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#Rt«Na L Corrt&Ptrtotnce
# rt « na l Corrt&ptrtotnce
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J ~~ A MOUNTAIN OF FACTS . „ plain tale is best , being plainly told . " « Come one , come all , this rock shall fy fjos , its firm base , as soen as L " tSb fustian jackets , blistered * ° JiSPS , A * rNSHORN CHINS OF BNGr-StR SCOT LAND , AND WALES , AND TO J ! jg ' BAGGED , BACKED , BARE-FOOTED IBI 5 H .
b lisses , » rr dkik Friekds , mt okli —« _ Here I am in solitary confinement , in a ** \ eeE , in the twelfth month of my confinement ; ** Z&& fr spirit , unchanged in principle ; and though * \ * Zi in constitution , yet unshaken in purpose , ^ 1 » m once more assailed by the oldea foe . Do « _ Craent » similar instance of resolution npon ^ L hmd , or of treachery upon the other » declaration of SirO'Connell places
TM foHo-snng . i position , which , to hare otherwise assumed , u j ^ ve been presumptuous , but "which to leaTe cMti tfd , Tonld be cowardly : — , w » toderatsod that there was aa Association about ^ Trf fcnaed , it the bead of -which -were Messrs . Lovett , r « L * ad Cl eave—three of as good men as were in ^ T aBUBBBi ty—baring for its object Household sTf-vs * ad Shortening the Duration of Parliament , Caper -ectfj unconnected with Feargu * and hia wild is odK * - " Ho « Ter , in commenting npon this declaration , I AiUte as little egotistical as possible .
Is a * outset , my friends , let me say tiat I fully Tiin Hr . O'Connell , that the principal object of * e * w » move" is to destroy all that has been done , _ $ jidissent from the inference , that " getting rid 0 / — » i &fcongb a primary object : would hare the effect , ^ 223 ^ the free minds of Englishmtn to the sup-- —rfths treasonable project No , no ; for in making ¦ ^ isfep eadent of ethers , I h » Te laboured to make L ad epeodent of myself also . to the detail of circum
' w &eaos , before I proceed - rtjiiii { jcjj , » Urw me to cheer your aouls by the Vr * l Efflos mcemeiii , tiat s 2 thooga mine eaemies wjtiijd » snare for me , and although , assassin like , jv g jjjTjiimeda deadly blow at their Tictim alone alii the dart , y e' has the God of justice and of txk a * never-forsaking sentinel of the prisoner anJ ga » Stb , deBvered mine enemies into my hands . ¦ 5- 9 ¦ jej comrades , the Tricked have been caught in Q& cm snare , and the blow aimed at me in the gut , tB 3 rec oil upon the heads of the
ceaspi-XT &jmd ! , is it not curious that while thus secluded fru 2 Sbf » orld , I should have been made the instrnjbs ; of brinnng * ° Ji 5 nt one ° * tte deepest laid r } , r-M ersr hatched by man for the destruction of his feasw ! Ibro lie evidence of a ge > TLEKA 5 , of a genUebb if wealth , of honour , and of station , that this " afi more" was concocted at Jlr . Hume ' s , by Mr . Hume Ed Mr . Fnnris Place upon their part , and by some of ae signers of tbe new prospectus upon TOCB Till
I hTs it , that" it was to be done while I was in prison , as s wild Kl be effected if I was at large . " I hare it , iai ia object was to' effect a ' fusion' of the middle ss £ tie working daises for the attainment of Housebos St&ige . " I hate it , that after the Leeds meeting it tsi cosEdered necessary to hold the promulgation ¦ 2 2 * scheme in abeyance , until a " suitable name " ni derided spaa , and until the principles were agreed qo . I w ia possession of these facts as early as Tiimrr bit , bat knowing that my communicati on with the Krid could be only surre » titi » ua ] y accomplished ,
sadSssiBf tie absolute necessity of being npon the tpoi » d at liberty to meet every counter statement , I tu { impelled to hear all in silence , until facts had so sifciplisdaj to narrow my correspondence to a mere direesa of j-onr minds to those facts which , in my absesee , nast speak fer me , and from which the people mm ca » their own conclusions . Foi the present , that I rely np « n circumstantial evidence , and upon tiaJikns ; pledging myself , upon the expiration of my mnranrTiiPBt , to submit direct testimony npon the subjeca 1 committee of seven persons , chosen by working Bffl TB 0 WORK .
Xb » , By friends , I proceed calmly to a consideration of -wjnt has been the otject nearest the heart of the aiSe dtss leaders , and some of the London Chartist lades , from the moment that the first unhely alliance * b teasd between those parties . I pass over , for the P » Bi , tie treatment whkh I have in ^ riabiy met with feaite-m called the London Woricing Men ' s Assooia ; I fapve the ingratitude with which " the p » or feiesta labourers * were compelled to txeat me upon ^ iKcm ; slwsyj perched up in public , between two o ! 3 s eanrnattee and never allowed to aay so much as
' aat yoa , " to the man who built the house of ** 6 Hi . Wakky had merely to open the door for ^ I pas over the many attempts of this body . fc * rre » me ttom . speaking at their meetings . I pass j ^ its iejoiniion entered into by the committee for ^ S toe De legates agitating England on « W d ths Glasgow Cotton Spinness , to the efiVct & I tm not to ipeak . I pardon the ingratitude of the ^ a Spjunera in obeying the instructions of ilr . * &T vd . ilr . Place , in not coming U > « ee the = s » bo travelled 2000 milM in the depth of winter ' rnthsa courage in the dock ; who roused Engl and at SKtsnd , and spent £ 2 ( 0 of his own money in » .
^ S 1 forji-re those men for not coming to see me , ** Titian w hour ' s journey of my so litary celL * Ptmj not being invited to any one of the numerous T ^ awa * h ich 1 myself have proposed and been k "fcaator of in London . I pardon the Xondon men for ^ Triaeoled me oat of my Universal Suffrage Club , k ^ I forgrre their non-co-operation to defeat the g T * 5 nieeting for the erection of monuments to the ^ j Ptoioti , when they , one and all , refused to ^ Mimendm en t declaring f . r the principles for ^ ttose martyj died . I forgive their every act of ^ " * di stinct body ud I now proceed to a ^«» on of the treatment which I have received ¦*» "a ^ Samated crusaderi
Xta ^ ' ^ ^ SUned t 0 Scotlsmd - Messrs . Attwood , jgj ya $ u < * M S ^ t , as representatives of the fisv 7 - Jolui CoUing , as a kind of working a-. ^ ^ travelled , fed , and lodged at the ^ uf the Birmingham Union . [ i have never been r oSil ^ aMOnnt ^^ yfet ~ 1 murt ha ' Te is * 3 g ^**^ ia committee , to my being invited to ^ ¦ That looked very like a device to gti rid te ^ T * : lhZi - * iey feeW a great meeting at Hoiy ^ - jjj . BirtEill « aaHi , to which many persona a ^ T ^* 1 » u not . When we went to the ^ ^ competed to listen to a parcel of old *» i ^^ * seilse > a ^ d J asked the chairman ff ^ ** "i lQ iave in ODnortnnit-v of E » ,. v ; nn « t >^ T
j ^ »« to return thanks to the chair , or to Nor !" " to th&t tffect 2 ^^ *** t 116 bet ^ ttl « liiang TDysdf , our London friends having 615 Jlllii ^ l and X r ^ retted being obliged to ftj *^ j ^ 1 * 511 0 Dt- ^ r- Steele said he cams there to fcjj gral leadei « th « Liberator of Ireland . A fc etiEr *** ^ *"" meetiD S . ^ ° en ^ ss ta ttU f ° DaB J ud - n P ° n a gentleman ^" ^ " *! f lj ' ^^ Mnnl 2 1 the tib ***™* ' ^ bos * > h 8 < i »» v " terUtUe dumptiness , the Queen , " bnt "m * ^ yor ^ mingham , caUed the gentleb ^^ . and s ^ d that politics were aot to be * 8 t * 4 e » T &t did not " ^ mybook ; ¦• 1 r 0 ^ tt ** ao Sr ' ^ Dot toT me toay , but for ^ tea eBed ^ ^ t ^ 6611 Mr . Steele and ^ iU ^ L ^ ^ « ^ t of » . When I sat d ^ . « 4 ta 4 me by the hand and said •¦ Well
, , *** tjr mBeUn * *» fa ^ d 011 - My * p-NiS * Wea P »^ ^ «* I « ot '>^ r te : itIlplae * the lit at atarting , ^ ^^ - ^ ^ P p ed " ¦ * " t ***™ *» » lw » y » ^ % t ^ OT > Vould y ° * " <>» » " « P « - ?"• • hT ? - * " * ** Other P 6 " ' ^ P ™* Ki ? * * . OoiThompMB . were three | 2 !« S ^ , f " iatrodnc « 1 . ^ 0 had not decided n ^^ ^ ^ P ^ " the % .. ^' ^ batwu the ijround . w ™ . 0 the
S' ^^ . « CoaTenti < m " 0 Ter ' iSWJl ? ^^ recommendation , so many SS- * « h ? 5 1 S 3 S > two moDthi Wore '" " ^ -Wnl career ,, ud Brewrte , moTeJ
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in Scotland . Salt , Douglas , Edmunds , and Collins , moved at Birmingham . Lovett and his party moved in London ; and O'Connell moved in Dublin , as if by magic ; all at one and the same moment Frazer and Brewster called upon the people to denounce me ; Collins and his party called upon the peojle to separate from me , as I was an Irishman , and had , in Mr . Collins ' s opinion , done mnch mischief by declaring that the Charter should be l&w ^ j Michaelmas Day , [ which opinion I maintain would have proved correct , had it not been for the treachery , treason , and villany of the Birmingham delegates . Nothing' could have impeded us , but Attwood dreaded it Lovett and hia party denounced me in London , and O'Connell said that the moral-force respectable Radicals of Scotland and England had denied all connection with the torch-anddagger men—Stephens , Oastler , and O'Connor .
The Birmingham men charged me with act * of omission for not having deneunced Stephens ; while an Executive Council of some sort or other , at Manchester , summoned me to appear at their bar to anawer for my misconduct in not haying more fully defended Stephens at Birmingham . Now , observe , an Executive at Manchester , of which Mr . R . B . B . Cobbett was secretary , summoned me to plead to a charge of not defending Stephens ; the fact being , that I did defend him . In August of the same , year , when I attended the most
glorious delegate meeting ever convened at Glasgow , consisting of sixty-four noble fellows , Mr . Arthur O ' eil was most indignant with me for submitting to the meeting the justice , prudence , and propriety of forming a committee to procure subscriptions and petitions for the release of Lovett , Collins , M'Douall , and Vincent ; and yet it was done , and some short time afterwards , the treasurer wrote to me to know to whom he should pay £ H ) 0 which had been collected . Thus was I situated , from time to time ; wrong . if I did not defend , and abused if I did defend .
Well , in the depth of winter , I went to meet the toe at Edinburgh ; I remained their pleasure , and I conquered . I went to PaiaJey , and went alone into a ticket meeting of Mr . Brewster ' s friends , I was tossed from head to head over the meeting into a kind of boxed-up cock-pit , where Mr . Brewster and his bottle-holder were ready for a victory . We sparred for about half an hour , when Brewster meved an adjournment from bis own friends to the largest church in Paisley . There I went , but there he was afraid to follow ; and there I triumphed over his own flock , in his own town . He then challenged me to meet him in Glasgow . 1 accepted it ; we bad seven thousand hearers ; and he was obliged to fly , like John Gilpin , leaving his hat and wig to follow after .
I then proceeded alone to Birmingham , and met the enemy there , and broke up the most rotten Association of Whigs ever yet known— the Council of the Birmingham Union . I then went to London , althongh G * orge Henry Ward , M . P . for Sheffield , dared me , and told me the police would seize me ; however , 1 went ; and after attending many meetings , and not finding the enemy present , I then went into their own quarters , to a meeting at the Hall of Science , where Messrs . Loveti , Moore , and a long tail of my accusers made their appearance . I was placed in the chair , and gave them all the most perfect fair-pl&y , and insisted npon an attentive htaring f » r each , which each had , and then the meeting delivered a unanimous verdict in my favour , and a unanimous manifestation of reproach against my
accusers . Thus I had triumphed over three of my four foes ; and it being difficult to meet with the old " dodger , " I addressed him publicly through the papers , and challenged him to meet me in Dublin , and in parts of England , to substantiate his charges ; but he was too ¦ wise . At this time the Chronicle , the Sun , the Morning Advertiser , and the Greenacre Chrcmui ' . e , and the whole of the English and Scotch press joined the conspirators against me ; but I beat them all , and did the people's work at the same time . Well , that did not cost my enemies anything ; but , in faith , it cost me no trifle , and bear in mind that it never costs the enemy one farthing to assail me ; nay , they make money of it ; while the defence costa me hundreds , as my hand only goes into my own pocket
Jfow I pray your attention to the present move of the same parties . Fraser and the True Scotsman and Brewster , renewed the attack and opened anothtr fixe on me and the physical-force Radicals , simultaneously with the Fox and Goose Club , and when the twin Metropolitan Association was in course of formation , but too young to join in the battle . The True Scotsman died with Feargus O'Connor's ghost before it . upon its death bed- Collins , at Birmingham ; Lovett and Co ., in London ; O"Connell , in Dublin ; theCftronidt , Sun , and all the " establishment ; " in fact , the whole batch of the former conspirators , have opened upon me simultaneously within the last fortnight-Why do I say upon me ? because 1 can prove it ; because O'Connell admits it ; because my friends of Mansfield , in their personal reply , throw it back upon the idolators .
But let me go farther ; I call npon Messrs . Hill and Hobson to say , on their word of honour as men , whether or cot I informed them of this precise move and of the precise parties who were to make it , montfcs ago ; and whether or not I put Mr . Hill upon hia guard , before Christmas . I know it was before Christmas , because it was before the Inspector deprived me of the poor privilege of seeing friends in my yard ; and I mentioned it to Mr . Hill in my yard . I told him that the move at first could not be for less than the Charter , like the Russian move , in which the conspirators
were " G&artists and something more ; " but that it was to dwindle dowa into a Household Suffrage anti-Corn Law move , when it got strength . I told him the men in the three kingdoms upon whom wa had to depend ; I a&k him , upon his honour , is the name of one of them upon the list appended to the Association , with the single exception of ^ eesom , and "which I regret to see . I ask him if I did not tell him the names of tbe prime morere , and the very plan "Which Would be resorted to ; and that O'ConntH "would then " fire away at me in Ireland : "—those were my words .
Now , then , my friends , for a bit of plain reasoning . How did Daniel O Connell know , in Dublin , of this move for Household Suffrage , which " Lovttt , Collins , and Cleave "were at the head of , " before it was published in any paper ? and is it not strange that he should have been pnt in possession of the facts of -which I informed Mr . Hill ? that the document should have been published in the Chronicle , with a leading srticle , and in the Sun 1 and that George White , my paid reporter at £ 52 a-year , to whom I have not written one single lino since he went to Birmingham , beyond the folio wing : — " Yon win make arrangements to procure the remit of tlie Walsall election for the first edition , if possible ; bat if not , and if necessary , express it for the second . "Yours , . faithfully ,
"F . O'Connor : " is it not , I say , curious that that consnmmate fool , Mr . Arthur O'Neil , should confess that he bad called my excellent friend and impartial reporter , [ a man whom gold could not pnrchase . 3 ' » spy , " just at the same time ? It is a curious system of spying , where the employer in his heart and soul regrets the course of the employed , but fears to interfere in ignorance of facts ? Yea , I regretted that White published so much of their accursed blasphemy ; but I never once complained . Let White answer on oath . U required .
>* ow , my friend * , let these facts speak for themselves , and couple my warning upon the " isms" which were to take place with the " inns" which have taken place , and take all in connection with the manifesto of the new Association , the Birmingham move , the Dublin move , and the Chronicle and Sun move ; and then doubt , if you can , the existence of as deep a conspiracy as ever was hatched ia hell . But , my friends , above all , bear one fact in mind ; when Dan had procured my imprisonment , he was satisfied and silent ; for eleven months he never
mentioned the dead man ' s name . From January to April , for thirteen weeks , he even bore the Leeds defeat ; never hinted at 1 London , on th Curragb , or in the Corn Exchange , till tbe iiewmeve was announced , and until I had " drawn the badger . " Think , my comrades , that for nejarly four years I have been trying to make him fight , but he would not ; ne , I never could bring him to the scratch . Star after Star has challenged him , but all in vain ? until , until , until , ( bear it , ye Chartists , ) the voice of the prisoner in the felon ' s cell , had gone through the land ; it
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bad passed tbe channel upon the bretz « , and been lisped by every tongue in Ireland— " the Liberator should fight or surrender . " 0 ! it was gall and wormwood to mention the Star ; but what could he do T The letters to O'Matley , as the Editor truly said , had found their way to the Irish , hotels- The Associations—four Chartist Associations were in existence , and whit was to be done . For eleven months he had the delicacy not to mention my name ; but upon the tUSfth he ww that
my triumph would be insured by his ailence , and then , for the first time , he opens upon me , the Star , and the Chartist * , and at the same time prematurely exults in the prospects of aid to be derived from the new Association , of which he was long aware , but would not even then have mentioned , but for the purpose of infusing hope into the drowsy spirit of hit creatures , wko know that they are only " patriot * " upon sufferance , and that union among the people I * ruin to them .
But , good heaven . < how doe * the Liberator meet me . ' How does the friend of free discussion—the man of the people—proposeto putdowo Chartism in Ireland f Why , by the spy system ; by setting the police to watch them ; by threatening them with banging , and transportation , and persecution ; and he says they are but eighteen . Ah : by Jove , they are tailors then ! for theughnine tailors go to make a man , yet are the tailors the most enlightened and best patriot * in the kingdom ; and our eighteen tailors make just » ne hundred and sixtytwo Chartists .
But mark the folly , and the sophistry , and . the humbug of this Liberator ; he Bays , " Whtre is Loughcrea ? can any one inform me where Loughcrea is J there is no such place upon the map . " But next day he finds there is sucfe a place , just leaving out the C ; and then he wants to know who Bam&rd M'Douald is , and because none of the kid-skins know him , forgaoth , " Barnard is no one , and Feargus is the lady . " New we have no secrets ; and as to this said letter , it was sent fcy a lady to Dr . M'Douall , and , ftt her request , thinking that ita contents woul d give me pleasure , it was sent by M'Douall to me , and given by me to Mr . Hobson to hand to Mr . Hill , and i « , I rejoice to find , still in existence ; so Djn , your •« delicacy about the lady being in the case" is wholly overoome^—your modesty is quite overpowering .
But how will Dan get over the letters of Francis Mellon and Richard M'Cartney in last week ' s Slar , detailing the neglect of poor aged Mrs . Mellon , by the compensation to Tenant * ' Act Ah . ' Dan , I have you there . It is now quite clear that Chartism in Ireland is to be persecuted . Let it work . The first man that is brought to the bar ef justice shall have the ablest counsel that the Irish bar affords—three of them . And , if I am at large , though not among the ablest , I -will make one .
We have feur Associations in Ireland ; put them down who can . Dan admits two , —one in Newry , and one in Golden Lane ; but he says , " Ogh ! that ' s where the Orangemen meet" What humbug ! What child ' s play ! Don't all parties meet at all places to which they can procure access ? ond . in faith , it now appears curious under such a reign of despotism that the poor fellows were allowed to meet even there . But would one of them drink the glorious , pions , and immortal memory of tbe man " who saved them feom
POPEKT , SLAVERY , WOODEN SHOES , AND BRASS wo- ney , " ( the Orangemen ' s oath , ) as the Liberator did ? Would they , one of them , sit , though starving , between an Orange Lord Mayor and Barney M'Cleary , the Orange tailor , and pass resolutions to break up their unions , as Dan did ? Would one ef them call for a tal ) y-ho , and three cheers for the Orange Btretford , tbe Marquis of Waterford , as Dan did ? No , not one of them , to save his life , would do it And then another mare ' s nest the fool finds , in " infant Chartism , " and he says , "I pray you mark
that , the infant Chartism . " Well , what of all that ? Bah humbug is gone . What next ? Why , we shall have a Lord Bnrleigh'a nod from the Liberator ' s head , and the patriots will cry "hear , and loud cheers" ; or , mayhap , the Hon . Gentleman may place his finger oncj again upon his sagacious nose , amid astounding applause . But talk now of the datk days of Catholic sufferings , when in barbarous ages the people ' s priests were dompelled to preach by stealth : is this not as bad , or worse , when tbe people in our civilised times are not to be allowed even to meet ?
However , I have been trying in vain for four years to bring Dan out of his hole . He knew that to mention me would be death , so ke abstained till he could no longer do so with safety ; but now I have " drawn the badger , " and he must either show fight or give in . If he shows fight , I will back myself singlebanded against him and hia bottle-holders , every man ef them , at ten to one ; and if he gives in , then on goes tbe cause ; so in either case Dan is done . No-w , observe my friends , I dont blame Hume , Roebuck , and Place , at all . They are consistent They say , " vre think Household Suffrage would do every thing , and that with a good agitation for that we
could R ? peal tbe Corn Laws , which in our estimation , is the greater evil complained of . " What can be more just and fair then , than for those persons to recruit their forces from all ranks ? There is not a shadow of a shade of charge even of inconsistency against them . Bnt what must I say of those who wonld dare to offer such a list as that now before me , of nearly 90 names , as tbe persons to form a Provisional Government to direct our movement , upon the ostensible grounds of advocating the Charter , but in reality for the purpose of establishing 3 working class aristocracy ? . ' Wbat must
I say of the insolence , audacity , and presumption of tbe wretches who dared to insult me by sending me one of their invitations on the 30 th of March , to become one of an acting body for the next six months , when I was to be seven months and twelve days in solitary confinement ? I venture to say they sent my friend , my dear friend and countryman , O'Brien , one also . No doubt they did ; but did they send the headsman with it , -with his axe , to Bay " sign this or take this'" as nothing less could procure bis signature to the traitorous document
Tbe Editor of the Star could not do everything ; and be has omitted , in his multiplicity of work , to analyse the question as it bears upon the principle of equal representation . What then do we find ? Not one man for the hive . No , not a soul for Lancashire , glorious Lancashire ^—not one . While for Yorkshire we have W . G . Burns , ( I give them in their order from the list , ) W . G . Burns , Edward Thorp , John Peck , William Martin , of W&kefiuld , ( not the Irishman , ) William Barker , Thamas Wild . Now , I ask , do those gentlemen—all honourablemen , no doubt—represent tbe working classes of Yorkshire ? Then , for Birmingham , John Collins , Arthur O'Neil , and Brown , the authenticity of whose signature is denied by his friends . And then for Glasgow not a single one ; but they got a bit about tbe edges , and put down two gentlemen from seas . Glasgow .
But let tbe woiking men look tbe list over , and judge for themselves , and ask whether it was not insolenea to us to invite many , nearly all of those who have joined , to take the management of our cause into their hands . ' Just look at the Russian romp pinned to their tail ! Now , then , I come to the dose . For years I have beaten you , one down and the other coma on , and sometimes altogether , and now from my lone and solitary
cell I challenge you , with your master , O'Connell . atyour head , the Treasury at your back , and the "Establishment" at your command : I say , " come on , I am ready for you altogether . " I charge you with the design of destroying the people ' s cause . I charge you with having conspired with our enemies to do so . I hurl defiance at you , and ask you to charge me , if you can , with one single dishonest act , one inconsistent act , one unsenUemanlike act , or one act tending to injure
our cause . 1 have a letter in my possession which came to me while I have been here , telling me that I was to be be ugh t or assassinated . Bought , I may be ; my price is Universal Suffrage ; I abate not an hour of my claim in the age of the elector . If I ' am assassinated—in twentysix hours after , England , Scotland , and Wales would be in ruins , and then you would have that social equality for which you profess to contend . J ( r
' I give you leave to search all my letter * , and advertise for them , which I have written since September , 1835 ; and I £ efy you to find one sentence of secret , one word , calculated to create distrust in any man , who was doing his duty ; or indeed one line that was not to heal some breach . You may say that you are not charging me ; but I eay you must charge me with some act tending to injure or dishonour the cause , before you can prevail upon the people , as your master says , " to get rid of Feargus . '
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I haunt the ruffian ' s dreams ; he curses me after his prayers : I have him dead beat , though in solitary confinement . I knew what the effect of the little hidden rocks would be upon sober Ireland . You do charge nie and my "whole party with incompetency , by your audacious attempt to ride over us . Now , my friend * , "these Bre th » time * to try men ' s souls . " Perhaps I bavo lost your confidence also ; if so , speak out like men , and let me retire from drudgery , incessant labour , danger , responsibility , and poverty , to ease , comfort , security , irresponsibility , and
independence . I require but to be disinherited by tbe people to be more wealthy than I could desire . To me the cause is slavery and expence , but an honour to suffer tor it , if I hold your esteem . If not , Bay bo . You have but to command , I win obey . But 80 Ion ? as I sm trusted , bo long will I defend my infant with all the courage of a fond father from th © assassin , in whatever shape he presents himself , even at tbe hazwd of that life which I would hold as not worth preserving if dishonoured by being a traitoi to my principles .
You have the guarantee that in dismissing me you lose no friend—you toake no enemy , becau * a my battle is for principle—not for man . I "will neither turn Whig or Tory . I will never accept of place , pension , or emolument from any government , or under % ny laws save those wade by the whole people , be your judgment what it may . You have now but one alternative : you must either throw me and those friends with whom I have acted , and who will not act with traitors , overboard ; or you must throw the traitors overboard . No mincing : to the thing at once .
The leaders that I allude to are O'Brien , O'Connor , M'Douall , Moir , Ross , PitketbJy , Williams , Binns , Marsden , Deegan , James Taylor , Leech , Butterworth , Higgins , Duke , Martin , White , Ball , Boggis , Spurr , Dover , Vevers , Burnett , Arran , John Leech ( tbe glorious John Leech , ) Skevington , Jack , Thompson , Ross ( Lambeth ) , Sankey , Cullum ( Glasgow ) , John Duncan , A . Duncan , Rankin , Arthur , Charlton , Bowman , Hanson , Robert Wilkinson , Balrstow , Cooper ( of Leicester , a host in himself , editor of the Youna Star ) , Seal ,
Markham , Sweet , Ashton and Hoey ( my two noble countrymen ) , Frest , Frost , Frost , Peat , Hey wood , Hobson , Rider , Lennie , Watktna , Bolwell , Ow « n , Worsdell , Cameron , Parker ( London ) , Parker ( Leeds ) , Jones , Gardner , Mason , Shorrocks ,- Dsan Taylor , T . P . Oreen , Bartlett , Robert Kemp Philp , Neal , Shellard , Edwards , Greaves , Wheeler , Cartledge , Carrier , Bell , Campbell ( not Six John : he belongs to the other list ) , Morgan , ; Simeon , Allen , Page , Flowers , Healey , Hick ( our poet ) , Duke , Benbow , Fenny , and Hill .
Now , I have given yon eighty-seven names from the old Hat , against the eighty-seven in the new ; and to these add the nearly seven Hundred , already published , of real working men , from which the Council to OUK Charter Association is to -be chosvn , and choose between us . I have given you tbe first eighty-seven that crossed my mind . I have left out kundreds , thousands , of as good men , but I wanted man for
man . Now then , let us have no child ' s play about bo dear a stake as life and liberty . You must , and shall deside . The question is not O'Connor and O'Connell ; that has been often decided ; the question for you is the new or the old list . I am in tbe old , my enemies are in the new ; declare for one or the other . I cannot serve two masters . I must know whose servant I am . I am in prison ; my conditions are , I think , but medernte ; I require a strong , an instant , an unequivocal verdict for one of tbe lists ; should it be in favour of the new list , I purrender my office .
The Slar never shall be turned against you . It was established upon the condition that the working men were tosub ^ fce £ 8 C 0 , to which I was to put £ i *« . You only raised £ o 70 , to which I put several thousands . I have paid off above £ 270 of the £ 679 . I will pay the remainder , and will baud over the Star , lock , stock , and barrel , unencumbered , with the best stocked office out of London , and by far the best property of any provincial paper in the empire , to my auccessots to advocate your cause , as your chosen leaders , [ the Star i 8 national property : it never shall be made the organ of a faction , or the tool of an individual , ] and I will walk from my cell into my wig and gown , and like Quintus Cincinnati , return to my plough .
My friends , let no man be disheartened ; this attempt to divide is but the beginning of the end . The desertion of such trumpery will strengthen us . Any man who has watched those Malthusian Whigs for the last six years , must confess that they haunted my every step by day , like an evil spirit , while I can assure you they sat upon my slumbers as a night-mare . They bated me with a deadly hatred , because I was opposed to subscriptions . Nothing troubled them so much as opposition to the Poor Law . I dragged them after me like a dead horse . Thank God , I am now released from the burden . O , what a relief I
Now then , we commence with the beginning of tbe end . We soall be well tutored when taught temperance by men intoxicated with pride , educated by men who don't know half so much aa those they profess to teach ; and religion by men who would rather rule in Hell than serve in Heaven . I assure you that these men would not allow us to carry tbe Charter if they could help it Recollect , I do not speak of all who signed the list ; as many of them have , ere this , repented . I speak of those who concocted the scheme , and not of those who signed it in ignorance of the facts I have stated , as to the compromise .
They want " to get rid" of me , their leader says ; faith , they have accomplished it nicely , by taking themselves out of my way ! But let them be assured that whatever they may think , my name is of same value to any firm , where principle , honour , and integrity aro to be discounted ; and with all classes , even the enemy , it will go farther than the whole firm of the new jobbers . Some people may think this letter too long ; perhaps it is for them , bnt not for the occasion .
Lot us now have the country ' s voice npon tbe two lists . I have givun you eighty-seven followers of your will and leaders of your cause ; they have given you eighty-seven leaders of your will and followers of their decrees . ^ Cato , it appears , calls them the New LondoD rat-catchers . I call them the Old London-Damn Nations , because they would break up that causo upon which depends the happiness of many nations .
I shall be a new man when relieved of the dead weight , and live till Saturday in the hope of seeing a Slar full tM dec isions , one way or tbe other . My motto ever has bean , " Never trust a man a second time , who has deceived you onca ; " and I require to be judged by the strictest lines of niy own rule . It is folly to say , " Wo have not charged you . " Dan says the object is "togel rid" of me ; and the whole manifesto breathes an angry , jealous , sneaking , cowardly , undergrowl snarl at every project I have recommended . Cover their treachery how they will , they waut to get rid of me first , and O'Brien after ; and then they would deal very summarily with all the others , in succession , down to my fustian jackets , who would be sold all ia a heap .
I can be banished , but I never -will betray you . These are my conditions^—till they are decided upon one way or other , farewell . I am , your Friend , FEARGUS O'CONNOR .
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TO HER MOST GRACIOUS MAJESTY THE QUEEN . Madam , —I am well aware that ia this enlightened age of so-called Reform , to consider the man who has broken the laws of his country , « those enactments of a class-legislature which have assnmed the name of law , as entitled to the considerations of humanity , and as forming a link in the chain of human beings , will be deemed by the "liberal " and " enlightened" as the height of folly and the daring ot presumption . Yet , even in tbe teeth of all that modern philosophy , falsely so called , may say , and in spite of tbe dicta of interested selfishness , I am ready to maintain the claims of all who have been formed in the image of God , however fallen and defaced that image may have become , not merely to justice , but also to the kindly and merciful consideration of their fellow-men .
I contend that' the principle that until a suspected person is proved to be guilty , be must be presumed to be innocent is one that is equally accordant with natural equity and sound policy ; and that , in accordance with this acknowledged principle of right , no hardship should be inflicted which is not absolutely required for securing the safe custody of the person accused . In al '
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cases , when the well being of society does not imperatively demand the contrary , bail should betaken ; and tbe amount « f such bail should be regulated by an act of the Legislature , and duly apportioned to the nature of the crime and the station and circumstances of the accused , instead of being left to the caprice or even deliberate judgment of the presiding magistrate . And , even in those cases where the good of society imperatively demands that » restraint should be put upon tbe personal liberty of the subject , no system of prison regulations should for one moment be suffered to inflict a hardship which conld be dispensed with , in accordance with such safe custody of the prisoner .
That the principle laid down above , is one fully recognised in theory by all our writers ou criminal jurisprudence , no one possessing the slightest acquaintance with constitutional law will venture to deny ; but how stands the practice f Just tbe very reverse of this so mnch boasted principle . We have prisons erected , in which the system of regulations is such as to make scarcely any distinction between the safe custody of an accused party , and one who is enduring the penalty awarded by the judge as the just consequence of his offence .
The injustice of this mode of procedure will be the more apparent if we take into consideration the fact , that it is no uncommon thing for tbe judge to para a more , lenient sentence in consideration of the previous imprisonment which the prisoner bod undergone . I am not disposed to find fault with this procedure ; it is in many cases one of the utmost propriety , but it evinces , in a very striking point of view , the injustice of those regulations which doom the accused to the endurance of that kind « f treatment which the law has appointed as tke proper and legitimate punishment of crime .
If the law say that six months'imprisonment and hard labour is the due reward of a given class ot offences , and the Judge say , that as the criminal has been in confinement two months , he is to be imprisonment and kept to » bard labour for four additional months , it is clear that part of the penalty awarded by law is omitted , namely , the hard labour for two months ; and this , as being in compliance with the dictates of mercy and forbearance , is perfectly justifiable , inasmuch as it is far better to remit a part , of the punishment due to the offence , than to act with the severity of vindictive justice . But suppose the party accused to be acquitted , what compensation haa
he or can he have for tbe two months of suffering and of privation , of punishment in fact , which he has been unjustly doomed to endure ? Daring two months be has endured , with the exception of the hard labour , all that tbe convicted , criminal has endnred , privation of liberty , loss of employment , separation from family and friends , tbe consciousness that to some extent bis character must hate suffered , and the knowledge in many cases , that those dependant upon him have been subjected to numerous hardships , which they never ought to have eadured . Now wbat compensation docs the law offer to one bo circumstanced t Just
none at all . It may be that none can be offered ; it maybe that such were tke circumstances that every mind must feel convinced that the deprivation of his liberty was most essential to tbe common weal ; but will any body pretend that all , or that any of the regulation * which apply to the convicted offender , beyond tbe bare confinement under lock and key , were either necessary or proper to be inflicted , before a jury had pronounced upon the guilt or innocence of tbe party suspected of a violation of tbe law ? and if not , then is it not clear that this portion of our system of criminal jurisprudence is just anything but what it ought to be ?
Again , let me draw your Majesty ' s attention tu the fact , that while the bar requires magistrates in numerous cases , to liberate an accused party , upon security being given for bis appearance to answer te the charge made against him , this wise and salutary regulation is often rendered merely a dead letter by the mischievous operation of the discretionary flowers vested in the bands ot those whose duty it is to administer the laws . I am not prepared to say that in ordinary cases this discretionary power is abused or misapplied ; but I do say that recently , in reference to one class of offenders , it has been most shamefully degraded to the furtherance of the purposes of party . We have seen criminals ef a
certain rank , and who had been guilty of crimes of no ordinary turpitude , held to bail in sumB , which , to them , were of a merely nominal amount , while persona of a humbler class , whose only offence was thinking justly , and speaking honestly , but which thinking and speaking were high crimes and misdemeanours in the estimation of aristocratic and middle class magistrates , were required to find bail Wi ^ an amount which it was well known their humble connections were utterly unable to furnish , and which therefore it was only an insult te require . I know that in tho eyes of thbs » parties a political speaker and thinker is one of the vilest reptiles in existence , and I also know that the glitter of a noble name is capable , in the world ' s esteem , of gilding the most odious vices ; but I tusk , ought these things so to bef and I am aura that your
Majesty must answer " No . " Suffer me , then , to point out the only remedy for this part of the evil of which I complain . . The power of fixing the amount required in any given c&se must not be allowed to continue where experience haa shewn us that it is so liable to be abused . Those who make the laws ought to apportion the security required to tbe nature of tbe offence and the quality of the offender ; especial care being taken , that in no case should it be such as might be fairly presumed to be beyond the means of procurance by the accused party . This is clearly what ought to be done in this case ; this must be done if justice is to be secured to the whole people , and this will be done , when there is a oneness of feeling and of sentiment between the nation at large and those entrusted with an authority to enact the lawn by which the affairs of tho social family ate to be governed and regulated .
I am , Madam , Your Majesty ' s faithful and obedient subject and servant , NUMA London , April 13 , 1841 .
CHRISTIAN CHARTIST CHURCH , BIRMINGHAM . TO THE EDITOR OF THE NORTHERN STAR . Sin , —For these last three months I have regularly attended , aud , to tbe utmost of my power , supported the Christian Chartist Church , Newhall-street , Birmingham , hoping that great good would be done in arousing the people of Birmingham from their lethargy , iind stimulating them to a united action , for the attainment of that great object , namely , the Charter . During this time I have closely watched the leading men , and am able to form some little idea of their designs and intentions , so far as regards the carrying out the
principles of the Charter . At tbe formation of the Christian Chartist church , these men were quite aloof from tbe Charter Association , because , as they said , of its illegality ; and ever since tbe plan has been remodelled , and made legal , so squeamish were these nobleminded men respecting its legality , that they formed a committee , for the purpose of investigating the plan , and said , should that committee decide in favour of its legality , they should have no objection of immediately joining tbe Charter Association . Upon these grounds many of the people have been anxiously waiting to bear the result of the committee , so aa they might join tbe Association . This committee has been formed
upwards of six weeks , and has written to Messrs . Colonel Thompson and Roebuck upon the subject Colonel Thompson has been in Birmingham since they wrote , and been in conversation with some of tbe committee . Still the people have not had any definite answer upon the subject , although several inquiries have been made ; and hence we have a complete division among the peeple of Birmingham . Messrs . White and Martin have waited npon tkrm on their weekly meeting night , and endeavoured to impress npon them the great necessity of tkeir joining tbe National Charter Association , but these men have been received with every other spirit than that of a Christian spirit , which they talk
so much about Therefore , it i * quite evident to every man , who is in possession of the smallest particle , of common sense , that these men never will , nor never did intend to join that Association , for tbe very reason of the new move , which , in my opinion , if adopted , will cause a complete division among the working classes 0 / thi * country , and throw the Charter completely in the back ground ; and It ia with these impressions acting upon my mind , that I am induced to lift up my voice against them , and , as a working man , I do feel it a duty incumbent on me to make their actions
and conduct known to the country . On Thursday evening , the 15 th instant , a lecture -was delivered by Mr . O'Neil , on the science of phrenology , the churchwarden In the chair ; he opened tbe meeting by saying that no person would be allowed to make any remarks at tbe close of the lecture , for they had come to a determination not to have their meetings disturbed by any man , or any body of men , and as they bad placed him in the chair , he hoped they would stand by him and support him in the performance of his duty . Mt . Editor , this appears to me to be very like tbe proceedings of the Corn Law clique .
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Is this the liberty of conscience 1 Is this the carrying out those precepts which their Divine Master laid down , wherein he says' " Do unto others as you would others do unto you ? " Is this the pure spirit of Christina charity ? No ; it is tyranny , and that of tbe worst sort ; it is jnst that jort of tyranny which Feargui O Connor , Esq ., speaks about in hi * letter of tbe 3 rd inst , where he speaks of a Christian Chartist Church , whilst , though mild in its name , { and tolerant aud sycophantic in ite infancy , would gain presumption aa it gained strength , and increase in tyranny , as it increased in power ; it i * a trae spirit of vindictivenesa , which I have seen manifested , and if not eradicated .
no good can ever be attained towards tbe forwarding of our object Then let us , as working men , exert ourselves , and endeavour to mould tbe broken spirits or tbe people into one united feeling of love , and persevere onward , towards tbe attainment of our f reat and uobia object , the Charter ; for I , a » an individual , am determined never to join any other plan till the National Charter Association has completely failed . Then onward and we conquer , backward and we fail . Your * most respectfully , RlCHABD TOIU'SOK . Court , 4 House , Hurst-street , Birmingham . ^ ~~~~
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TO THE ED 1 TOK OF THE HORTHEBn STAR . SIR , —As there appears In the Star of last Saturday , appended to your threat , that " should the sword be drawn you ¦ will throw away the scabbard , " a paragraph in which it is stated that you had been informed by Mr . Pitkethly , that Mr . Rogers had declared his signature bad been attached to what you call "the Lovutt and and Collins DocuTnent , " without his knowledge or consent ; accompanied by Mr . Livett , I waited on thai gentleman this morning , and in my presence Mr . Kogers declared that such statement was untrue , ami wrote and delivered to Mr . Lovett the following letter .
. COPT . " 51 , High-street , 18 th April , 1841 . " Mr . W . lovett , "Sib , —I am Bony to learn by your application that it is supposed that you appended my name to tbe ' Address to the Political and Social Reformers of tbe United Kingdom , ' without my consent Sucli is certainly not the fact I promised you to' sign the document , and I fully approve of your having appended my name . "I am , Sir , yours very truly , " George Rogers . "
In another part of the same paper , headwl " Mr . Brown , Birmingham , " it is stated by " Mr . Samuel Davis , " and others , that Mr . E . Brown's signature " mutt have been obtained by party statement , misre » presentation , " &c . &c . I have to state , this also i * untrue , as I have in my possession two documents ia which be requests his name may be adrftii to the Address , and states his entire concurrence in the o ! ject » proposed . Tour insertion of this letter will bv but aa act of justice , and oblige Yours , &c . Charles Westerton . 15 , Park-side , Knigbtsbridge , April 19 th , is-U .
[ Ia reference to this letter , we can only gay that we gave our authority for the statement in regard to Mfc Rogers ; that authority was Mr . Pitkethly , who can probably set the whole matter right With regard to Mr . Brown , we do not think the inferences of the Committee , as to tbe means by which he whs induced to sign , have been at all attempted to be i ; . ct by tbe statements in this letter . —Ed . ]
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MR . LOVETT AND THE MEMORIAL-:. TO THE BD 1 TOR OP THE NORTHERN STAH . Sir , —Having seen in the Star of yesterday some expressions of regret that I did not sooner mvke known myintentioiJS respecting the presentation of . Memorial * to the Queen for Messrs . Frost , Williams , ami , ) ) i : es , I beg yon Will d * me tbe justice te insert -t !; c following . letter , which I forwarded in reply to " Mr . T . 1 \ Green , of Birmingham , on the 22 d of February , an > l which ought to have been sent you when it was utatid tbut X bad refused to present the Memorials . I am , your obedient servant . April 3 rd , 1841 . W * i . L . » vktt . To Mr . T . P- Green . C » rr «* pondinff Secretary to the Bit ' mingham Committee , for Hutn . Fro * t , Widinns , und Janet .
Dear Sir , —I received your letter of the 2 i « tt In which you wish to know whether I am prepaid to act in presenting Memorials to the Queen , ac . ovding tu the plan laid down in the Northern Star . In arsw . r to which , I beg to state that I have never seen the plan referred to ; but from enquiries I have made , I understand th » t it is . contemplated to present these ikmorial * in a court drtts . If such is the cose , I beg to stite that I cannot consent to be a party to such farcical proceedings ; for , with every disposition to assist in restoring John Frost and his unfortunate colleagues to their families and friends , I will not wrong their feelings in their absence by . memorializing for them in dresses so ridiculous as bag-wigs , swords , cocked-hats , and comedians' embroidered coats . My notions on thi *
subject are not new to you , neither are tboy now set forth for the first time as an excuse from presenting the Memarials to the Queen , for if she will consent to receive them from persons in plain dresses , I will most willingly assist in their presentation . But consideringthat a departure from principle is involved in yielding to such a ridiculous ceremony , I cannot do so ; tor it ia presumed that none but courtiers can approach her Majesty in dresses so expensive ; therefore I ¦ will not assume tbe garb of a courtier to obtain as a boon , that which eytry citizen ought to obtain as a rvjht , namely , to approach her Majesty on all reasonable occasion *
when grievances are to be told or wrongs redressed . This right , I am satisfied , we shall never obtain by a departure from principle , ia complying with a barbarous and foolish custom ; and little is to be expected from ir . emorialJa ' iDg the Queen of England till she has tbe wisdom to set aside such absurd usages and become more acceptable to her people . Indeed the Queen of Christian England might , in this particular , learn a profitable lesson from a Turk , when she learns that tbe Sultan will readily take a petition from the meanest subject he may meet with in bis walks . Hoping you will excuse me from a ceremony so repugnant to my feelings ,
1 remain , your fellow citizen , Wm . Lovett 183 , Tottenham Court Road , Feb . S 2 d , 1841 .
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TO DANIEL O'CONNELL , ESQ ., M . P . Sir , — -Having seen , a speech of yours , spouted to a aet ef your hungry , gaping , place-hunting crew , in tbe Corn Exchange of Dublin , on Monday , April 5 , 1841 , in which speech you charge an English Chartist with corresponding with parties in Dungarvan , with a view to act treacherously towards them ; I therefore take this opportunity of informing you that 1 am the person to whom you alluded . Now , Dan , I am not an English Chartist , I am an Irish Chartist , and one who is proud of the appellation ; and one too , who has , far a length of time , watched your every move ; and , after viewing your conduct in the most favourable light , I am compelled , for truth ' s sake , to pronounce you a " miscreant of tbe deepest dye ; " for did yon not , for the sake of political power , sell the last
remnant of Irish liberty , the 40 s . franchise , and thereby send adrift on tbe world 300 , 000 families to famish and starve ? Did you not , " Demon like , " botrny the Dorchester Labourers , by declaring to the vporid that they were illegally convicted , and then go to the House of Commons and there justify tbe same conviction ? Did you not , for £ 1080 , eell 35 , 000 factory infants , by voting against them , and thereby , in your . own words , committing " cold-blooded murder 1 " And did you not sit silently by and see the Canadian patriots butchered by wholesale ? Did you not oppose a mitigation of the sentence of the " Glasgow Cotton Spinners ? " Did yon not also advise Russell and Co . to withdraw tbe troops from Ireland , to put down liberty in England , and , at tbe same time to raise a police force in their stead ,
thereby committing on act of two-fold " villany ?" And have you Dot aet tbe blood-bounds of tbe law on the Chartists of England , for doing less than those with whom you now associate , but whom yon once designated , and truly too , as base , bloody , and brutal I And have you not boasted > that it was a set of " Irish boys , " with an " Irish Serjeant O'Daley" at their head , who defeated the patriotic Frost , and bis unhappy companions , who , had you been honest , you might have saved ? And have you not represented to the people of Ireland , my noble and warm-hearted countryman , Feargns O'Connor , as being a traitor to his country ? But would to heaven you were like him ! Had you but one spark of that warm-hearted devotion to your
country's cause , or one single feeling in unison with his , you would not be as you now are , despised by all honest men ; whilst be , though lockednp in a dungeon , there are millions whose hearts pant to show their devotion to a man whose name will be lisped with feelings of veneration and honour , "when yours shall be justly execrated as tbe foul betrayer of a " nation '*) confidence ; " and as tome , to whom you have dared to attribute traitorous intentions , I beg leave to say , that my motives in writing to Dungarvtn was to give your dupes in that town an opportunity of judging for themselves as to the feeling entertained toward * them ky the English Chartists , and also that th » y might notice— ¦
" Stern oppression's Iron gripe , And mad ambition ' s gory band , Sending , like blood-hounds , from tbe slip , Woe , want , and murder through the land . " I will now , Sir , take my leave for tbe pretest , by assuring you that" Your name shall live i Amidst the traitors ' not a few , ' Who have sprung from Hibsrma ' s land . There are none so base as you . " I have the honour to be , Thomas Clark ,
An Irish Roman Catholic Chartist , And Sub-Secretary to the National Charter Association of Great Britain . Temperance Yard , Hill Gate , April 19 , 1841 , Stockport .
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THE NORTHERN STAR . . 7 :
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Northern Star (1837-1852), April 24, 1841, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct703/page/7/
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