Current:

Northern Star (1837-1852), 8th January 1842, Edition 4 of 5, Page 6

Page 6
Page 6
6 of 8

On this page

  • Text (7)
  • Transcript

    • Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.

      Additionally, when viewing full transcripts, extracted text may not be in the same order as the original document.

      Untitled Article

      most , in the nature . of things , be continually lessening , and a closer approximation take place . The population of the United States of America , by natural increase , aided by immigration , will lower the cost of labour ; improvements will be daily introduced in the machinery , effecting more with a leas expenditure of power , and experience will improre their modes of management , onto at length they will be on a par with as in all them points , while the substantial and permanent drawback of having to send to America for our raw material , bring it home , and retransport it for sale in its manu factured state , will atLU press upon us . " Sit Robert PeeL—" ' Well , but do you not think that , according to your own admissions , the arguments against any interference which might aid the process which you ha Ye so clearly and strongly described as now going on , are rer / jnuchstrengthened . " ;

      The Deputation— " Pardon as , Sir Robert , such is not the case according to the light in which we view the subject . It is an axiom in political economy , that prica is dependent upon supply and demand . If an article U Bcarce in the market , however small the deficiency maybe , the price of all the stock in the market is raued . In like manner , if there be a surplus , however small that surplus may be , it affects not merely the surplus , but the whole of the commodity , which is thereby reduced in price . Now , we can shew , by

      -statistical facts acd irrefutable documents , that since the year 1815 , there h" been a constant introduction of self-acting machinery , or machinery which imposed greater labour on the amaller number of adult operatives retained ; thus cheapening the cost , and increasing the amount of production . And what has been the consequence ? Why , exactly in proportion as this has taken place , the profits of the capitalist and the wages of the labourer have regularly decreased ; until at length , in 1832 , we received no snore money for three times the amount of raw material manufactured , than

      we received in 1815 for the one-third- This resnlt , in our opinion , is clearly traceable to the unregulated use and extensive introduction of machinery , which has either superseded adult labour entirely , or replaced it by the cheaper labour of women and children . What is now the consequence ? Throughout the manufacturing districts the mills are nearly closed . Th « capitalists and middle classes are in difficulties—insolvent or bankrupt ; while the operatives are in a state of destitution which must make every heart bleed , and which arises from causes over which they themselves have no controuL Now , if this insane course had been checked—if over-productien haA been discouraged -by wise laws , and a prudent system of trade pursued , wages and profits would have been better , and employment more permanent and more equally diffused over the year . We should not have had flushes of prosperity , succeeded by long periods of depression ; a continual recurrence of gluts and panics , each crisis following the

      other at shorter intervals , and finding us less prepared to bear it than ita predecessor . For these reasons , Sir Robert , we believe that the dictates of sound political wisdom coincide with the dictates of humanity , morality , and religion , in calling upon us to retrace our steps , and arrest the progress of a system which is spreading disease , disorganisation , and disaffection in the factory districts . As a proof that we are not overstating the facts , we beg to present you , Sir Robert , with one illustration out of many which might be offered . It is a printed copy of the report of the Unemployed Operatives' Enumeration Committee of Leeds , in which a detailed statement of the condition of the operatives in the several wards of that town , the emporium of the woollen district , is given . The summary of that appalling statement is , that nearly 20 , 000 human beings are now living upon an average weekly income of 11 Jd . per head . We leave to your own judgment "what must be the ultimate end of such a state of things . "

      Sir Robert , taking the document , saia— " I am sorry to say that I have already seen this melancholy statement in manuscript , through lhe kindness of Sir James Graham , to whom it was presented by Mr . Beckett I am deeply grieved by the knowledge of each &n amount of E ^ ffiring , and sympathise most sincerely with the condition of the people as there described . It is , indeed , very distressing , and some efficient remedy is moBt desirable . " The I > eputation— " The requirement * of humanity imperatively demand it . No system which entails upon the great bulk of the community such suffering ought to be permitted to exist : such a baneful influence ought not to go unchecked , whatever reasons , political or economical , may be adduced in its behalf . We beg also to present you with a synopsis of the evidence of Mr . Joseph Henry Green , a medical gentleman of the highest eminence . ( The deputation here delivered in a paper , for a copy of which see note . * ) " This evidence , "

      said the deputation , ** is corroborated by many other witnesses of the highest standing in the medical profession ; and we have also much pleasure in reminding you of the unequivocal opinion of your father , the late Sir Robert Peel , in favour of a Ten Hours' Bill He was conspicuous among the earliest advocates of the regulation of factory labour ; and as one of the most extensive employers in England , and a practical man , his opinions are entitled to the utmost deference . The following were hifl words : —• Such indiscriminate and unlimited employment of the poor , consisting of a great proportion of the inhabitant * of trading districts , will be attended with effects to the rising generation so serious and alarming that I cannot contemplate them without dismay ; and thus that great effort of British ingenuity , whereby the machinery of our manufactures has been brought to such perfection , instead of being a blessing to the nation , will be converted into the bitterest curse . ""

      Si / Robert Peel then directed the conversation to the broad qnestion of machinery , which he said was one deserving of the greatest consideration . The deputation said , " We will not attempt to conceal from you , Sir Robert , our opinion that , in « rder to meet the case fully and fairly , the enactment of other and more comprehensive measures is indispensably necessary . A Ten Hours' Bill ten years ago might and would have produced much more benefit than it can now produce . In the interval a vast amount of automaton power has been called into existence . It appears by the reports of the factory inspectors that between the years 1835 and 1839 the horse power increased at least one-half , while , so far from the new machinery calling new manual labour into exercise , the fact was that the number of

      spinners in Manchester required to work the enlarged and increased machinery was not more than one-third of the number previously employed . For such a state of things it would be very unwise , and a concealment of the truth , to say that a Ten Hours' Bill would be a complete and perfect remedy ; but it would , at least , be a step in the right road . It would be an earnest to the operative classes that the Government sympat h ises with them , has its attention directed to their condition , and is anxious to do what lies in its power to ameliorate it The subject , as we have already stated , is not a new one . The Ten Hours' question has been discussed over and over again iu the Legislature . Several committees have taken voluminous evidence npon it—evidence which is conclusive of the

      justice , the humanity , and the sound policy of the measure . The question , in those districts where it is best understood , has long ceased to be a matter of dispute among the working classes ; even the master class , who formerly theught it their interest to - oppose it , have been taught by experience of a painful description to abate that opposition , and many of them are now favourable to the enactment which we seek . Public opinion , therefore , will be with the Government , should it restive upon proposing this measure to the ensuing Parliament . But to insure effective relief from the dangers and evils by which we are now Bumranded bolder and more comprehensive measures most assuxddly are requisite , and if you , Sir Robert , will excuse us for step Ding beyond the legitimate boundaries of our

      mission , we will tell you our opinions as to those measures . We have come to you in the spirit of friendship—net to dictate or dogmatise—neither have we come to find fault , without suggesting such a remedy as appears to us capable of alleviating the evil ; and we also come free from all party feeling or prejudices . We are Eick of party nicknames , and party contests , for party purposes . We are sick of the everlasting confusion and bad feeling arising from these contests , and are prepared to award our confidence , support , and gratitude , to any Government , or set of men ( no matter what their party name may be ) , who will show by their actions that they sympathy with our wrongs and our snfferlngs , and are honestly desirous of removing them . We approve of the course you have pursued since your

      accessionto power ; and especially in your resolution to take time for the consideration and maturing of the measures on which you may resolve . We have had too much of legislation which can only be fitly characterized as being from " band to mouth , " and we are therefore willing tliat you should have all the time which may be requisite to enable you to decide both what measures are necessary , and how they may be most beneficially carried into effect . But , perfectly willing that Buch time should be accorded to you , we shall expect , Sir , that measures of real substantial justice will be the result In order to aid this object , we now respectfully contribute our small quota of information and advice . We venture to recommend , for the reasons laid before you at length , the passing of the Ten Hours' Bill , and

      to accompany it , either by the total repeal of the New Poor Law , or by such an alteration ef it as will render it applicable to the manufacturing districts , in which it is at this moment practically inoperative , and in which we defy any Government ever to enforce it . These preliminary measures would give confidence to the working classes and their friends , insure to the Government the support of the well disposed and humane of all classes , and dear the way for an equally important , and not less imperative measure—namely , the appointment at an early period of the session of a committee of experienced , practical , moderate men of all parties , to inquire into tbe causes of existing distress , and especially into the workings of machinery at borne and abroad since the close of the war in 1815 , with a view to the adoption of a comprehensive and efficient remedy .

      Sir R . Peel , who had been sitting with his head bent down , in a manner expressive of very deep thought and attention , here raised it , and seemed favourably im > pressed with the suggestion . The Imputation continued , —In order to the enactment of good measures full information is necessary . We have had inquiries into almost every questioa but this , which we beliere lies at the root of all the difficulties we experience . We deprecate hasty legislation , bat we also earnestly desire to see substantive measure adopted ; and the coarse we respectfaUy suggest seems to us well calculated to insure immediate satisfaction

      Untitled Article

      and future permanent relief . If we have been bold in offering our opinions it is because we feel the importance of the position which we are now permitted to occupy , and fully appreciate the vast influence which your decision will have upon the happiness and prosperity of our own class , which has its state in national well being equally with that class who are the lords of vast possessions . Too , Sir Robert , are now placed in the most important and commanding position of any individual in Europe , perhaps in the world . At the head of a strong Government , with a powerful , majority in the Commons , and an influential portion of the

      populution thinking with you ; unfettered as you declare yourself to be ; save by your own convictions of what is right axd useful ; the resources of an empire on which the son is said never to set—an empire unparalleled in its natural and artificial appliances—at your command , and a population whose enterprise , industry , and genius is proverbial , looking up to you ; a grave , an awful responsibility rests upon you . Sir Robert ! The means for producing national well being are superabundant ; the population is but limited .. Broad and compreheaaive views , vigorous and decided action , are all called lor by the exigencies of the times , and we earnestly hope that such will mark your course .

      Sir Robert , who seemed to be much affected by this appeal , paused for some moments after its conclusion , and then replied— " Well , gentlemen , I have listened with deep interest to your statements , and feel obliged by your waiting on me . I am free to corjfesb that there is much force in what you have advanced ; and that the evils you complain of are manifold and great , especially thoBQ which press upon the manufacturing operative . I also fear that an extension of our manufactures will not afford the relief desired ; for past experience , I think , shows that such an extension would only bring into play more machinery , and not employ manual labour in any thing like the rate of tbe increase in the machine department . Of course I cannot pledge myself to any particular line of action in respect to the measures you advocate— , The Deputation . —We do not wish it , we do not wish it ' - ¦ . ¦ ¦ .. " . ¦ ¦ . ¦ .,.-¦ ¦ . ¦'

      Sir Robert Peel . —But I shall give the subject that fall and attentive consideration which its importance and various bearinga deserve , and should I come to a different conclusion to that you held , I shall do so with a confident reliance on the intelligence , moderation , and good feeling you have now displayed , assured tbat these conclusions and the reasons I may adduce for them will receive a calm and impartitl examination . Tbe deputation repeated , that they had no wish to draw from the Premier any premature avowals of his policy . Their sole object was to moke a true and full

      statement of the condition of those whose interests they represented in the spirit of friendship to all parties . They sought not the injury of any class , but the welfare of all ; and they believed that the policy and measures they recommended would insure this commendation . They wished it to be understood trhat they had no antipathy whatever to the masters—no desire to injure them . They neither accused them of selfishness nor cruelty . It was the system which made them what they were ; and the object the deputation had in view w « to alter the system in as gradual and beneficial a manner for all parties as possible .

      The deputation then rose to take leave , observing that they had some thoughts of waiting upon Sir James Graham , and asked Sir Robert if it would be advisable or necessary ? Jo which he replied , " Certainly , I think you had better see Sir James , and also Mr . Gladstone . " Sir Robert immediately wrota notes of introduction to those two gentlemen , and rang for a messenger to accompany the deputation to their respective offices ; after which he most courteously bade the deputation farewell , again expressing the satisfaction the interview had afforded him .

      The impression left on the minds of every one of the deputation on retiring was , that Sir R . Peel is fully aware of the great source of eur evils at the present moment , and that he sincerely sympathizes with the working classes . It is but fair to add , that the emphatic words which dropped from the lips of one of the members of the deputation , after they withdrew" Well , at all events , it is clear that Sir R . Peel has a heart , " conveyed the unanimous feeling of all . George a . Fleming . Joshua Hobson . John Leech . Mark Crabtree . Titus S . Brooke .

      Untitled Article

      INTERVIEW WITH SIB JAMES GRAHAM , BABT . SECBETABT OF STATE FOR THB HOME DEPARTMENT . ( No . 2 . ) Previous to waiting upon Sir J . Graham , which they did the Bame day , namely , on the 36 th of October , th « deputation proceeded to the residence of Mi . William Beckett , M . P . for Leeds , with whom they had a very satisfactory interview the day before their conference with tbe Premier , and who had then , la the most frank

      Untitled Article

      manner , offered his ' services ia any way which the de ? putation might think best calculatedto further the object in view , either by accompanying them to the different Ministers , or otherwise ; The deputation were , in the first instance , afraid that the object of their mission might be associated with the idea of a part ; measure , if they accepted this kind offer , and therefore respectfully declined It in the case of the interview with the Premier ; but upon reconsidering the subject they were . induced to come to the conclusion that Mr . Beckett ' s countenance arid assistance would tend to promote the object of thoir mission , and therefore subsequently made an appointment with that gentleman , which they now proceeded to fulfil . ¦ ; -. Mr . Beckett listened With deep interest and evident gratification to the account of their interview with Sir Robert Peel , and immediately accompanied them to the Home Office , where , after the lapse of a few minute * , they were introduced to Sir James Graham , who received them most courteously . ; ; ^ - ¦' , '

      The Deputation briefly stated the leading features of the measure which they were sent to press upon the attention of the Government . Sir James Graham asked if they had considered what effect a restriction of the labour of all factory workers between the ages of 13 and 21 to ten hours a-day would have upon tbe manufacturing interests of the country . " Do you not think , " said he , "that it would very much aggravate the evils and the distress under which that portion of the commnity are now represented to be suffering ? " ' The Deputation replied , that if they thought such would be the result of the measure they Would be the last persons in the wptld to press tot ito adoption ; but it was because , after a mature consideration of the subject in all its bearings , they had come to the conclusion that it would be a benefit rather than an injury , that they now ventured respectfully to call the attentioni . of the . Government to the measure .

      Sir James Graham . — -Well , but I want to know the reasons which induce you to form such an opinion . It will be argued by those opposed to your views that such an interference with tbe free use of capital and labour will necessarily place the British manufacturer at a disadvantage in the market of the world , as compared with his rivals , and who are under no such instruction . Now , I wish to know whether you have looked at the question in this broad and economical light ; or confined your attention entirely to the effects of the system upon tbe condition of the labourers themselves , and thus excluded from your calculation the general operation of such a restriction as you advocate ?

      The Deputation said , they were , in the first place , convinced that they were justified in asking for this measure on the grounds of humanity , justice , and morality ; and further , that it was in accordance with the soundest doctrines of political economy . They repudiated the idea of entertaining any hostile feeling towards the employers of capital and labour in the manufacturing departments of industry . They neither accused them of selfishness nor cruelty as a class , but they wished to alter the system which made it the interest of the employers to act in such a manner as to j ustify the use of eueh terms in relation to the treatment which the working classes received under its influence . The deputation proceeded to show , at considerable length , that the destitute condition of the operatives ,

      in manufacturing districts , arose froin the neglect of the very first principles of political economy—a neglect which led to aji over-supply , a supply greatly beyond the substantial demand for their productions . Since 1811 there had been a continual improvement going on in machinery , by which three : times the amount of goods was now ¦ manufactured With less adult manual labour than was required in the previous period for the smaller "quantity . What had been the result ? Why , that theywere now actually receiving , for three times the quantity of goods , less than the same amount of money which they got in 1814 for the one-third . It was not , therefore , to be wondered at that , coincident With this over production of machine-made goods as compared with a substantial demand , wages and profits bad both decreased ; that

      the workmen who were still required had to work harder for a smaller remuneration , the capitalist for a lower rate of profit , and that pauperism had kept pace with each successive mechanical invention which displaced male adult labour , substituting in its place either the labour of mechanical automatons , or that of women and children . For these and ether reasons , of which an outline only is here presented , the deputation said they were firmly convinced that the measure they advocated was in accordancei with the dictates of the soundest political economy , and calculated to lead back again to a greater amount of national wellbeing than could be anticipated from any of those remedial measures which contemplated a continuance in the false Bourse which had already entailed such evil on the community . r ;! : ¦ : \ :

      Sir J . Graham , in reply , urged most of the reasons adduced by the free-trade party . He dwelt with great emphasis upon the possible results of a policy which , by placing our manufacturers in a comparatively worse position than the manufacturers of the Continent and America , might ultimately render the capital of the former altogether profitless , and thereby induce them to close their mills altogether . He pictured the awful effects which such a course would have upon the thousands thickly congregated in the manufacturing districts , and entirely dependeat on the continuance of our foreign trade for existence . He said it would be argued that with such an intense and increasing rivalry on the part of foreigners as the deputation had admitted , it would be impossible to interpose any checks to the production of manufactured goods in the cheapest possible way ; unless indeed we were determined to pive our rivals the advantage in the market , and thereby put a stop to our foreign trade altogether .

      The Deputation said , that the extension of the foreign trade in the manner in which that had of late years been effected appeared to them calculated most certainly to produce the very results which Sir James Graham Beemed anxious to avoid . Sir J . Graham here said , "Understand me ; I am not arguing as though I personally participate in these views ; but my object is to show you what will be said by those opposed to your yiews ^ and to ascertain the ground upon which you claim s » ch a measure as a Ten Hours ' restriction . "

      Tha Deputation proceeded to say , that according to the arguments presented in favour of the policy of causing the operatives to be dependent on a foreign market for employment , it was admitted that eur ascendancy in those foreign markets could only be kept up by a continuous cheapening of the coat of production . How was that to be effected ? It could not be done by reducing much lower the wages of the adult operatives . That class of labourers were as near the bare " subsistence level , " when in full employ , as it was possible to

      place them . The only way , therefore , to do it was by still further displacing these adult and comparatively high-priced labourers by self-acting machinery , or machinery so contrived that What little attendance it might require would be that of women and children , and as little even of that as possible ; and thus we shall come to the same result The great bulk of the labouring classes would be thrown idle , whether we extended or restricted : our foreign trade under the present direction of machinery . Sir .. J . Graham . —Yes , but net ao rapidly .

      The Deputation . —It is a sorry conclusion , Sir James , to think that this perversion of human ingenuity should make the multiplication of means for the increase of national wealth offer us only the alternative of slow or speedy ruin . ; Sir J . Graham—Well ! buthdW Is it to be remedied ? I do not see any practical mode of averting if ; do you ?' ¦¦ .-The Deputation . —Yea . we think we dOi Sir J Graham . —What would you recommend ? The Deputation . —The adoption of a comprehensive and efficient plan of home colonisation ; for which purpose we would advise the passing , at the expence of the nation , of a General Waste Land Enclosure Bill ,

      which should make provision for reasonable compensation to all those interested in these lands . We should then have a Parliamentary grant raised by loan , or by Exchequer Bills , to be applied under a Board of Control to the settling down upon these uncultivated but improvable wastes our now unemployed population ; and if the waste lands were insufficient we ' would recommend that the Government should have reconrse to the Crown Lands for the same , purpose , and in the same way . This would increase real wealth at home , direct the energies of the people , in the first place , to provide feod and shelter for themselves , and the surplus of their labour would form a fund for defraying the necessary expencas , and ultimately repaying the principal advanced . . - ... •¦ ¦ \

      Sir J . Graham . —Ah ! that might do very well if we were beginning de novpi but under present circumstances it seems quite impracticable . The Deputation . —Well , ; Sir James , you have just these alternatives—either to commence this measure now gradually and peaceably , and thus avert the evils we have been anticipating , or to let the present system take ita . course , spreading destitution , pauperism , discontent , and disaffection , more and more widely , until it terminates i « general disorganisation and anarchy , and then to be forced to begin denovo , amid the wrecks of former institutions . : ' / , ' .. ' ; . , ' ' . V : . '' . [' ¦¦¦ . . ' : ¦ '' ¦ : ; : ¦ .- ¦ .. ' :. ; .. : ¦;¦' ; . ¦• Sir J . Grabam . —I hope matters are not likely to end in that way , and that our prospects are not so gloomy as you appear to think them . \; '¦ .. '¦' : r

      The Deputatron . — -We are convlneed , Sir James , by long and painful sufferings , whichhave imdaced us to search deeply into and ponder often » n the working aad teadeacies of the present mod * ofusing machinery , that unless a different direction be given to its mighty capabilities it will become the d « trof « r of those who io misuse it ; and not only tee destroyer of them , but also of the working classes , whose fate is mow , in a certain sense , in their hands . Glut after glut , panio after panic , has Visited m of late years , the period between each progressively lessening , asrd each finding us still less able to bear it than its predecessor . The

      humble comforts of the operatives' eottage have disappeared . The middle classes of tradaonen , who depend upon the lower classes , are in oil but an insolvent state , and trade is oonceatrated la * be hands of a few overgrown capitalists , in conaeqtente of the inability of smaller capitalists to contend with them . Such is the state of our towns at toe present moment We have given yon oar reasons tot beUerlbg that the increase of our foreign trade under the present system would permanently Increase neither wagea ntr profits , nor arrest their downward tendsooies ; and w » la » v » to you the consideration of these leatona .

      Untitled Article

      . Sir J . Graham , who throughout the interview had appeared to take a deep interest in the subject , said that the views of the doputition were certainly startling , and deseryfag of Berlous attention ; and that one thing was certain , that We must lay aside the notion that wecould erer again become " the workshop of the world ^ ' In 1815 , the case was different Then we were almost exclusively possessed of machinary ; since then other nations had rapidly advanced in this particular , and were manufacturing for themselves . For this and other reasons it was manifeatly impossible that we could ever again command the markets of the world , as we once had done .

      The deputation then pressed more particularly upon Sir James Graham the moral aspects of the questions involved in the passing of a ten honrs' bill , the extent to which the present system produced . ignorance , a want * of domesVia comfort and economy , a disruption ; of family ties , and , consequently , both reoklesa and vlcioua conduct . -The deputation mentioned many particular instances of the working of the system , which strongly confirmed the general premises laid down , to all which Sir James Graham gave an attentive hearing . As , however , those portions of the subject have already been treated of in the report of the interview with Sir Robert Peel , it is unnecessary to go over them again , r

      In the course of the interview "the deputation bad drawn attention to the fact that the self-acting machinery and the "double deckers" introduced of late years into the cotton districts had thrown out of employ a great number of adult labourers . Thesa alterations had been carried to Buch an extent in Manchester as to reduce the cumber of spinners from 2 . 60 () in the year 1830 to 600 in the year 1841 ; in the short space of eleven years that prodigious alteration had been effected , chiefly by the introduction of self-acting machinery , and double , treble , and quadruple deckers . . ¦¦¦ ; ,- ¦ ¦' . ¦ ¦ . . ¦ ¦ ¦ - ¦' ¦ ' - ¦ >¦ ¦ ¦ ' ' ¦'¦ ¦¦ . ' . ¦ ¦; ¦ :: ¦ Sir j . Gbaham said , —Why , you complain of labourers being out of employ , and yet a few years ago the manufacturers were advertising for labourers to be sent down into those parts of the country .

      Daputation . —True , Sir Jamea ; but that Was connected with a contract made between the Gregs and Ashworths and the Poor Law Commiasioners , the purport of which was to reduce Wages in the reannfacturing districts . The effect was twofold . This migration system assisted the commissioners in carrying out the New Poor Law in . the agricultural districts , and it enabled the manufacturers to lower and keep down wages . This keeping down of ' wages was so clearly the great object of the manufactarers in many parts of the country , and the additional hands wera in many places so utterly uncalled for by any real extension of the demand fe > r labour , that it is a fact , and iti ? one . Sir James , which we are most anxious to press upon your attention , that in very many instances , where new families were taken on by the manufacturers , an equal number of the older families and hands were dismissed to make room for them . %

      After a long and very interesting conversation , of which this report will give bub an imperfect idea , Sir James Graham said , —You will not expect that I should give any distinct pledge as to the course Which the Government may take on the subject you have brought before us in such a temperate spirit , and in support of Which you have argued with equal intelligence and good feeling . All I can say is that , in common with my colleagues ,, I am most desirous to adopt any measure which may have the effect of introducing and maintaining

      prosperity among our fellow-conutrymiBn ; and you may . rest assured that we will use pur best exertions , and give our most careful consideration to any measures which seem to us calculated to effect that primary and paramount object I am obliged to you , gentlemen , for your kindness in calling upon me , and for the information aud pleasure you have afforded me , and will only add , that it will always be the duty of the Goyernment to receive such deputations from the working classes , and to listen to their statements attentively , aye , and respectfully . ¦ " ¦ •¦ ¦ - . .. ' . ' ¦ ¦ :

      At the conclusion the deputation pressed upon the attention of Sir James Graham the same ulterior mea-Bures ¦ which they bad suggested to the Premier , and again disavowed all party feeling , their object being to unite the wise and moderate of all parties , and , through the medium of the constituted authorities , to ^ carry sueh measures as would tend to promote the welfare of all classes of the community . The deputation then withdrew . : . ;• • . . ' .- ¦ . . ¦ ¦ . ¦¦ : ' ¦¦ . ¦ . . . ; . - : ¦ ' ¦¦ : ¦ _ . ¦ " ;¦ : . ' Of the Home Se ^ rttery it may be remarked , that while his treatment of the deputation was unexceptionable throughout—While there was no want of expressions of politeness and . cordiality on bis part , upon the whole the impression produced upon the deputation was less favourable than in the previous case . Sir Jamea

      Graham seems to us to have drunk too deeply at the fount of the Malthusian philosophy ( which has inflicted so much evil ; on- this oountty ) to be able to get rid entirely of its influence ; and though , While putting forward the arguments of that school , he repeatedly , cautioned the deputation against supposing that he Was ' uttering-h ' is ' own sentiments , the deputation think that there is reason to apprehend , from the earnestness of manner which he displayed in arguing , and the importance he seemed to attach to those opinions , that the dogmas of that school continue to exercise a considerable influence over his mind . : George A . Fleming . Joshua Hobson . John Leech . Ma-bk Cbabtree . Titus S . Bbooke .

      Untitled Article

      such a trifling pecoaiary penalty as to ! operate but aligbtly , if at all , in deterring the employer , in coasequence of the profit which he could realise even with the drawback of much larger fines . , Mr . Gladstone inquire ^ whether the deputation wished to abolish inspectorships altogether ! To which the deputation replied , that they thought with such a bill as they proposed , there would not ba muchneecessity / or them ; and they also thought their abolition would remove a great 6 purce of irritatioa and annoyance in respect of the masters ; for it was

      with them chiefly , and seldom with the operatives that the inspectors came in contact . In fact , they were as a sort of spies upon the employers , which the deputation thought might be dispensed with if a bill of the nature indicated were passed inio a law for if the master or other directing p erson were liable , like the poor man , to be committed to the treadmill for an infraction of its provisions , and the common informer were restored ^ to his former position , there would be Very few infringements of the laW . - y .- : ; '"; .. ' ' ¦ '' .- ¦ ¦ ¦ :. • . ' - -.:- ¦ ¦' . :. ¦ ¦ ¦ : • . " ' - . ;

      Lord Wharncliffe and Mr . Gladstone both expressed their deep sympathy witfa the condition of the mannfacturingolasses , and in the conrse of a long arid friendly coa versa t ion gave utterance to many tnily benevolent and enlightened opinions . After the Ten Houra * measure had been yery frilly canvassed in its various bearings , the deputation took the liberty of laying before his Lordship and Mr . Gladstone ( aa they had already done with Sir R . Peel ) their views as to the imperative necessity of passing it in connection with an alteration bf the Poor Law , in accordance with the dictates of humanity and justice , and as an instalment of good measures to the working classes . These were matters about which the deputation thought there should ba no delay , as upon them an immense mass of

      evidence had already been accumulated . But while considering those points about which the mind of the ^ Government ought to be immediately made up , there Were other points , as the deputation had already stated to the Premier and Home Secretary , of vast importance to the prosperity of the country , on which the deputation thought that Parliament might collect valuable information ; and therefore , though it was going beyond their instructions , the deputation took upon themselves to euggest and pressi for the appointment of a Committee of Inquiry into the causes of the present distress of the country , as arising from Bources not likely to be reached by alterations in the Poor Law or the Factory Act , tha Committee to consist of moderate and well-informed men of all parties . v

      Lord Wharncliffe asked whether the masters were not generally opposed to the views advocated by the deputation in reference to the Ten Hoars' Bill ? To which it was replied , that the masters wera now in many instances becoming convinced , by de , ar-bought experience , that these views -were correct ; that a ten hours'restriction Would be the only means of saving them as well as their workpeople from utter destruction . His ; Lordship said that he supposed that isight be the case with the smaller manufacturers , but such instances of approval of the Ten Hours' Bill , he thought , were rare among the more wealthy and extensive capitalists . The deputation stated that a 3 a general rule that might be so , but that many of the large

      employers were now coming round to : the same opinions . In corroboration of that statement the deputy from Huddersfield mentioned the names of several of the most extensive and influential millowners of that district , with whom his Lordship was well acquainted . Mr . Gladstone , atthe termination of a most friendly and encouraging interview , expressed himself highly gratified with the conversation , and said that it was impossible to direct the attention of Goyernaient to subjects of graver importance that those which the deputation had brought before Lord Wharholifie and himself . ** You may , " said he , " rest . assured that I will devote my best attention to them , in conjunction with the Cabinet , and with an earnest desire to discover and adopt those measures which may be best calculated to put a stop to the evils you

      have described . Where we may happen to differ , I feel a confidence ( considering the candour , moderation , and intelligence which have characterised your representationB ) that our motives and opinions will receive from you a fair and liberal construction . But , indeed , it is not fair to assume that we do or shall differ , for the evils are palpable , demand immediate remedy , and your claims are just and reaonable . - . . , ; The spirit and tendency of your views are alike rational and conciliatory . " > Lord Wharncliffe , at the request of the deputatiw , readily , and in the kindest manner , gave a ieuer ot introdnction to his Grace the Duke of Buckingham , upon whom the deputation next proposed to wait . The deputation then took leave , after expressing their high sense of the kindness and courtesy with which the Noble Lord and the Right Hon . Gentlemen had treated them . :

      The impression left on the minds of all the members of the deputation by the bearing of Mr . Gladstone was of the most favourable description , and gave rise to hopes of a cheering nature as to the ultimate ' results of their labours , and the intention of the Government , both with reference to the Ten Hours'Bill , and also to other measures deeply affecting the operative classes . And of Lord ^ haracliffe the deputation have to report that he rendered them very valuable assistance by corroborating several of their strongest statements from his own . personal knowledge of the manufacturing districts . . . George A . Fleming . JOSHUA HoBSOJf . John Leech . Titus S . Bkookf . MABK CBABrBKE . ( To be Continuedk )

      Untitled Article

      A FEW WORDS ABOUT TEXAS . N . D . Maillard , Esf ., having resided nine months in Texas , during part of which time he was editor of ane-wspaper pub \ isbed in that Republic , has recently published a volume , from which we extract the following : — '¦ .:-. " .-. '¦ . . ' ' . "; -. /• . . _ . ¦' ¦ ¦' . ,: ¦ - . ' ;; , ¦ . ' .,- : ¦ ¦ ¦ . ' -: ; ; "Character of theTexaws . — -Texas , a country filled with habitual liars , drunkards , blasphemers , and slanderers ; sanguinary gamesters and cold-blooded assassins , with idleness and sluggish indolence , with pride engendered by ignorance , and supported by fraud .

      The loafers are by far the most numerous class , and go about from one dram-shop to another for the purpose ef gaming and spunging . on their friends , and not unfrequently on strangers -but this Utter practice is by far too common in Texas to be confined or strictly applied to any one branch iu the community . * * . * The Texans , either , separately , or en masse , exhibit all the features of a rufflaniaed European mob , to whom , however , they are greatly inferior in social refinement , and much less formidable in a military point of view . : \ : ' ' ¦¦ - ¦ ¦ ¦ - ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦ "¦ ' ¦ ' .. ¦ : " ~\ '

      This character of the Texans , of course , is meant to apply * in the aggregate , to both sexes . But Mr . Maillard , whose notions of gallantry are somewhat peculiar , proceeds to specify the graces of the softer sex in Texas . The picture , as painted by him is so little flattering , that we shall not expose ourselves to the odium of being regarded as libellers by describing it Here is the original , as tomched off by his own coarse pencil : —¦ : ' . ;; ' ...- - '; ' ' :- ¦ - . ' . ¦ ¦ ¦ ; '¦ . : '¦' ¦' . ¦ ¦" - ' : . " Texan Ladies . — -The Texan ladies ; seldom show themselves to strangers ^ and , like those of the United Stales , they use either the pipe or the swab . The swab is a piece of soft wood , about three inches long , which they chew at one end until it forms a brush , then

      dipping it into a Binall bottle of brown rappee Bm . ff , which they carry about for the purpose of cleanicg their teeth ; this operation being performed , the swab is placed in one side of the mouth , while the pipe sometimes takes the other . They have little neatness or cieahliness of person to attract the eya Their flgur > H are scarcely to be described . " : coarse from neglect , or emaciated froni . self ijididgence , their skins have b 1 " 1-rowed from the sun the exact hu ^ of the lemoni and if the countenance be an index to the mind , I doubt not that their dispositions have somewhat of the peculiar flavour of that sour bullet of tbe tropics ; but yet to those who admire silence above everything . ¦ ¦ -else , in woman , permit me to introduce the ladies of Texas par excellence as mutes . "

      According to Mr . Maillard the climate of Texas is not d jot more inviting than its inhabitants . The prairies he describes as swawps , covered with water for several months in the year ^ and hardly habitable from the bites of insects during the dry season . Tke city of Sabine , he says , is ' very unhealthy , ' the city of Galvestoo , ' extremely unhealthj and insalubrious , ' tbe town of Valasco , 'very unhealthy , 'and the city of Matagordis , ^ most unhealthy . * . ¦¦ ¦; . . ' : : v \ ; Even religious toleration , Mr . Maillard contends , docs not exisi in Texas , jwhich he endeavours to prove . Toe great drawback , however , is slavery—the accursed traffic in human blood .

      Untitled Article

      • The Marquis of Waterford had several of hia hounds poisoned in the covert of Dangan . DiSTHESs in Bauwabi ) CAsn . E .-r-Tho carpet weaversand others , amounting to upwards of 120 families in this town , are reduced to extreme distress , owing to the want of employ , most of the manufactories being-at the stand still . The town has been divided into districts , and the habitsti ons of the poor visited to ascertain the nature of each case of distress , and it appears that for the last six or seven weeka the average incomes of the above

      families have been at the rate of la . 2 Jd > pet head per week , but now it will not be taore than , on an average , 12 d . per head per week , for many have no employment whatever . A subscription is now making amongst the neighbouring gentry and the inhabitants of the town , and it is determined , as far as it is practicable , to give employment to those able to work , in improving foot-paf da roads , Ac . in and about the town , and also to affora some relief by corn at * reduced price , in tbose nrgent cases where the parties cannot be employ ®' at out-door * QTk . —Sunderland Herald .

      Untitled Article

      6 - . " ¦ T " HE ^ . ybB TH ^ ' ; 3 Et ^ y ; ..: ^ ¦ ' ¦ ... . ' . v - . ' j . - . . : ; ' - . ¦"" - ¦;¦ : /¦ . ¦ : ;¦ ¦¦ ' . ¦ : ' . / . :- ' ; : ; v ¦ : ^^ ^^ ¦ ' >^ 5 h ¦ ^

      Untitled Article

      THE TEN HOUBS' FACTORY QUESTION . A E . EP 0 UT ADDRESSED TO THB SHOB-T-TISE C 0 HM 1 TTEES OF THE "WEST EIDISG OF TOHK . SHIHE , OP CEETA !!? C 0 NPEEE 5 CES HELD ¦ WITH THB BIGHT H 0 X 0 UB . ABLE SIB ROBERT PEEL , BAST ., H . P ., AJfD SEVEBAL OF HIS COLLEAGUES , OS THE SUBJECT OP THB TEX HOCKS' FACTOET QXTESTIOS , ASD OTHEB 1 MPOBTANT MATTBBS . Having been deputed by yeu to wait npen the leading ilembere of the present Administration , to urge upon their attention tha necessity and importance of a bill fox tha better regulation of infantile and youthful labour in factories , we beg to present to you an abstract of our proceedings in the various interviews with which we were honoured , as the best mode of laying before you the results of our labours in the discharge of the duty confided to us .

      At a preliminary meeting of your delegates , certain general principles were agreed upon for the guidance of the deputation . It appeared' a matter of primary im--portance to occupy ia little as possible of the time of the Ministers with whom it was proposed to seek interviews , and to lay before them , in the shortest period , clear views of the nature and extent of the measure to which their attention would be directed . To attain these objects , it was considered that one member of the deputation , who understood tbe question thoroughly , and the views ef his associates , and was possessed of the power to explain these clearly , should be appointed to conduct the interviews oh their behalf ; the other members giving such assistance by way of suggestion , explanation , or corroboration , as might be necessary . HfTEBVIEW WITH SFB BOBEST PEEL , BART ., FIRST LORD OF THE T 2 . EA . SVB . ? , ic ( No . 1 . )

      The first viMt of the depatition was to Sir Robert Psel , upon whom they waited by appointment , on Thursday , the 28 th of October , at his official residence , Downing street . Sir Robert received the deputation in the most courteous manner , and after requesting them to be seated , awaited in silence their statement The deputation opened the business by saying , " We have been deputed to wait npon you , SirBobert , by the short-time committees of the West Biding of Yorkshire , in consequence of a letter from Lord Ashley , stating that Sis Robert Peel ' s opinions were not yet matured npon the Factory question . We were in hopes that

      you would have come , by this time , to a satisiactory conclusion respecting the Ten Houra * Bill ; and "we now press irpon your attention the necessity which exists for introducing such a bill at an early period of the ensuing Session—a bill for the better regulation of labour in factories . In requesting this interference on the part of the Government and the legislature , we . wjbb to obsarva , that we have the sanction of precedent , inasmuch as this subject has already been repeatedly before both . Several acta have been already passed , and as these , owing to various causes , have not yet produced the effects which it is fair to presume the legislature had in view in passing them "—

      Sir Robert here interposed and said , " Will you pleass first , to explain the nature of the bQl you propose ? " The deputation explained that the leading provisions they were anxious to see enacted were— . 1 . "A clause declaring that in future no-person between thirteen and twenty-one years of age should be employed more t ^ n ten hours per day in any mill or factory . " The deputation added that it was more nreent now t t ' * ' ever io have a legislative protection for those above thirteen years of age , owing to the immense increa se in the proportion of females now working in factories . 2 . " That to insure the fulfilment of this clause , no young person should be permitted to stay or be fonnd In the mills between six o ' clock in the evening and six o'clock , in the morning . The mill-owner or manager infringing the law to be subjected to the penalty of imprisonment . .

      3 . " The gradual withdrawal of all females from the factories . - 4 , " The boxing off of all dangerous parts of mv chinery , under a heavy penalty , with a power of recovering compensation for any injury sustained through neelect of- this provision . "' . Sir Robert said— " Tbe lart point is a mere matter of -detail ; bat dont you think there would be very great hardship in the proposal respecting female ; labour ? Suppose a widow with two daughters , without any other means of support than her and their labour . Would it not be Terj uujnst to step in between her and an honest employment , and say , yon shall not be allowed to support yourselves by your own labour ?"

      The Deputation— " There are certainly - difficulties connected with this portion of the subject , and the one 80 strongly stated by you , is not the least . Such cases , however , would be the exception , net the rule ; and it Is the latter , not the former , to which all legislation is directed . Special cases might be provided for by special enactment * . We do no \ believe that any evils which might arise from even a rigorous and entire prohibition of female labour could be compared with those which spring from the present system- The females employed in factories are generally the offspring of parents who have been similarly situated . " They get little if any education worthy the name previous to entering the mills , and as soon as they enter them , ( generally at a very early age , in conseg , neDce of the connivance of parents , medical men , and factory owners , to evade the present law , ) they are surrounded by influences of the most vitiaiing and debasing nature . They grow np in total ignorance of all the true duties of woman . Home , its cares and its employment * , is

      woman ' s true sphere , bnt thesa paor things are totally unfitted for attending to the one , or par ticipating in the other . They neither learn , in the great majority of cases , to make a shirt , dam a stocking , cook a dinner , or clean a house . In short , both in mind and manners , they are altogether unStted for the ocenpancy of a domestic position , as is evideeesd by the fact , » hat the ^ wealthy and middle classes very rarely engage any of this class , as servants . Tet those who are thus considered unfit even to fill the office of menial to the rich , are the only parties among whom , ordinarily , the male factory labourer has a chance of obtaining a wife . They are married early . Many are mothers befcre twenty . Thriftlessness and waste even of their small income * , and consequent domestic discomfort and unhappiness , generally succeed . Through these means is engendered a vast amount of immorality and misery , and while

      such are its results as respects private life , the operai tion of the system is not less injurious in a national point of view . It throws the burden of supporting the family on the wife and the child , and compels tke adult male , upon whose shoulders the dufcy ought rightfully to fall , to be reluctantly idle . It is an inversion of tha order of nature and of Providence ^—a return to a state of barbarism , in which tbe woman does the work , while the man looks idly on . The consequence of throwing loose such a mass of partially-informed -men in such circumstances , cannot fail to be franght with danger to tbe State . DiBaficciion and discontent must be engendered among parties so situated . If , therefore , such evil 3 , both private and public , can be distinctly "traced to this source , we think that it is the imperative duty of Government and the Legislature to step in and arrest their operation to the utmost practicable extent "

      Sir Robert Peel— " I still see grear difficulties in the way , admitting all yon have stated . I believe that female and youthful labour is preferred , in congruence of ita greater cheapness ; is it not ? And also , beamse it is , in some departments , better adapted for the purpose in view than adult labour . " The Deputation— " You are right as respects the cheapness , Sir ; but the other point may admit of doubt For instance , it is objected that adnlis could rot stoop » o tke machinery , to the height of which children ara perfectly adapted . But this objection could easily be obviated hy having tbe mules raised , and other machin-« ry fixed a little higher from the ground . And as to dexterity of Sngers , you must be aware that the utmost fineness of touch and < iuiefeness of movement may be aeouired and retained by constant practice . "

      Sir B Peel— " It is evident that the coarse yon propose would have the effect , if adopted , of compelling the employment of a greater number of adults , and consequently higher priced labourers ; and ihe result of that would be to raue the price of British manufactures , and thus place our manufacturers under greater disadvantages in foreign markets than at present New , the complaint of our manufacturers is , that the competition in those markets is already so great that it is with the utmost difficulty toty can . maintain a footing in them . 1 feel deeply for the working classes of this country , and I am sure that if any measures could be devised by which the deep diitress they now suffer conld be alleviated ii would be the duty of the Government immediately to adopt them . Bnt we havs not only their case to consider , but also the effect which such measures would have upon the employment of capital , and the interests of those classes who have invested their capital in these pursuits . -

      The Deputation . — " Hitherto , Sir Robert , the Interests of tite capitalists have been attended to almost exclusively ; and the consequence is , that the introduction of self-acting machinery , and machinery requiring the attendance of women and children only , together with intense comrxtlti-m between our own merchants , has thrown vast numbers out of work , and reduced the wages of those who are employed to the barest pittance which can support existence . This evil is likely to be still further aggravated by the immense increase of machinery abroad . The policy of the late Government had been to allow that U should be freely exported . Of late y « ars machinery has been extensively introduced on the continent . Belgium , Saxony , Prussia , and other places have , instead of taking our goods , succeeded hi their primary object—that of supplying their own markets : in Borne instances they have gone farther , and

      bow compete successfully with ui in neutral markets and in some articles even come into direct competition withms in « ur own markets . Above" all , America is a nv » l tha * threatens uitimately to destroy one « f the staple mannfactares of this country—cotton . It can be ahown , that , in consequence of the American manufacturer possessing tbe advantage of having the raw material almost at his own door , he is enabled , notwithstanding a higher priee of labour , inferior machinery , and Ifitt eeonoaital processes of management , which give an advantage to the British manufaitarerer of 17 per cent , the American 1 * yet enabled , with his waterpower and cheaper law material , in all fabrict in which quantity is more a matter of consideration than quality to heat as in the end by a sm&H pet oentage . Now , the disparity at present existing between us as respects machinary , cheap labour , and superior management ,

      Untitled Article

      • A Synopsis of the Evidence which was given before the select committee of the House op commons on the 4 th of August , 1832 , bt Mb . Joseph Green , F . R . S ., Surgeon o * St . Thomas's Hospital , Professor of Surgery at King s College , and clinical Lecturer at St . thomass Hospital . The period of growth is one of weakness ; the purposes of growth necessarily require a more than ordinary supply of nutriment ; children require not only a large supply of food , but that it should be nutritive , and givtn frequently . Assimilation cannot be perfectly formed without air and exercise . Children should be allowed long Test , in the horizontal position , and

      sufficient sleep ; eight or nine hours at least ; under many circaniBt&oees , twelve poors . Children are extremely susceptible of vicissitudes of temperature . The muscles have not acquired that tone which enables them to perform actions which require strength and persistency of action . Their exercise should be varied , not longcontinned nor disproportioned to their strength . Their bones and joints are soft and spongy in their texture . Children are not fitted by nature for laborious or stationary occupation . Subjecting them to business or work which requires strong exertion , or which , even being comparatively light , demands uniform , long-continued , and therefore wearisome exercise , must ultimately have an injurious effect upon their health . But if , in addition , their food is scanty , supplied only at

      long intervals , their occupation is not alternated with amusement and exerelse in tha open air , and their clothing is not warm , disease must be the inevitable consequence of this violent counteraction of all that nature suggests and demands . If you were to Bubjeot the healthiest child to the causes which I have eaumerated , it is impossible that ' it Bhould not become weakly , emaciated , stunted in its growth , dull , sluggish , and diseased . I fear that this country will have much to answer for in permitting the growth of that system of employing children in factories , which tends directly to the creation of all those circumstances which inevitibly lead to disease . I am quite sure that the results will be , in regard to the health , most destructive , &nd , I think I may

      venture to add , in regard to morals most injurisus , and that the consequence of this culpable inattention to the physical and moral welfare of the manufacturing class will be , a population weak and diseased in body , feeble and degraded in mind , and vicious and dangerous in conduct Children were not designed for labour ; but if some labour must be permitted both our conscience and eur feelings equally demand that the labour of children should be under such restrictions aa will insnre them agaim-t thbir being made the victims of avarice and disease , and as will render it compatible with their physic&l and moral welfare ; twelve hours ' labour , including the time for meals , is the utmost average peiiod of labour for the full-grown , strong , and healthy man . I am of opinion that the

      deterioration in the human frame caused by this system will become hereditary , and even increase from generation to generation , if tbe causes are to be continued . I should suppose that such results of the shortening of human life , as are shown to be the case in the factory districts by tk « official documents before the committee , would be the results of such a system . Manufactories and machinery , so long as they procure employment for the labouring poor , render the necessaries and comforts of life cheap and easy of acquirement , and are tbe means of the poor bettering their condition , and must be regarded as blessiogB , and in every way conducive both to the physical and moral welfare of the peopla In order to obtain this desirable object , it is , however , necessary that the labourer sheuld participate in

      the advantages and benefits arising from the employment of machinery ; and in diminishing human labour fey ita use , the only legitimate purpose must be admitted to be , that of substituting a machine for the performance of that labour which would reduce man xo a mere mechanism , to the end that he may devote the time and leisure acquired thereby to his moral cultivation . It is indispensable , I say , in regulating a manufacturing system , that the labourers employed should never be considered as merely the means to its aaccess , but that their condition , moral and physical , should constitute an essemtial object of the system ; and its success , as . the source of wealth and power , be subordinate thereto . But if , instead of this legitimate object , and this wholesome restraint , ruled by the

      insatiable avarice of gain , the manufacturing system la without check , and has no bound but the possible means of creating wealth , and of making the rich richer ; and wages be lowered , till it be-simply calculated upon how little life and the motion of a pair of hands can be supported ; if we find that these human beings ( the factory workers ) are only regarded aa parts of the machinery which they set in motion , and with as little attention to their moral welfare ; if we find that these , even at the tendered age , and without respect to the distinction of sex , and without regard to decency are crowded together under aU tbe circumstances that

      contribute to disease and vice , and all this to add to the wealth of their employers , to minister to the luxuries of the rich , and to make overgrown capitalist * still more vast and oppressive , whilst the labourers themselves are degraded into the men negro slaves cf Europe ( then , 1 say , that these and all the physical evils incident to such a state rt quire no medical opinion , bnt demand unsparing moral correction , or they await the punishment due to depriving man of the birthright of hi * humanity , of degrading him into the qlasa of means and things to be used ; instead of recognising , as tbe end , bis happiness and dignity aa a moral and responsible agent .

      Untitled Article

      INTERVIEWS WITH LORD WHABNCLIFFE , LORD PRESIDENT OF THE COUNCIL , AND MR . W . E . GLADSTONE , VICE-PRESIDENT OF THE BOARD OF TRADE . (^ o . 3 . ) On leaving the Home-office , the deputation , accompanied By Mr . William Beckett , proceeded to the office of the Board of Tradei : for the purpose of waiting upon the Right Hon . W . E . Gladstone , its Vice-Preaident . The eentlenian was unable to erant

      an interview that day , but appointed the following day , at three o ' clock . Mr . Beckett promised to meet the deputation at that hour . ; - ' On the following morning application was made to Lord Wharncliffe , President of the Council , to know when it would please him to grant an interview ; and he , learning that we were to see Mr . Gladstone in the afternoon , kindly agreed to meet us at the same time . Accordingly , at the hour stated , the deputation had an interview with Lord Wharncliffe and Mr . Gladstone .

      As in former cases , the deputation proceeded to explain the nature of the measure which they advocated , and the economical and moral reasons upon which they based tbeir claim . Lord Wharncliffe testified , from his own knowledge , to the fact that the statements thus presented as to the physical , the domestic , and the mental and moral condition of ^ the factory workers , were not in the slightest degree exaggerated . His Lordship expressed his deep sympathy with the manufacturing population , and his desire for an amelioration of their condition .

      Mr . Gladstone sppoared to take an earnest and absorbing interest in those portions of our statement which had reference to the educational , the domestic , and the moral and religious statistics of the subject , and paid particular attention to the proposed restriction , of which Sir Robert Peel seemed to doubt the practicability—namely , that which would limit the employment of female labour . Mr . Gladstone treated this rnbject ; in a very able and practical manner . _ Agreeing in all the deputation stated as to the evil effects , both on individual character and on the domestic condition of families , which resulted from the present mode of substituting female for adult male labour , he asked , " What practical measures would you suggest to

      make such a clause as you propose generally operative ) " The deputation , in their replies to this question , were rather aided by Mr . Gladstone than otherwise ; and . it was ultimately suggested that the object might be effected by means of three regulations . First , by fixing a higher age for the commencement of infant male-labour in factories . Secondly , by limiting the number or females in proportion to the number of males in any factory . Thirdly , by forbidding a female to work in a factory after marriage , and during the lifetime of her husband . It will be seem that these suggestions meet the case put by Sir Robert Peel , aud at the same time obviate the objections taken . The working of ihe present Factory Act was also

      very Tally canvassed , and the unwieldy and impracticable nature of its provisions illustrated by facts well known to all conversant with , the subject . The deputation , while on this part of the subject , stated , in the first place , that the short-time committeoe , and the friends of the factory labourer , had been no parties to that measure ( the Act of 1833 ); that they had seen ftom the beginniBg that it would not work , and they w « e thoroughly convinced that it bad been adopted more as a means of evading , than satisfying the demand for the due regulation of the labour in factories . With respect to the education for which it professes to make provision , it was notorious that in most cases its provision had either been entirely evaded , or that what instruction had been given had been imparted under circumstances which made it a mockery both ab to quality and quantity ; and one instance in particular w » 8 adduced , in which the stoker of a steam-engine had been

      constituted the schoolmaster , and the fire-hole had been made the sehool-room . The inducements the Act held out to parents to allege that their children were of the full age required , when they knew that the facts were otherwise , and also to medical men to certify that the children appeared to be so , were also pointed out , and numerous instances were brought foiward to show that this was . vory commonly the case With respect to tke inspectors , the deputation stated that it appeared to them that they would be unnecessary with auch a bill as that proposed ; and that experience bad shown they were , in the majority of instances , rather » means of enabling the masters to evade the provisions of the bill than otherwise , by , giving the idea of an efficient superintendence , when in consequence of the many motives which operated to make tbe inspectors take the side of the capitalist rather than that of the labourer , infringements of the law were frequent , the rich offenders either escaping with eatira impunity , or being punched by

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), Jan. 8, 1842, page 6, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct736/page/6/