason , because , it being the duty of oar Government to afford protection to the people , more especial ]/ to the labourers whose bread depends upon the labour of their hands , it Is , therefore , irrational in the extreme for the Oorernment to allow machinery to be exported , or , In plainer English , to take the bread oat of the months of hundreds of thousands who now depend upon machinery .

      The hand-loom wearers justly complain of the exportation of machinery , notwithstanding the application ef machinery to their business has been injurious to them : they complain of the exportation of carding engines , roringana spinning machinery—well knowing that eTery ounce weight of machinery leaving this country for the Continent or the United States , materially assists foreigners in perfecting their manufacturing establishments . . I will refer you to an extract from a Parliamentary paper , No . 678 , 1828 , containing a report of a committee of manufacturers , merchants , and agriculturists of the United States , who met at Harrisburgh , 1827 , to consider the commercial state of England and America , After speaking of our cotton , manufactures .

      they say , " This Is a difference of 10 per cent in farour of American cotton yarn ! With this plain exhibit , it may be ^ certainly expected , that we shall export annually , millions on millions of pounds of cotton yarn , and rival the British in that business , as we do in goods made out of it , as aoon as the capacity , of oar manufacturers shall pass beyond the demand for cotton cloths , of which last there is a scarcity , because of the export , though not much advanced in price . The home demand is extending , and the foreign one increasing faster than more perfect machinery ' . and more of it ) can supply . But the domestic competition will soon regulate this . Welmve water power , iron and coai , ingenious artisans and industrious people , and the days of British monopoly in the manufacture « f our own raw material are numbered !*

      What do the Americans wunt more but the newest inventions from England- ? improved machinery from this country ; then , like Franca , as soon as the tariff expires , such arrangements will be made as to almost exclude our manufactures from their States , and perhaps pass a law to prevent certain descriptions of cotton wool ( of ' course the best \ from being exported , thus forcing England to manufacture from inferior raw material , which will lower the quality of their goods in the markets , where America will compete with us . Wfeat has been the effect of American rivalry occasioned by the wicked policy of our rulers , in driving , by oppressive laws and their corrupt administration , our best artisans to that country , and exporting our best machinery under the sanction of Orders in Council ? Why , a considerable decrease in our exports to that flourishing country . Witness the following statement of exports from England to the United States ,:

      —1819 . 1828 . Decrease . Yards . Yards . Yards . White or plain calicoes at 15 d per yard ... 19 , 207 , 928 10 , 359 , 707 8 , 848 , 221 Printed calicoes at 18 d . per yard 32 , 542 , 408 25 , 840 , 720 6 , 708 , 688 White or plain muslins at 20 d per yard ... 13 , 763 , 082 698 , 368 13 , 004 , 714 Fustians jeans , velvets , fee . at 2 s 6 A per yard 1 , 629 , 115 185 , 630 1 , 443 , 655 Mark . ' this gradual decrease took place at a time when the laws regarding the exportation of machinery were rigidly enforced by the Tories , under Lord Liverpool ' s , Canning's , and Godexich ' s Administrations .

      Since that time , there were machinery and mill-work exported to America—Year . £ . In 1828 4 , 817 1829 7 , 716 1830 10 , 913 1831 ... ' 8 . M 7 1832 6 , 883 1833 8 , 828 1834 28 , 699 1835 45 , 70 * 1838 24 , 081

      and we are still going on exporting machinery in the same ratio of increase ; and our export trade is cotton manufactures still progressively decreasing . [ See the " Black Book , " 1841 , page 6 » , for similar statements respecting Russia , Prussia , Germany , Holland , Belgium , and France . ] Well may the hand-loom wearers complain now , for this system of exporting machinery has been a source of complaint for the last twenty years , and we hare a report of a Committee of the House of Commons , in 1824 , inquiring into this subject , which

      shows , how the prohibition laws hare been evaded and machinery exported to the Continent ; also the plans taken by foreigners to induce our beat artisans to emigrate , tor the purpose of teaching foreign workmen bow to manufacture machinery and imltata English goods . Evidence is also given , showing the impolicy of prohibiting the exportation of machinery , bat it is of an interested nature , and unworthy of notice . Last Session , Mr . Emerson Tennent moved for returns of the machinery asd millwork exported from Great Britain during the last ten years , which was as follows : —

      lr-Steam engines and parts of Steam Engines . First five years , declared ralua , £ 2 < S 5 , 9 * 7 ; second five years , £ 772 , 512 . 2—Will work , of all sorts , allowed by law to be exported . First fire years , do ., £ 100 , 054 ; second fire years , £ 167 , 626 . 3—Machinery of all other kinds allowed by law to be exported . First fire years , do ., £ 821 , 790 ; second fire years , £ 1 , 307 , 624 .

      4—Machinery exported under license from the Treasury or Privy Council . First fire years , do ., £ 34 , 877 ; second five years , £ 176 , 464 . 5—Machinery and millwork , of all sorts , ( aggregate . ) First fire years , do ., £ 746 , 019 ; second fire years , £ 2 , 414 , 220 . Total in the ten years ending 1840 , £ 3 , 140 , 245 . What think you is the avowed object of this return !—To put a stop to this selling of our trade and pauperising our labourers ? O , no ! Mr . Tennent ( the Historian of Modern Greece ) is the representative of the machine makers and millowners of Belfast , ( the Irish Manchester . ) Mr . Mark Phillips and K . H . Qteg are the representatires of the machine makers and millowners of the celebrated English Manchester ,

      and the Manchester Guardian ( the cousin German of the Great Liar of the North ") is the accredited oracle of the Whigs of White Hall . This triumvirate ot patriots , under the guidance of the Guardian , which means the Ministry , are concoctiBg a Bill to bring before the Talkers , to repeal all toe laws affecting or restricting the exportation of machinery ; or , to use the slang , to hare free trade in machinery . Mark Phillips gave notice last session that he would more for leave , early next session , to bring in such a bill . This is the same Mark Phillips , who declared that "he would resist all legislation ia favour ot the band loom weavers ; " and , if Parliament insisted in

      interfering betwixt the employer and the weaver , ho ( Mr . P . ) was connected with a large manufacturing establishment , and he should feel it bis duty te advise his partner to break np their establishment , and employ their capital abroad , where it would n « t be interfered with . " His colleague , Air . Greg , I bellere , has been , or is connected with , an establishment at Geneva in Switzerland . So , assoenas these worthies get "Free trade in machinery , " they will sell up their establishments in this overtaxed country , employ their capital abroad , and leave the starring , disaffected people , and the landed aristocracy to settle the interest of the National Debt , am ! the " ways and means , " among themselves . Glorious prospect !

      If the machinery exported was of a perfect kind , the evil would have been bad enough , but the great bulk of what bas hitherto been' exported consisted of lathes , planing machines , drilling machines , cutting engines , and other tools used in the manufacture of machinery : working models , and expensive or difficult pieces of machinery ; thus furnished with the most necessary means for tho manufacturing ot machinery , they are enabled to manufacture for themselves as well as for others . R . J . Richardson . February Zst , 1841 .

      To Tub Editor Of The Northern Star

      TO TUB EDITOR OF THE NORTHERN STAR

      Sir , —I hare been much gratified recently in looking orer the " Fleet Papers , " and should not enry much the feelings of the man who could read the statement of the good oH " King , " with Eyes nnmoistened by a tear . " ; 4 I sincerely hope that , both for the sake of the renerable writer , and for that of genuine liberty , these papers may obtain an extensive circulation throughout the three kingdoms . My reason for troubling you with this note is , that I hare heard of some persons who think they bare not sufficient matter for their money ; and that if it is not increased , they shall discontinue taking the work . I think they wiU see , on a second perusal of each letter , that they de really get their two-penny worth for their twopence . Still , I admit that if four pages more could bo given in each number , it would be desirable ; and I write to propose a plan by which it might be dose .

      I sea the " Papers" are stitched in a wrapper , and I suggest that all the friends of this champion of the righto of the po # r should unite their energies to make the work a good advertising medium . If a sufficient number of adrertlsements could be obtained to corer the expence of printing and paper of four addliiaaal pages , it may be fairly expected that an increase « f the circulation would be obtained . Another suggestion I would make is , that in every town a number « fy « nons , say twelve , should unite to take three addittsoal scpies

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      weekly ; sending one to the parson , another to the chief magistrate , and the third to the public library . It would be easy to put a Chartist tract new and then in the inside of each . This plan would serve the cause of the people , and would also promote the comfort of him who , th » ugh ostensibly in the Fleet for debt , is in truth in the Fleet for advocating the cause of those who hare few or none to help them . I am , " ~ Yours , faithfully , A . B . Leeds , February 1 st , 1841 .

      The Parliament Of Great Britain In The Nineteenth Century.

      THE PARLIAMENT OF GREAT BRITAIN IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY .

      MB . EmxpB , —As some sapient persons are so fond of endeavouring to throw ridicule on the past Convention of the nation , or on the future Parliament , as it maybe , when the people are folly represented , it-perhaps will not be without interest or amusement to give some slight account of the British Senate , as it ia at present constituted . On January 26 th , 1841 , the day of the opening « Parliament , having obtained a Members' order for the gallery of the House of Commons , I found myself in that assembly , after having been nearly squeezed to death by a crowd of fools , who flocked to see the young Lady , Queen Victoria .

      Well , Sir , I was in the gallery , and as before the Members arrived , I attentively Tie wed the building itself , I may as well give you an account of it , before I proceed to its inmates . The present place , where the " Imperial Parliament" meet , until the new House on the banks of the Thames is built , strikes the spectator neither with awe nor admiration ; it is , in troth , as shabby a dwelling , as any shabby tenants could desire . It is of an oblong form , and divided into the body and the gallery of tho House . The floor is covered with watting and with benches , which latter possess green leather cushions and high backs . At one end ( the western )

      is the Speaker ' s chair , or throne , over which is a species of canopy , and before which in a large table , containing the mac « , so essential to a debate , and a few old books . The walls are of white painted wood , and look very bare and desolate . The gallery has benches of rather a less comfortable appearance than those in the body , and one part of it is given up to the Members , who may find it too crowded , or too hot , or too busy below ; another part is assigned to the Speaker ' s orders , a third to the Members ditto , and a fourth to the Reporters . From the roof hang four lamps , two very insignificant , and two rery incomprehensible .

      By degrees the Members , the Honourable and Learned Members , flocked in . The Ministerial benches ( which are to the right of the Speaker ) boasted of about six occupants , who talked and laughed with great noise and glee , as if pleased and surprised to find themselves still iu to happy a situation . At length the benches on botb sides of the House were filled , particularly the Conservative side , which mustered very strong . Among the Ministerial party might be seen the big and burly " Dan O'Connell , " with his broad brimmed hat , and long frock coat He assumed a jovial look , but seemed to be writhing under his recent defeat in the "Fox and Goose Club . " As usual , whenever he opens his mouth , he was called to order by the Speaker , and laughed at by the Members .

      Here was little Lord John , like a bantam-cock , swelling out bis throat , and standing on tiptoe , in order to be heard and seen . Facing him was Sir Robert Peel , looking great things , but doing little . Around these , Sir , were unfledged boys , fit for school ; old men , fit for b « d ; and the like . As for the debate , the opener spoke so low no one could hear him ; the seconder read his speech ; others shouted or whispered ; the Members not speaking to the Speaker spoke among themselves bo Uudly as to drown almost eTery sound . In the course of two hours after tb « debate had begun , some down at the Kepresentatires of Great Britain might be seen fast asleep , and stretched at full length , on the benches in the gallery , in positions neither elegant nor becoming .

      I left the place . Sir , with a resolution not to erer enter it again in its present state .

      Believe me , Yours , faithfully , An Obsertkr of Mem asp Mamkers

      The Effects Of Class Legislation As Seen Jjt The Streets Ajfd Houses Of The Working Classes.

      THE EFFECTS OF CLASS LEGISLATION AS SEEN JJT THE STREETS AJfD HOUSES OF THE WORKING CLASSES .

      TO THB BDITOB OP THE NORTH 8 BN 8 T 4 B . Dear Sib , —The statistical accounts of the large towns of England and Scotland furnish us with many sad pictures of human wretchedness , and some few ore even worse than Leeds . But as I am in possession of a greater number of facts , and , above all , a greater personal acquaintance with this town than any other , as well as the varied details of the late survey , I shall confine my remarks entirely to It , while endeavouring to sketch in undeniable characters the horrid effects of class legislation , as seen in and around the abodes of working men . And , first , let us examine trie condition of streets , and for this purpose I shall take , as a specimen , the East Ward , as compared with the Mill Hill Ward . There is , however , little difference between the state of the Eastward and those of the North East , South , and pacts of the North and West Wards .

      The following table will show the comparative state of the streets in the two Wards t to which I solicit the careful examination ot working men .

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      « fa Condtn . of Surface . »™ IM I' " V tU i * t * i % 1 ? * 1 * 11 * ^ < 2 _ Eastward . 14 , 2 7 1 13 , i 61 J 23 35 17 38 42 7 Mul Hili _ 5 . 7 1 . 3 GG 48 35 * 4 4 19

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      From this will be seen tf . w great advantage ot being a gentleman shopkeeper , or , one of the enfranchised upper , middle , or buy-cheap-and-selltlear classes . The comforts arising from local as well as state legislation ought to be apportioned according to the number of inhabitants ; and if this were the cose , the East Ward would have 24 streets pared by tho town instead of 7 ; and , on the other hand , Mill Hill Ward would have 1 * very bad instead of only four ; bat were it so , what a row there would be—what a ttir in the rookery for reform ! reform ! ! reform ! ! ! of streets . But now , since an alteration would confer little personal benefit upon these gentry , it is scarcely everinsntioned . Let us next consider the difference in the meaning of the words employed to describe the condition of streets , as they refer to each Ward ; for having myself superintended this statistical surrey , I may at least be supposed to possess some knowledge of their meaning .

      MILL HILL WARD . Terms . Meaning . good . Beautifully paved ; clean , swept , and dry , middling . Pared , but net very well ; dry . bad . Partly pared and partly not tery bad . Not paved or swept ; dirty only ia some places .

      . ' Terms . Meaning . « ood . Wholly or partly paved ; M'Adamised , or possessing a hard level cinder surface , and tolerably clean and dry . middling . As above with portions bad . bad . Not over shoo tops in mud , but wet and dirty . very bad . Pretty well strewn with " the contents of nightstools , or pots de ehambrt ; ankle deep in mud , cut up , and in some instances im passable , at times , to carts ; elevated two feet above the level of the ground-floor of the houses ly the accumulation of ashes and other filth .

      Such is the difference in the meaning of those terms , which it was necessary to apply alike to all , when the survey was made ; but which , as will now be seen , differs materially when compared with the separate localities . Without further comment here , I shaU pass on to furnish another table , exhibiting the state of sewerage , affording additional reasons why the abodes of the working classes are se surrounded with filth : —

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      Condtn . of Sewerage Aniouat of ««* , ; % ? M * . 5 P °° * * , Wards . 3 5 ? £ S * S « 3 ® 3 tobe , - a I * afc * rS 25 ? lected on »< %£ * S ^ j / fcp Property . Eastward . 3 13 63 37 3 , 461 £ 1 , 504 17 8 Mill Hill-... 19 2 4 2 S 884 3 , 890 11 8

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      From this table , the wet condition of the streets and cellars in the East Ward may be accounted for . Now , if we are not to be allowed an equal distribution of the comforts , alluded to before , according to the number of inhabitants , surely wo ought to claim for the working classes an equiralent for the money paid by them in support of tho whole . It will be obserred , abore , I have gives the amount ot poor rate paid by each . Mill Hill esly contributes two and a bait times as much as East Ward ; and y « t , it has more than six times as many public sewers . The East Ward bas one third of the whole of its streets " Tery bad , " while Mill Hill

      has only one-twelfth . How is this T It is because out of 6 167 inhabitants Mill Hill , only contains 1 , 566 of the working classes , while out of 14 . in the East Ward , 13 261 are the enslaved , wealth-creating , unrepresented , but industrious classes . Is it not plain , then , that class-legislation , ia its baneful effects ,, extends far beyond state corruption and public plunder ? it reaches to and poisons the rery air which working men breathe . Let tha returns of the Registrar for the North district , which extends over some of the worst parts ot the town , be examined and compared with those of the West district , the streets and houses of which are « l « ner and better situated ; and the truth of what I

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      have asserted will easily be seen . In the North district , births are as one to twenty-two and a half ; deaths one te twenty-three and n half . West district , birth * are as one to twenty-eight ; deaths one to thirty-six inhabitants . There may be other causes , such as wan * of food and clothing , to produce this difference in th * bills of mortality ; yet , it will not be denied that tho unwholesome exhsiatisns from the streets , && contribute their snare . —[ We most here break off onr friend ' s discussion , and giro the remainder « f the letter next week . — -Bds . 1

      Substitute For Petitions.

      SUBSTITUTE FOR PETITIONS .

      TO TBS ZVlTOn OF THt ifO » THSR 5 fTA * . " Petitioning for pity is most weak , The sovereign people o « ght to dtntand justice . " Sib , — This letter is to explain the principle of ibi plan which I propose , as a substitute for petitioning which appeared in the Stmr ot last week . ^ L My plan , then , was to legists ? th © whole ChartWir names , trades , and places of abode , once » year ; ft » pnblish the same , with the Charter , anil » short aft . count of the movement ; to call it the Chartist Register under the superintendance of the National ExecutiW Committee for England and Scotland . My explanation now is , —the leading Chartists to every city , town . Tillage , and hamlet , from " John < f Groat's to the Land's End , " should call a public meeting ot the inhabitants , and these should choose fit and proper persons to register the names of all who really want the Charter .

      Each place to report the nnmber registered , in eaeh trade or occupation , to the Executive , with an account of the proceedings , signed by the Registration Committeee . Every association to report its name , and mumber df members , signed by its committee . The Executive to publish the whole reports , M signed by the respective committees , together with tb » Charter , and the state of Chartism , as cheap as possible , so as to bring'it within the reach of the poorest fit the land . With regard to ultertar measures , let the registrv tions be proceeded with , till there is a clear majority 61 the people on the list , and then elect delegates to carry the original copies before the Commons , the Lords , and the Queen , and there in a " peaceful , legal , and constitutional " mode to demand the Charter .

      This , Sir , is the plan which I propose as a substitute for petitioning . I think it "is most weak" to petition for the Charter , so long as the Chartists hare no party in the House which is called the Commons ; S there was , I would petition ; as it is , I would register , form unions , and act as circumstances might determine . Jas . B . Crawford . Old Cumnock , Jan . 30 , 1841 .

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      TO THE EDITOB OF THE NORTHERN STAR . Sir , —Haring been honoured by the general meeting ef delegates with an appointment as one of the eight Chartists to speak at Marshall ' s mill , on the erening of the 2 lst , and , as the meeting was concluded without my auction , perhaps you will permit me to occupy s > corner of your valuable paper , to give a sketch of what I intended to say on that occasion . I intended to expose the conduct of the vaccillaiing and traitorous- Whig faction , and particularly thai portion of it evinced during , the Reform mania . White that deceptive bill was in progress , they courted the support of the-people ; but no sooner had it becomt law , than they immediately turned round upon tbt people , and assailed them with the most opprobiona epithets ; such as " dirty ragged rascals , without ft shilling of their own , " and , in the teeth of their of itrepeated pledges , refuted to aid the people in the acquisition of their inalienable righto . :

      The people are well aware of the cajolery practise * at that time , and it is evident that the new scheme ol agitation , now mooted , is the counterpart of the fermex imposition . The middle class desire to obtain a tenfold influence orer ( he working classes . They do sot wish them to rote for their turn bricks and mortar , bat that the landlord ^ may hare an unjust power rested i * him , and may command the tenant to rote for bis farourite , ot quit . Ws contend for the franchise being rested in animate , not in inanimate matter . The Household Sufirageiie * would hare us support their plan , yet they leare their plan undefined . ' Mr . Hume would say . that if ten families enter by one door to their several compartments , only one shall rot * . Mr . Roebuck , Sharman Crawford ,

      and Mr . Williams , would let every one of them rote ; and Mr . Marshall would define a house under such a height , breadth , and length , to be only & cot , a hut , or a shed , and the people must be able to read and write- ; be of religious habits , and be united to some society , to come up to the standard of intelligence , and must a \ eohare resided in the house three years , and haTe paid all th « poor rates and taxes of every description , or hare no rote . And as to that iniportantact which w&slately passed , namely tbelaw ofbastiles , coarser food , andstarra tion , commonly called the New Po « r Law Amendment A ok the men who are the leaders in this new . movement were mainly instrumental in passing that infernal centralisation Maltbusian scheme , which gives nine votes in the election of guardians to one man ; and gives tl »

      power of voting to men not elected at all , but who are appointed by , the exiiting Government , who can at pleasure swamp the so-called elected guardians and squander the poor-rates . Those very men were instrumental in passing a lair to place the funds for the relief of the halt , the lame , the blind , the aged , and the impotent , in the hands of a trio of pensioned , unfeeling , ignorant upstarts ; they hare given the three monsters power to starve our best mechanics and artisans , with their wives and children separated from them , in bas * tiles . Yes ; and those who gave nine T » tes to aom % voters in the election for guardians , may give nineteen to some householders , and one to another ; or a rot * for erory room or every window in the house , and for erery rood of Jand attached thereto . And this

      " liberal" reformers would call an extension of th * Suffrage ! Let me enquire who the Household Suffrage advocates have called before us to convince the men of Leeds and the country of the blestings of their schemes T Why , they hare called Mr . Sharman Crawford front the north of Ireland , one of the most generous and humane of men , and consequently , a Chartist ; they hare called 3 Ir . Gully , one of the same stamp , who is also a Chartist , and subscribed to the national rent and signed the national petition ; they have called Sir Cteo . Strickland , who would extend the Suffrage according to his standard of intelligence ; ( were Sir George ' s besom properly exercised in the two houses of our law makers , they would be clean indeed ;) they hare called Mr . Gisbume , a Malthusian of the firit water , a

      grinding millowner ; they have called Mr . Wilnams , an out-and-out Radical ; they have called Mr . Roebuck , who has done many good things , but who , when ha began to advocate the New Poor Law in his periodical , gave it its death blow , and who was soon after kicked out of Bath for the same Teason , and it is to be hoped will be kept out of every place while he holds such hellish doctrines ; they hare called Mr . Hume , a pure Malthaaian , who desires that not one blade of grass should spring from the face of the country ; in fact , that the whole surface should be covered with an incrustation of lara , through which nothing whatever which could sustain or support life might spring : they have called Daniel O'Connell too , who betrayed and disfranchised tho 40 s . freeholders of Ireland—who

      aided in passing a Coercion Bill for Ireland—who opposed substantial poor laws for Ireland , and supported a poor law for his country which is only ao in name , and , in reality , » curse—who urged the trades' unions to combination and exclusive dealing , and afterwards turned round , and told them they were liable to transportation for acting upon his ' advice—who recommended a run upon the tanks , and soon after became a banker himself—who ' wade an effort to obtain for Mr . E . Ruthven a place at £ 1 , 000 a year , when h * ¦ aid his conduct had been so bad , as to render him unfit to sit in the company of common labourers—( anything to get rid of a joint that won't work np tk « " rint , " )—who coaxed Mr . Feargus O'Connor , after he found him paramount in the great county of Cork ( the

      Yorkshire of Ireland ) until be found him possessed of too much honour , too high principle , too much integrity , and too great a love of country , to make a joint of bis tail , and then attempted to kick him overboard— -who christened the Whigs , " base , bloody , and brutal , " and afterwards shielded them with hi * tail—who , with kirn infiuence , not only saved them from being kicked out , but enabled and aided them to pass the horrible new bastile and rural police laws , and will assist them , ia all probably , to pass a passport law by which we shall be prevented from leaving home without our description in our pocket , unless with the certainty ot being popped into a dungeon by the blue police—who pledged himself never to cease agitation until the factory slaves were emancipated , and very soon sold them for £ l , 09 »

      —who was one of the first to sign the People ' s Charter , and very soon denounced Chartists and Chartism , and proclaimed that he would bring over 600 . of his Irish legions . to cut thsm down—who gloried that his Irish boys had murdered the men at Newport . Yta , these are the inen—this is the man whom tha adrocatt'sof Household Suffrage delight to honour . Yes , these are the men—this is the man—whom they cherish , and wouid recommend the people of England , Scotland , and Wales , to set up as their leader . This is the riper they would d « slre them to tske to their bosom 1 Th « 7 bare calculated , bowerer , without their host . They bad better fall back upon Baines , and , instead of attempting to " extend" th # ' franchise , join the Torfos , Whigs , and Lord Finality , and leave the Charter aad Chartists to carry out their own principles . t the Intention

      I think , too , I can discern an omen « of the Reform Association In their arrangement . Why all this parade of police in livery ? I think I hear the death knell of liberty rererberating npon my ear ; and , in fact , every trick , scheme , and movement of these pseudo-reformers is indicative of the speedy exit of factious jugglery from the political stage . In conclusion , allow me to observe that the defeat which the embryo faction experienced at the hands of the Chartists on the 2 lst , has not only placed an imperishable crourn of honour on the brow of the men of Yorkshire , the -working men , I mean ; but it has given an impetus to the cause which the efforts of con federated factions cannot retard . . L . PinUTHLT . Huddenfleld , Ja » . M , 1141 .

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      THP 1 NORTHERN STAR , 7

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), Feb. 6, 1841, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct693/page/7/