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TO tttr BDIT 8 K OF THE KORTHEKJT STAR . gi £ , —In your paper you often state how the cause A the people is progressing ; how , the working people aeeiBg Hie good effects that will result to them , proyiSBg the Charter becomes the law of the land , and -bat efforts they are making fc > mak « it such a law . Kow , Sirj I tMnV it is Tery proper that each part of £ 9 country should know what the other is doing , or tob a » y think , that because some plaees are all np iaa doing , that all the other places are the same , and that when the grand push-is made to persuade (?) the Houses of Parliament to pass the Charter into a law , rou probably may hare only half of your army , and thus get deceived ; this hasbeen the case in too many instances already . I lately had occasion to go into the country ; 1 went from here through Solihull to Warwick , Stratford-on-Avon , through a number of Tillages ; and back again through Henley-in-Arden , and with j-oor permission , I will state exactly how I found the wha trade
^ erlcultara is the chief employment ; t is carried on , is done-by ene tradesman exchanging Mb roods with another tradesman ; the only people who pay them any money for goods are the farmers and labourers I found people generally complaining of the badness of times , except at one Tillage near Warwick , where every poor person had from twenty to thirty hundred of coals given them , a great piece of beef , blankets , and clothes , by the gentry who liTe in the parish ; there the people did not know what poverty niesBt ; bat this is only one place , it is not so trtry where , for , at Leamington , three destitute labourers broke a window in a shop and toek out a >> ie and eat it , on purpose to get committed to prison , where they would get something to eat every day , though it would be only prison allowance . The Charter is Tery little known any where I baTe
been , scarcely any working man in a Tillage has ever heard the word mentioned ; the people are vary ignerant respecting politics ; the parson is a king in a Tillage , and he does his best to keep out any book or newspaper which would reaDy instruct them ; he will trim as much religion down them as they choose , but politics they must know nothing about % The wages of the farmers' labourers are about 10 s . a week on the average , though at one ptece they only got 6 s ., and there are a great number ont of employ ; they psy from £ 3 to £ 5 a year rent In some plaees they iii got a bit of land to cultivate , Tarying from oneeighth of an acre to an acre or tiro ; and although they paid after the rate of £ 5 an acre for it , they said it jnsirered thfir purpose , and they only wanted some more cf it , and then they did not care about the Corn La ws , ~ br what price the corn was sold at , for they should not want to buy sny .
The farmers pay from 10 s . to 20 s . an acre for their land—land that will bear from ten to fifteen bags of wheat to the acre , and I wondered why the landholders did not let out more land to the labourer , considering how anxieus he was to hsTe same , and how much sore rent he was willing to ^ ire otbt the farmer ; -but I found that the farmer was opposed to it—that if the labourer had some land , he would become independent of his master , who must either adTance his wages or do the work himself , and become what farmers formerly were—real cultiTators of the soil For you must understand that they are got out of pJsce in society : they bring their children up in idleness , and
they act the gentleman so Bear , that yon scarcely know them from their landlords ; and ia order to keep up their dignity , all the labourers in the kingdom must be BscriSced . Then again , there were f ormerly—that is , in the memory of people lifing now , ten farms or more There there is hnt one ; and if there is a farm to let , there are twenty people after it , and if a farmer has any inclination to sell any or all of the produce of the hud , he can go to market , meet with a ready sale , at a good price , and for ready money , and why is it ? Because the farmer takes good care to produce no more than is required , and the laws prerent any other party from superseding him .
I found the public-houses generally empty of customers ; maltsters making no malt : this must affect the revenue . The workhouses and prisons full ; a great comber of houses shut up ; shops to let in abundance , which conTinced me that there were too many people in trade , but not enough on the land ; working people who had no work were being summoned before the magistrates for their poor le-ries ; some were distressed , and their goods taken , and some sent to prison , because they had no goods to seiae ; shopkeepers complaining of no money being taken , and wishing that the Cam Laws were repealed , that they might have more bade , but none of them honourable enough to agitate for the Charter , because it was to give a poor , ignorant , working man a Tote as well as themselTes , as they say . Toe farmers , in general , are opposed to the repeal of
the Com Laws ; they contend that they should be mined ; that is , go to work , I suppose—that rents would fill , wages fall—that the parson must lose his tithe —the GoTemment giTe up tha taxes to the amount of ibeve thirty millions a year—the national debt abolished—and I don't know what ; beside—a many of ihem must walk as now ride—and that they should hsve as much trouble to sell their com , < fcc ., as a tradesman has to sell his goods , and then they thin * the country would be ruined . I found the labourers Tery mneh disunited , sot firm or true to each otherach oaa betraying another for what he could get This is a great fault in the English people . I am told a * Irish are more firm in their actions . What they resolve on , they stick to ,. and haTe no flinging in the Bitter .
I set with Bereral old men , from eighty to ninety jars of age , who had to work in the fields all day for lion : six or seven shillings a week . I asked them if they did not think that they had done work enough in their younger days to keep them now without work ? Thsj said they had , but that their masters had got it , mtfad of them . I ajsfceJ them how the times were when they were young—whether they were anything Eke they are now ? They said , when they were young E = n , they had one shilling a day far their work—that there was no take work then . Bread was ISibs . for a
awing , flour 18 s . a sack ; wheat Ss . a bag ; bacon 4 d-1 pound ; pigs 3 s . a score ; Tn » ifc 2 s . 6 d , a bushel ; beer W . s quart ; butter , sugar , and cheese , about id- a &- ; beef and mutton , from iL to lAd . a lb . ; but it was iddom weighed ^ but sold by guess ; a good fat sheep Kst 10 a . Flour was not sold in shops as now , but people bought the com from the fanner , as they wanted ii , and had it ground at the milL The farmer , his wife , children , and servants , sat in one room , and at ene Sable—no tea used in those days , except by the sly ; tie ¦ water was boiled in an iron pot ; the teapots were Kick , aad were called the " black devil "
People used to eat milk and broth ; even the rich folks uifl so ; no drunkenness then as now , for there were but a Tery few public honses ; rents of cottages with a good garden , Taried from Is . to 20 s . a year ; no poor Ieties v ? pay then , no poor to keep ; had to compel people to hate relief to keep the parishes together . Clothes were higher in price , but better quality . Sheets sad shirts -were made of flax , grown , spun , and woven usteriothin this neighbourhood , and it employed a pfcat namber-of people . Coats were ma 4 e of wool , in a coarser manner than they are now , but more lasting , food worsted stockings coit Is . Gd . a pair . Gowns and Bproas were made of ~ Jersey , Tery strong and warm-Pewter plates and dishes , wood plates , or trenchers , wood sjaoas and psils for the broth ; brass pots and kettles ; a short , ererj article was made stronger , cost more ffiorey , » as more durable ; people had plenty of
emfloj-ment , were healthier and stronger , and England *» a happy nation , because the people liTed on the kaa , sad they were subject to none of those fiuctua-BULS in the trades as they are now . We have now be-*» = e fodr a great manufacturing people , with the aid WEachinery and steam , we can mate goods for all the world . We hsve drawn all fee trade into heaps , from au parts of the country . One great cotton spinner , or *» ae other craft , employs seTeral thousand people in r * ff £ factory , working in rooms too hot and con"W to behesithy , making them quite old people at « -tf years of age ; little children set to do the work of ««; and eTeu macb / xery is BupersediBg their labour ; « Uat we have extended our trade to such an extent , ™ - all the working people are jn danger of dying for * m h because certain great capitalists shall monopolize * 3 to themselves .
However , let us hope that such a state of things will ^ 1 be put an end to , that all who labour shall enjoy a ¦^ aofcBcy , n ) d every man sit under his own fig-tree a ccne than make him afraid . -o . As Old Beposxeb . ffirmisgham , Jan . sth . 1842 .
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TO FEARGUS O'CONNOR , ESQ . LETTEB IT . qJ" ?^ " —1 kaTe said there is not a creature or thing in rrip ^ » that does not lie under certain laws peculiar u * i ! en -which its Tery being depends ; and that £ *> u no exception to this rule . And further that the - anposed on all the beings on this earth are the 0 ' *~* those peculiar to the inferior animals are » ' aondttUierH . jmd 5 n no cihtr resnect different
Ujb nste ^ P ^ P ° n man ' or i * 1 other "words that - nature of men is emblematical of , and contains all ^ tn y oth er set of beiegs , are susceptible © f , full and p . fcte , forming a key to the whole ; for which reason ^ stan ds in the paiocly of dignity , the undispnted ^ . tfc f | aeation ; nor do I mean to detract in the jT ^ est from the height or importance of bis posi-Ho werer , it should be kept in mind , although the gfn tandscope rf the laws peculiar to man , seta him telv Tre aU oth £ T «> 5 m 3 t < d beings ; that they are T *« ei « 3 binding on that account , but the more so , ngbt of it
g" ^ direction all depends thereon—nor ^ a be lost sight of , although men are endowed J ^ these advantages , it entirely depend g on h « w they - Juan ; that is whether they pay more deference and *^ e more cl osely iri thin theTortt x of the laws they « under ; whether with all their greatness they are g"y superior and less reprehensible thanbeingB of an jgenor organisation . To think © n these laws , their ^ etion and bearing on mankind and the world as £ « inheritan ce ; atd then en the arrangements they imrb . ^ e to £ Te 6 ffect aEd toeciion to these as im-« v > ie conditions imposed by nature , little is per-* u » te of that beasted tact and love of justice , the ^ ja ismLy are so anxious to arrogate to them-^» wants and necessities , peculiar to the human *** » re csndiUons imposed by rature , -srhich man can-
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not alter ; and consequently , has no right to find fault with the resources from which these necessities are supplied , are alike the works of nature , n » r will it do to say , that these are made for one part of mankind , more than another . The arrangements under which these wants are to be supplied from these means , from what are called constitutional laws ; depending for their nature , and bearing on the judgment of men themselTes . . And from the character of those now existing we may judge how far our ancestors , haTe been prompted by reason and justice , in forming the conditions , by which the munificence of God , should be fcnsbanded , " so a to supply the necessities of his creatures .
The degree of wisdom necessary for this purpose , is to know that , human beings want faculties , and altogether are as tbey are ; and that the means from which they alone can be supported , are so likewise ; consequently , the object of legislation , is to meet these conditions , by making the most of one , so as to supply the demands of the other ; such eTidently being the design of nature , and we shall shortly see how fax , our lawgivers haTe acted with this understanding . Were the preTisions of nature , equally distributed , and no part kept back , nor no means used to prevent men generally , from making the most of all within their reach , and all not enough ; then we might blame
nature for our scanty supply . But when we hear from the admitted statistics of these Tery lawgivers , that our country under proper management , is capable of maintaining at least four times the amount of our present inhabitants , in- afflnenca . And then to think , on the misery , that exists at this time , while our country is laying waste , under the domination of those yclept guardians ; no one can be at a loss to discoTer where the blame lies . I say of them , and their ordinances , we haTe a right to complain , common prudence and self-preservation prompts us to condemn their proceedings , and the unhallowed system they haTe concocted , whose results are misery and want , in the midst of plenty .
To have a view of the foundation of these arrangements it will not be necessary to rake up the ashes of the constitutional laws of the Jews , the Chaldeans , the Persians , the Greeks , or the ancient Romans , as these syBtems whatever were their merits or demerits , all sleep to wake no more ; the system of government now pursued in All the states of Europe , was established Bone 1500 years ago by a Roman despot called Const&ntine , ia the following manner . Two sets of peers were set apart for the management of public affairs , designated the guardians of the people ' s rights , the temporal lor € ls to govern things temporal , and the spiritual lords things spiritual ; these , in either case , holding discretionary powers to enact such laws and regulations from time to time as expediency or existing
circumstances required . Of these lords and their proceedings , the different states of Christendom have had a fair trial . The present order of things in all its ramifications , is the result of what they have done . Of their history , little needs be said in this place ; it is evident neither have understood the nature of the trust reposed in them . For instance , the temporal lords , instead af endeavouring to regulate the supply of nature ' sprovisions , so as to meet the necessities of the people , haTe claimed all as their own , As if they only stood in need of these things ; and the spiritual lords , whose , duty it is to ascertain- and define the natural rights of all and teach
all to understand and respect them ; instead of which they bare all along laboured to convince men that no such things existed , thus haTe they , in the face of nature , and nature ' s laws , stood with eyes open and seen the temporal lords , lay hold of the provisions of nature , and claim them as their own to the total subversion of all human rights , and disregard to the wants and necessities of all but themselves . Hence the present order of thingB , the temporal lords , not the guardians but the owners of the soil , and the spiritual lords , not the- defenders of the people ' s rights , but doing what they can to reconcile them to put up with the loss .
These last-named guardians received a check at the Reformation , though their conduct in this respect is not altered from what it was before the introduction of Protestantism . However , although that movement has had no effect on the conduct of these guardians , it very materially alters the position of things , as it strikes at the root , and is condemnatory ef the whole system of guardianism ; and although the protest is only aimed at the spiritual Lords , still , in a philosophical point of view , it is equally applicable to the temporal Lords ; as , for instance , if the system of man , trusting in man , is bad , why permit it at all ? and if otherwise , wny protest against the supremacy of the spiritual Lords ? Are our spiritual concerns more secure out of the hands of these guardians ? And , if so , would not' our temporal concerns be so likewise by protesting against the temparal Lords , and withdrawing their powers in a lik « manner ? There is a tccmi of philosophy here on some side .
Can things done by the sovereignty of a PriBce not be undone by the sovereignty of a people ? Can powers created by the breath of one man , and misapplied by others not be withdrawn ? Or shall the human race suffer for the folly of a king , or the heartlesss conduct of his minions ? Shall these guardians , conjunctly or severally , trample on the rights of mankind , in opposition to the natural laws instituted by high Heaven to defend them , supported , too , by that book we all pretend to believe and obey ? Shall they , under cover of that Tery testimony , swindle the human race out of all that makes life dear ? Were men men , either in reason or perception , they could not .
Where u the constitutioH these gnardians haTe reared ? Let its character either justify or condemn them . From its merits let their justice and love to man be estimated . - Test their laws by the laws of HIM who is yet the Guardian of these rights they haTe set at nought . By whose laws does one toil and another eat the fruit thereof ? By whose laws axe the provisions of nature the monopoly of the law makers ? By whose laws are three fourths of the community deprived of all legislative power ? By whose laws are the poor taxed to supp-rt the rich ? By whose laws are the streams of education adulterated , and made tributary to the power of money ? By whose laws is the sexual tie made matter of pecuniary interest ?
As thzse are what they should be or not , our guardians- can be justified or not : by HeaTen ' s decree , laws relating to each of these points are matters of legislation ; enactments grounded on these heads according to justice , equal to all , form the constitutional rights of the human race . If , in the meantime , laws affecting these are in accordance with justice , ltt our guardians baTe it , as it is their doings . If not , to their condemnation be it , as they are alike the originators , and accountable for the whole , whether good or bad . Nature has constituted all men alike , and its constitutional laws are alike to alL Our gnardians have thought different , as they have formed things according to the understanding that they alone had wants and necessities , and all others were there merely on purpose to serve them .
Were such the fact in nature , they would have been justified in monopolising all to themselves , and deferring to form a constitution recognising the rights of others ; but since the case is otherwise , they are chargeable , to the full amount , with all the human race has suffered , since they were invested with powers to form a constitution recognising these claims , and have neglected to do so . From these remarks , it will be perceived that the greunds of o . ur constitution is the uncontrolled will of these guardians , to meet which all their legislative enactments have been . And from the results , we may judge of the consequences of trusting matters of such moment to the guardianship of men in any shape whatever .
To have a comparison between the systems propounded in my last Jetter and that now existing , is to suppose . them acting under the Iuwb there propounded as given rules , as men acting by discretionary power with no rule at alL By the latter method the present order of things has been produced . Could men acting under such laws , bring things to a like state ? I say nay , and hold that system as infinitely superior to that new in existence , inasmuch as it has justice for its basis and the well being of all for its aim . And I hold it will be difficult to prove , that the present system is either the one or the other .
Who would do the drudgery of society and be robbed in return ? Who would allow their patrimony to lie in the hands of a society whose managers held all as their own ? Who would recognise a society whe denied the majority of members the right of fellowship ? Who would defend a society which forces its nnjnst decrees by bludgeon and bayonet ? Who would be one of a society which depriTed its members of a home ? Who would rely on the wisdom of a Bociety which held its members ignorant of its proceedings ? Who would form a " part of a society which held poverty as a sufficient pretence to seTer the social tie ? Be this as itmay , under such a society we all live ; and the Lords Spiritual , whose duty it is to protect the people's fights , and on whose faithfulness they rely , acquiesce in the whole matter , and are partakers of the spoiL Knowing all this , let those who will support the present system , I cannot
It now remains to be enquired into , whether aDy scheme yet proposed as a substitute , is better calculated to meet the human character than that submitted in my last In the first place , Chartism forms a section of that system , and admits of no compromise . Socialism comes next , to meet which , does a principle of responsibility exist in nature ? is Christianity true ? The system I have propounded entirely depends on the one , and is drawn according to the tenor of the other . AH my reasoning depends on the action of a principle of responsibility , in its relation to the material feelings as directing them , in their several avocations toward the material world . The socialists are not aware of this method of treating the question , from the fact , that they deny the principle on which all such
reasoning turns , ana ice grounds from which the fabric is drawn , the consequence of which leads to some Tery material doctrinal differences . To have a view of which , first compare for laws of temperance . Socialism has nothing for distribution ol property ; Socialism same as that propounded by me for UniTersal Suffrage ; Socialism has hereditary legislators , far trade , commerce , and general ramification of society ; Socialism nearly the same as mii * e for laws of community ; Socialism , sexual intercourse freely permitted , direction of youth ; Socialism nearly the same as mine^—for several laws very different , for "Which vide" my last letter ; next for rewards and punishments , Socialism has nothing . It is clear the Socialists are brought to this view of the case , from their denial
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of a principle of responsibility ; hence the differences in the fint , third , fifth , and seventh sections , in thair system ; as these could sot be as I have placed them , if man were not , in a certain sense , a responsible being . The Socialists' doctrine of irresponsibility ha ? led to a rather queer dilemma here , which is notking leas than the total denial of all law , or mode of enforcing obedience to any regulation whatever , still they make conditions , and I maintain conditions are laws ; and , if these are not to be enforced , why make them 1 Talk not to me of circumstances , or interest , water pipes are not provided with fire pings on purpose
to Bet houses on fire , but to prevent the consequences , should such catastrophe happen . In like manner I hold , the less frequent that such laws ought to be enforced the better ; still to make sure that men may not , as heretofore , act regardless of circumstances and interest , and that such actions may not be injurious to others , I hold ( after giving full scope to human nature in all its bearings , in as far as moral precept will permit ) that laws definite , and imperative , are required , and that the penalty for breach should be definite , not depending on the discrimination of a judge ; so much being necessary not to maintain a system of cruelty , but to pr event it
From the whole , it will be perceived that my system is infinitely more camprebensible and tangible , widely different in spirit , and leaves much leBs to chance , than that of Robert Owen and tha Socialists . And , lastly , their mode of establishing their system . Let the poor man blUBh : money ! money ! money J And for what is it required , if justice and humanity demand the introduction of a system ? Be it remembered the guardians are the owners of the soil only while the present system of GoTemment holds good : if that is nullified , they have no more right to retain any part of the provisions of nature than a receiver has to retain stolen property in the face of the rightful owner How do we generally settle such cases 7 Spoonies !
Next comes the Shepherd , the Editor of the London Phakinm , and the redeubted overture of Charge * Focbier , the five acre system , regarding which I have to say , were the human race stationary , with none retiring and none coming in , and if there were five acres on thiB earth to each , then it might be allowed that all was equitable , but since the case is otherwise , either some must be deprived , or every outgoer or incomer , must alter the relation of these tenements , this much without questioning whether there are five acres to all that is or may be on this earth at one time , such absurditi . 8 may pass with the Editor of the Phalanx and his followers , who look for an interposition of Providence to work out the required change , aud of course reconcile themselves to wait and do nothing until Providence thinks proper to do the work . "These are they who look for a sign , but it shall not be given them . "
Still I could excuse the lucky arithmttical impudence of the Editor of the Phalanx , as his only aim seems to be to write so that he may lick the dust of the earth for his trouble ; and if he succeed in this by sophisms of any kind , he is only on an equal footing with the great body of journalists of the present day . But how it comes that men of such penetration and tterling honesty as yourself and Mr . O'Brien should be misled by such doctrines of this kind is past my comprehension . I wish to remark , from the lengths both of you go , it is not worth your while to stop shert of what justice demands . Then suppose the whole land in this country ltt out in portions of five acres each at a given rent , concerning this rent who is to pay it , and to whom is it to be paid . He who pays is superior to all who live with him , and he who receives it is an aristocrat on the same footing are aristocrats now are ; and still the question remains to be answered— " What
is to become of the rest who have no five-acre farm , and who receive no rent ? are these on an equal footing with the other ? " Remember the provisions of nature are the property of the human family , to be husbanded so as to exclude none , while your five-acre system would exclude all by laying an embargo on the munificence of God . So it is by the present systems of guardianism ; but if justice shall rule the case is very different . To those who wish to uphold the present system , or cannot Bee the possibility of rearing a substitute , your mode of reasoning may do ; but those who stand for a principle of justice must learn to treat the matter apart from every thing it has been ; these must draw their arrangements so as to enable the whole people to make the most ef tha whole provisions of nature , without depriving any part , or giving to any a preponderance Such is the end to be attained without questioning its relation to the present or any other system .
Concerning all eur minor schemes of reform , such aa peace societies , charitable institutions , of all kinds , temperance societies , educational societies , and all con-Ten tides , -who wiBh to see Chrutianity placed on its true basis , and labour meets its reward ; the supporters of all of which seem to have an inborn wish for the welfare of the human race , but as thtir schemes for obtaining the end are indefinite , and far from the mark , I invite them to consider the system propounded in my last , as all their objects are contained under its several heads , and may all be attained at once by establishing that system .
I am told the public mind is not prepared to deal witb matters of this kind . Then why tamper with it at all ; or is it necessary to promulgate error , in ordei to arrive at truth , or is it the way to bring the question to a speedy issue , to keep back any part of the necessary information . For my part , I think not , though I am aware those who wish to make a trade of agitation , will differ from me . - In my next , and last letter , at this time , on this subject ; I shall point out some of the reasons for taking the course I propose , and some of the results , certain to follow its adoption , and likewise some of the conseqnences of pursuing a system of agitation , without a specified view of the end to be attained . I have the honour to be , Sir , Your obedient servant .
Charles Duncan Canon-rtreet , Canon Mills , Edinburgh , January 10 th , 1842 .
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CASE OF CARRIER THE CHARTIST VICTIM . TO THE ED 1 T 0 B OF THE JfOHTHEHN STAR . Sir , —Many inquiries having been made as to what has become of Mr . Carrier ; and whether he has received the amount due to him from the benefit at the Social Hall , on November Sth , 1 S 41 . In answer to the first , I beg to state that he sailed from Liverpool on Thursday , December 30 th last To the second , I hold Mr . Carrier ' s receipt for £ 12 0 s . 6 d ., leaving £ i 5 s . 3 ^ d . due to him out of tbe whole amount of £ \ G 5 s . 9 i < l . ; the proceeds of the benefit . On Sunday , December " , Mr . Carrier , myself , and Mr . JoBlyn , a member of the committee , were out the whole day endeavouring to get in the residue , bot did not succeed to any great amount , Mr . Carrier having left his wife and child at
Trowbnnge , at his request the money , when paid , is to be forwarded to Mrs . Carrier . Arrangements have been made with Mr . Carrier , Sen ., who resides in London , to that effect I believe that the individuals -who held tickets , will pay for them as Boon as they receive it from those who bad them , with one exception . The same difficulty has been experienced on former occasions ; therefore , injustice to myself I feel compelled to mate this statement , as well as for the satisfaction of those Chartihts who so nobly anpported Mr . Carrier , both before and since bis release . As far as I am concerned I know nothing personally of Mr . Carrier , but from the nature of his sentence , and as a victim to the cause , 1 felt it my duty to render him all the support I possibly could . Daring the latt nine months of his imprisonment , I laboured incessantly to bring his case before Parliament , and Lord Normanby ; and with Mr .
Dancombe s and Mr . Cleave ' s assistance , succeeded in getting him released six months before his sentence expired . The support he has since received from the London Chartists has been great I ' artily wish every victim had received similar suppm :- I have been led into these observations from the fact that I have been blamed by some individuals fer not getting the money in sooner , the fault does not rest with me , consequently I deeline participating in any odium that may arise from it . Since Mr . Carrier ' s departure I have received a portion of the balance , which ha 3 been sent to his wife . You will greatly oblige by giving this an insertion in your valuable journal . I am , Sir , Yow 3 , in the cause , J . W . Pahkeb . 38 , Rupeit-strett , Haymarket
To The Members Of The Executive
TO THE MEMBERS OF THE EXECUTIVE
COUNCIL OF THE "NATIONAL CHARTER ASSOCIATION . " THE ADDRESS OF THE MEMBERS OF THE COUNCIL LIVISG AT BRIGHTON . Brethren , —Strongly attached to the " People's Charter , " on account of its embracing the principles on which , alone , as we think , political changes can be made advantageously to the great mass of the people , wo are prepared to second to the utmost of our very humble means , a plan of national organisation , being fully conTinced that a thorough organisation of the more useful classes muBt precede any tfEcient and beneficial alteration of the political system now go loudly denounced , and justly complained of . We believe still , as we have believed from the beginning of the late ,
and , in many respects , disastrous , agitation , that the present possessors and abusers of political power will laugh at , and slight the demurrtngs of the industrious classes , until by a good and wide-spread combination of energies , and concentration of purpew they become too formidable to be laughed at with impunity . Next in importance to unity , or singleness of purpose , is a welldigested system of organisation . It ia because we are convinced of this , that we attach a very great importance to the office which you fulfil In the " National Charter Association—and it is with feelings of pleasure that we can congratulate our brother Chartists in the various parts of the kingdom , on the possession of a council that has acted , and purposes to act so unitedly , firmly , and dispassionately .
We feel that you are awkwardly situated inasmuch as your methods of action are liable to be misconstrued and injuriously interpreted ; we were , therefore , gratified in reading your last address to the association ^ to see the temperate and argumentative style , in which it was couched ; it gratiled us to observe that your firmness was of a character calculated to command re-
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spect , rather than to excite fruitless discussion ; and we earnestly hope that this spirit ot action will be henceforth , exhibited by all classes in the association , — when we shall haTe fully learned to treafc the sentimente , and even the failings aad errors of each other with deference ; and shall hare become , one and all , in the great duty of perfecting tbe organisation we have founded ; then may we expect to make rapid progress in the attainment of oar oUimate objects . We have made these remarks because we feel indebted to you , as the Executive Counoj ) , for Betting forth , to your several addresses , an example of moderation and deference united with firmness , that if universally followed must command and secure for us the respect of our opponents . ; ; : .
To your last addresses we can have but little to object . .-: . - ¦ : . :. ¦ ¦ ¦ .- . / •¦ - . . - /¦; . . , ' < -. -. ¦ .: ¦ : ¦; . .. ¦ In respect to the present plan for issuing cards , we think , with yourselvdfc that the Modification proposed by our Bristol friends would be the substitution of one evil for another , without any real advantage . The present unrestricted method of distributing cards is more national , and in better keeping with the broad principle on which we are united . But we would ; nevertheless , urge upon you the propriety of keeping the objection of our Bristol friends ever before yon , with a view to the ultimate adoption of some means of obviating those little evils which may continually spring upto , weaken the ^ force of our organisation . S In respect to the means proposed for collecting the Convention Fund we have an objection to offer , but we do so with deference , because we cannot for a nioment doubt that you have given the subject deep consideration . . ¦ " ' ¦ ¦ - ¦ . ' - . ¦ ¦ . ' -.. ¦ ¦ : .= , ;¦¦ : ; . ' . '
It is obvious that , when we ore frequently required to raise funds for various objects , and when , too , the pecuniary resources of all of us are more or less ed restricted as to render our contributions a work of great denial , the " - levying . ' of new funda should be as much equalised as possible . 1 : In Brighton we have feli the desirability of this , for ¦ we have ever been among the most forward to second any good object when money has been wanted ; and thus we have frequently had as many as five or six distinct accounts opened for contributions . We think that the plan yon propose to adept in the collection of a Convention Fund iB unequal . You say in your address " That in Gloucester , Somerset , and Wilta , there are as many towns where the Association extends as will produee the required sum at an average of Two Pounds each . "
We know not of more than five or sJx places in our district to which we can loak for contributions . InBtead , therefore , of two pounds , we shall have six or seven pounds to raise on an average in each locality . This is a great disproportion . Supposing there to be in the London dittrict twenty-six distinct association-localities ' , each will have to raise a fraction more than two pounds , and yet in London and its environs there most be far greater facilities for raising money than in this district It must not be imagined that subscriptions can be raised with any facility froni those who sign the National Petition . We can speak very confidently for the South of England , at least , wherein there are thousands of
persons who do not object to : sign their names to a petition , but who would most unequivocally demur agalDst subscribing a farthing towards defraying the sxpences incurred . In Brighton we can look to Tery few beside the bona fide members of the Association for even r the smallest contribution , and yet we have but little difficulty in obtaining thousands pf names . That taxation should be co-extensive with representation is unquestionably just ; but then as our association is yery unequally distributed some regard should be paid to the number of association localities in every district . This is the more necessary aa we have shewn that little pecuniary support can be obtained from others than bona fide members of the association . If we are in a condition to support two representatives , London should hare at least ten instead of threo . If three representatives be enoagh for London with Its
twenty-five or twenty-six localities , then one representative is sufficient for » yeh a larger district than ours , where the association localities are so few . If the population of the respective districts has anything to do in the distribution of representatives , then we find that even in this the grvat disproportion we complain of is further exemplified . You cite Gloucester , Somerset , and Wilts . These counties have a population of upwards of 1 , 000 , 000 , while Southampton and Sussex have but little more than half that population ; yet in both cases , the number ot representatives are the same . But this disproportion ia trifling in comparison with the London district , which has a population of upwards of 3 , 000 , 080 . ' and yet this district is to have only throe representatives . We have cited no more instances than sufficient to illustrate the grounds of pur objection , perhaps on further examination , other discrepancies might be discovered .
His sot from any apathy that we make this objection ; we find by your report that 13 , 000 cards hava been issued , and that tbe sum you desire to raise is £ 432 , by every member paying only eightpence . This mm may be raised ; or , to take another mode of calculation , we find that the association extends to 299 localities , if we suppose there to be 20 members only in each locality , on an average , then thirty shillings from each locality , or eighteenpence from each member , would more than raise the sum required .
Instead , however , of eightpence each , we bave to levy on each member not less than three shillings and sixpence ia order to raise the Bum of £ 36 . Suppose ing that one-fourth of our members are incapable of subscribing anything at all , the . subscription would be yet more hard on the : remaining three-fourths ; we therefore trust you will reconsider the subject , with a view to a more equal levy of tbe Qonventiqn Fund ; in fact , by way of adding a little force to our arguments , we must candidly tell you that we cannot raise 00 much money as £ 36 .
While on this subject , we may aa well state that we have felt the want of a map of the various localities of our wide-spread association ; we have thought that at a little expence maps might be printed by the Executive , and issued at a small charge to the various divisions of the association ; these maps to consist simply of the outline of Great Britain , with the county boundaries well defined ; some of the principal towns in each county marked down , and all the assocation localities printed in a conspicuous manner . This map Btitchedinto a little statistical book , would tend to further our objects by giving to the members in every locality , a correct idea of the real extent of the association . . "' .-..
We highly applaud the manner in which you have met the objections of the Bible Chartists—we respect the religious opinions of all men—we would not offend tbe peculiar Bentiments of any man . Our great object is to be united in effecting political changes that militate against no really religious faith . To make any religious opinions the test of a fitness for brotherhood would annihilate us as a party , and render our objects utterly unattainable . 1 We highly approve also of your address to the Glasgow Chartists . In our opinion your arguments are irrefutable . ¦ -. ' ¦¦" ¦ ¦' ¦¦ Having a high opinion of our Scotch friends , weaincerely trust that they will see the propriety of laying aside the little differences that they have raised , and , by joining tolis viribus , reader our association both mere perfectly national , and invincibly powerful .
Trusting that the new year may bring ua renewed concord , and a less distant view of success to our exertion * , ' ¦ ' We remain , Most sincerely , In the brotherhood of Chartism , Robert Colling , William Woodward , John Allen , Ge 6 rge Giles , John Page , Fredekick Page , Reuben Allcorn , Robert Lunsdell , Wm . Flower , sub-Treasurer , Nathaniel Morling , Bub-Secretary .: Brighton , Jan . 9 th , 1842 .
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FROST'S COMMITTEE , 'BIRMINGHAM . COPY OF THE LAST MEMORJAL SENT FROM FROSTS COMMITTEE , FOR PRESENTATION TO HEE MAJESTV , IN BEHALF OF FROST , WILLIAMS , AND £ * : ' JONES . ' ¦ ' " '¦'' ¦ ¦ ¦ .:. . ' ' . ' . '¦¦' To Her Most Gracious Majesty Victoria , Queen of the United Kingdom 0 / Great Britain and Ireland , The humble Memorial of a Committee appointed at a large Public Meeting , to take such steps iss may be necessary , in order to obtain justice for John Frost , Zdphaniah Williams , and William Jones , who were illegally convicted , and transported in the year 1840 ; : ; ¦;¦;; ' \
SHEWETH , —That we congratulate your Majesty on the auspicious event of an heir to the throne of these Realms , and the more especially aa that heir is a 1 Prince , and while we feel grateful to Providence for your Majesty ' s safe recovery from the indisposition attending your accouchement , we would at the same time , respectfully press upon your Majesty ' s attention the general distress that is spread so alarmingly throughout the country , particularly in the manufacturing districts . We can see , by statistical statements of undoubted veracity , the distress that prevails in different parts of your Majesty ' s dominions , ; and we can see in our own neighourhood , such harrowing scenes of woe , of starvation and misery , as are most agonfaing to look upon .. We can find married women of good and respectable character , in tbe same situation aa that which your Majesty has , through tbe blessing of ' God ;
gone through with safety , in the most deplorable and wretched stat « of existence , for want of the commonest necessaries of life . We can find the husband In a state borderin < r upon madness - —his children crying and imploring him to give them bread , and he basnone ; his wifa is lying sick and helpless on a mattrass of straw , without any of those necessaries and comforts , even the most coarse , which berfiituation demands ; he has in Tain solicited assistance ; and rendered desperate by his hopeless Situation , he takes that assistance by force that be has in vain asked and even ; prayed for . ' We again see him arraigned as a felon . He is tried —the law condemns him j he is imprisoned or . transported ,- and his family are either left to die of absolute want or are taken to the Poor-house , ( which is already filled to suffocation with similar objects J where they
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are brutally separated from each other , and their deplorable situation rendered still more miserable . We sincerely assure your MajeBtey that we have not exaggerated the picture we have drawn , for proof of which we appeal to the public press . The common feelings of humanity induce us to contrast the miserable situation of the parties we have described with that of your Majesty . Surronnded with © very luxury that wealth can purchase , living in a splendid pajaceV with a most numerous retinue «> f servants , to attend to yonr slightest wantand gratify your every wish , yourMajesty -does not see and cannot feel the agony of want we have been describing , and are daily experiencing .
And while we humbly yet firmly request your majesty to cause thia distress to be relieved , we at the same time would respectfully remind your majesty of the custom which has been handed down from olden time , of granting a general amnesty to such political and criminal offenders as may be deemed deserving of the gracious boon . , . We would humbly beg is remind your majesty that the custom we speak of has generally been practised at the birth of a Prince of Wales ; ^^ and understanding that jour majesty has signified your benevolent intention of granting an amnesty to suoh prisoners as may be deemed deserving ^ We therefore humbly pray your majesty to include in such amnesty John Frost , Z-ipbaniah Williams and William Jones , who were convicted and transported for the term of their natural lives , though we believe such conviction to have been illegal and contrary to law .
We sincerely assure your majesty that the pardon of these men would give the utmost joy , and satisfaction to many hundred thousands of your majesty ' s dutiful subjects : while It would confer the greatest blessing it is in your majesty's power to bestow , upon the wives and children of the unfortunate convicts .. The wives of these men look upon their children and say , hereby our gracious queen is a mother , and she will grant the prayer of the nation , and pur prayer , and give us back our husbands ; ' and our children their fathers , that we may be happy and . have cause to bless her . _ And we would respectfully remind j our most gracious majesty that the individuals we have named have undergone great suffering , both mentally and bodily , —enough to satisfy even the most vindictive of those who wished for their punishment These men are thousands of miles away from the land of their birth , pining away in hopeless despondency their miserable lives .
We therefore humbly pray , that your majesty ' s ; hear ! may be open to the still small voice of mercy and * humanity , and that you may grant the prayers of your majesty's nust dutiful servants by freely pardoning the men we have named—we shall then have good cause to bless and to pray for you . Your majesty's 1 situation as sovereign ruler of these realms , places the power of exercising your mercy and benevolence In the motVprominent light , and nothing is so gratifying to the heart of a benevolent ruler as to be able to comply with a nation ' s prayer .
As a proof that the return of these men is most earnestly desired by the people , we point t ? the many petitions and memorials that have at different times been presented for their return to their country : and respectfully point out to your majesty the fact that when tlte Honourable flouse of Commons , in Parliament assembled , discussed pw question ef "the liberation of political offenders" the motion was only lost through the casting vpt 8 of the Speaker . Hopingthat your Majesty will comply with our request , your majesty ' s humble memorialists will ever pray , < fcc . Signed on behalf of the Committee , if * sE 5 ; *'} Joint s «* etari « e John Bough , Chairman
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TO THE PEOPLE OF IRELAND . fELLOw-CouNTRYMEN , — -In my letter of the Sth inst , addressed to youi I endeavoured to show you that the prejudices which have so long existed betwixt you and ; the people of England were not to be traced to them , but to an interested portion of them . I have shown you that the aristocracy were that portion of the English Whose interest it was to create and support those prejudices , in order that they might retain that power over you which they had unjustly usurped ; and I will now further prove to you that those assertions are founded on facts , an 4 that they are , and ever will be , the enemies of the people , until the people themselves arise in their moral strength , and assert their own power and independence .
There is an old adage which says , " that a man forewarned fs forearmed . " If this be true , will it not become your duty to protect your own interests , and promote your country ' s welfare , by opposing , with all your energies , the measures of those "wha are your avowed enemies , and whose exaltation depends on the prostration of your political power ? To thiB query I will , no doubt , receive as answer- ^ - " We have opposed them ; we are even now arrayed in the contest of right against might , and we will never cease to be so until we obtain
those rights and privileges to which nature and the constitution entitle us . " It will be only justice to you to acknowledge that such ia your determination , and , I believe , your intentions have ever been patriotic , and your fondest hope that of placing your country in the position in which she will be recognbed amongst the nations of the earth . But although I admit tbe honesty of your intentions , I will , in duty to my country , be compelled to show you that heretofore your energies have not been properly directed to produce tbe desired effect- - ¦ ' - ¦ ' ' " ¦ ' ¦ ¦ '¦¦¦¦ ¦ ¦ . . ¦ ¦" ¦¦ ¦ - ¦ - .
That this is not mere assertion , any rational man will at once admit , for , having in ray former letter proved that the aristocracy alone were your enemies , it follows that there ought to be ( as it affects yoa ) , but two political parties in the state , namely , the rich oppressor and the poer oppressed . You , as a people , ought not to recognise any other ; for , no matter what other partieB call themselves , whether Whig or Tory , yon may rest assured they have no sympathy for y « u , and are equally opposed to your interest . On this point , then , you differ from ; the Chartists ; they stand boldly forward in defiance of ail descriptions of enemies , and are determined , in spite of the combined efforts of aristocratic power and influence to conquer , or fall in the struggle ; whilst you ' . ' allow yourselves to be guided by prejudice , and made the tools of a faction , who have ever deceived and insulted you , although their political existence depended on your support . Thus we differ , and I ask you is it not more honourable to stand up
boldly , as the Chartists dp , than to truckle' to such a contemptible faction as the Whigs , whom you have so long supported , and whom you are now , with your " Lfberator" at your headt , helping into office , although , by the by , the noble Whig , who is such a favourite with the " chief magistrate , " has , on a recent occasion , done honour to the " glorious , pious , and immortal memory" of the father of the vilest faction that ever disgraced the nation -, but there is little wonder in such things , for your consistent leader (!) condescends , for the " benefit of the ' . ¦ people" (!) to wear the hateful emblem of your country ' s enemy dangling at his button hole , as if in mockery of your sufferings * But here I cannot h « Ip fancying I hear the latent voice of the " Liberator" himself bringing forward a resolution in the Corn Exchange , to the effect " that the Chartists are the enemies of Ireland , inasmuch as they voted for the Tories at the late Parliainentary elections , and thereby placed this enemies o £ the Catholics in power , " '¦ . .. '¦¦ ' ' . ¦ ' ¦¦' . ¦' - ' . .- .- ¦ ¦ . ¦ . ' - : > .. ¦ . : ; '
Now , I contend that when his Lordship brought forward that resolution , he must have Sad an '' ulterior " motive in view , and that motive must have been to increase the prejudices which he had already tiivsed against the Chartists ; for it cannot be supposed that such a politician as his Lordship could be ignorant of the fact , that the Whigs are as much opposed to the people as the Tories , and that it is as much the interest of the Whigs to persecute the Catholics as it is that of the Tories ; besides , be must recollect that even in his Lordship'S time , the Whigs have not deserved the suffrage of the Irish people . It was not the Whigs who granted liberty of conscience to the Irish , nor was it the Tories who sanctioned the coercion , bloodshed , and little burnings Which
devastated the country under a Whig administration ; not was it the Tories who erected bastiles in Ireland to imprison the starving victims of aristocratic tyranny and misrule . No ; his Lordship knew better ; but he depended on your belief of his assertions , as he knew his influence over your minds was such as to prevent yon inquiring for yourselves . The Chartists acted upon that occasion as they should have acted ; . they had ever known that the Tories were the' inveterate enemies of the people , and they had learned' by experience that the Whigs were worse than enemies , inasmuch as they prt tended to be the friends of the people whenever they required their supportj but their object once attained , threw off the mask , and showed the lion ' s teeth beneath the hypocrite's disguise . Tiie Chartists
had sense enough to know that on open enemy is less to be dreaded than one who , under the guise of friendship , clutches the assassin ' s knife in his grasp and stabs you in the heart when you least expect it . The Tories seldom promise anything to the people , but the Whigs had promised , and his Lordship knows how well they kept their word . Thia , then , was the reason why the Chartists opposed the Whigs , and they have ehown , by their conduct on that occasion , that the people are no longer to be despised , that tho" swinish multitude '' have the power , and know how to use it to advantage ; they knew it was better to have only one enemy to contend with than two ; and , therefore , they very properly kicked out their would-berfriends , and are equally determined to kick the Tories out , too ; for they sincerely believe that , whilst class legislation
exists , the people will be victimised , and the country involved in ruin and desolation . The Chartists 4 id not help the Tories for love of them , but from a love of fair play which henceforth they are determined to have ; and until you act in this way , your energies will not be properly exercised for your benefit . Only ask yourselves calmly what have the Whigs done for you ? and you will have no answer that will show their friendship . Now , I argue , that you , as a people , should not support fl Whig any more than a Tory , aa all are-your enemies . It is no matter what the Liberator says about ; the virtues of the Whigs , because he is one himself ; all his eloquence will not be able to prove that they fire your friends , I challenge him or any of his adherents to do so , or to prove that the Chartists hate the Irish , because they preferred fighting with OHe nemy iu 3 tead of two .
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Only contrast the conduct of the two parties for a moment , and you will easily see how much you ought to love them . They have , both flattered you and tortured you in turn , and would equally deprive you of your natural and political rights . If one has invented a " sliding « cale , ' and thereby prepared the way to stMve you out of existence , the other : invented scales and light weights , and hung them up in the bastiles to weigh the pitiful errata which hunger craves for . If ene used the halter and the gibbet ; tbe other used fire and faggot . If one employed the executioner , the other used secret service money ,: and transportation , and tore from the bosoms of their families the sons of liberty and independence . If one triumphed over th * smouldering rulna of Ireland ' s glory , the other plunged a firebrand into the solitary stack of the widow , and with sacrilegious blasphemy declaied it was for the
benefit of Christianity t i j If one is an enemy to civil and religious liberty , the other infringed on the liberty of the people , and filled the loathsome dungeons with their bodies for expressing their dislike to oppression * In fact , you have been the slaves ef both parties , and each have ruled you with a rod of iron . Will ycur Liberator still tell you the : Whigs are your friends I or Will you , with such facts as muBt be within the recollection of each of you of their hostility to your interests , believe his reckless assertions ? . Let him turn over the black catalogue of sufferings which bis country has endured , and then if he is a patriot ; I darehim to caU them your friends . Oh ! what a mockery of friendship , and how vain the hope to obtain " Justice to Ireland " from such two-faced tyrants as the Whigs , who for the past ten years have proved themselves the bitterest enemies of the people .
If they had been really your friends , they bad opportunity and power sufBcienfc to serve you . But no ; savage as the tiger is their nature , the moment you bore them triumphant from the hustings they forgot yonr claims for justice ; and , in return for your services , presented you with a Coercion Bill , as a token of their gratitude / ¦; . . ¦ ; " . "'' . ' . V . ¦ . - . /' *¦ ¦ ¦' - ' [ ¦ ¦ "' . ¦" : ' - ' : ' -.. It is Tain to seek for justice from any class of the aristocracy , so long as the present system of legislation existsinthese countries . , Thereisnoconadenceto beplaced in the promises of either Whig or Tory , nor is there any friendship in the' advice which tells you to temporise % ith either party . . Justice will never be granted , to the people ; until they obtain that political power which will enable them to legislate for themselves ; forit is jt constitutional right that you have a voice in the making of the laws which govern you . . ' ¦ .. " .. ' ^ -- !
Irishmen ! I call upon yon / by your love of-uberty ~ c by the love yon owe yonr country—by that spirit jybifchv has sustained you in hfflictions , and bore you victorious whilst combatting the enemies of an ungrateful country , to arouse from your lethargy : shafe ^ i off your prejudices , for the moment is arrived . for action . The Whigs , yonr ia « acherous friends , are politically dead . The Tories are in power . Yon know , they hate you V their hireling press is calling for'A to silence yon , and urging your tyrants to suppress the , rising Spirit of liberty in your Taoaoms . Can yori— -will " you hesitate ? You are all familiar with the wrongs of
Ireland ; her present Wretched , miserable , ana'prostrate conditien must fill your bosons with dismay . The many thousands of her famishing and care-worn people bear ample testimony to the unceasing rigour of despotic sway , which has fattened on the misery of its victims . There is not a tewn , village , or city which baa not witnessed the sanguinary infliction of punishments which were awarded to break your noble and patriotic spirit . There are many thousands still living who have seen their husbands , wives , and children tora from their bosoms , to be sacrificed to the fury of their insa tiate enemies ; and why ? Because they loved their country batter than their lives .
Irishmen ! your spirit has not yet forsaken you ; yon are Btill the sons of liberty ' s heroes , and your country is as dear to you as to your fathers . Arise , then , in your moral migbt ; let your voice , loud as the echoiDg thunders , reach even tbe footstool of Royalty ; for it ia but right that her Majesty should know your sufferings , that she may do justice to her people . Tell her the Constitution was framed for the people , and not the people for tlw Constitution . Demand that you be restored to your proper position in societyy and that
your country be justly dealt with . Let no one prompt you to acts of violence , " or deter you from seeking your rights , whilst you do so constitutionally . Kemember your success depends on the energy with which you pursue your object , and do not forget the : greater . the moral power the greater will be the outward pressure . Your moral power alone obtained Catholic Emancipation , and your moral power , joined to tbe Chartists of Great Britain , will accelerate your deliverance . Be nnited , be firm , and bear in mind the text— ' Ask , and yon shall receive . " . "¦ ' . ¦¦¦ .. ¦ ' ' ' . '' . :
Do this ; prove yourselves worthy to be called Irishmen ; and let your motto bo " Universal Suffrage , and No Surrender 1 " ' ' ¦> ¦'' / . ' v : ¦ - ¦ , ¦ _ ' •"¦ . " . ¦ : \ ' - " ' ¦' . . ' . '¦ I have the honour tobe , FellowCountrymen , Your most obedient humble servant , W . H . CLIFTOIf .
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TO THE EIGHT HON . LORD STANLEY . " The ways of trade are grown « i elfish to the borders of theft , and supply to the bo rders ( if not beyond the borders ) of fraucL "^—Emerson . My Lord , —According to promise , I now take upon me to shew you some of the effects of " competition and monopoly . " My Lord , before I begin my task permit me to give you to understand what I mean by the terms " competition and monopoly . ' . ' ' I mean that the master , having a power over the labour of man , so as to enable him at pleasure to reduce the nominal value of labour , is competition . I mean that individuals possessing power , so that they can at pleasure enhance the value ef provisions almost to a prohibition to the labouring man , is monopoly ; both of which , ; my Lord , are protected by the real source of monopoly , " class legislation . "
My Lord , as one effect of the above source of evils , I will . introduce to your Lordship a circumstance to which I myself was eye and ear witness ; It is as follows : —While taking a walk down Noble ^ street , I saw a man in the act of running away from the union workhouse , with part of his clothes on , and the other part he had left behind him ; he looked like death ; shivering and shaking with cold and hunger . He was invited into a house ( No . 17 ) where he partook of some refreshment ; such as the good woman had to give , — broad , butter , sugar , and : tea ; in which house he told the following tale of ^ misery : — " I am a hand-loom weaver ; lived in Princess-street ; I became unwell , so that I could , not earn my bread ; made application for
relief , was put Into the workhouse , was put to bed , and there remairiei three we . ekB and a half , without being washed or shaved , or permitted to rise cut of my bed until my body and bed clothes became one living mass of moving filth , i Was not allowed to have any thing to eat ' or-drinfE , -but doctor ' s physic , and now he has so reduced -me . that' I cannot only with difficulty move along . I wanted something to eat that would restore me to my ; foruier « trength , but it was denied me . I saw nothing before me but death , and that brought on by a knave in the person of armBdical practitioneri Such staring me in the face , I ran away from the hellhole the beat way I could , and here I am , not knowing what will become of me . " ¦ :.
My Lord , the above individual has been a prod ucer of above an equal portion of that wealth , of which he was denied . - . . '¦' . ¦;¦ ¦ .., ; ' / ' \ - '¦ " ; : ¦ - ' :. _ ; - .. ' . ' ¦' - ¦ ¦ : " ' - • " ., My Lord , when Tnanufacturers go to the market to sell their manufactures , if one should sell a fraction below the other , the consequence is a general reduction in the prices of bucq manufactures . Masters come home and reduce the- wages of the labourers , which , in my opinion , is very foolish : for you , my Lord , : must ; under 3 tand , that when a Workman is reduced in his wages , he ( the workman ) is necessitated , in onierto have the same command over the comforts of life , to do more work , the consequence of which is , a greater surplus of labour ' s produce will be found to exifct in the labour market By w ^ y of an illustration to the above , I will state a fact , with which every working man is acquainted . ;
My Lord , in 1835-6 , I . was living in thi 9 town . At that time I had for weaving a Boiton fifty reed tape check , 7 s . 6 i , while at this time I have only 5 s . for ^ the same-labour . ¦ ,. '¦'¦¦ . ; : ' y-. -V " " "¦ . ' . .- ;' - ¦ : ¦ . ' :. ' . ' : ,- ' : ¦ ¦' . ' Now , my Lqrdi in erder to have the same command of the necessaries of life , I am obliged to work three yards of cloth in 1842 , for two yards in 1835-6 , allowing the price of proyisions to be the same in 1842 aa it was in 1835-6 ; but such is ; not , the case , for in , toe former period bread was only 64 for the 4 lb loaf , while in the latter period bread is 8 d for the 4 lb loaf . My Lord , you see , ia order , for me to hive the same command over the necessaries of life I am obliged before I can compete with the bread-tax monopoly to Work 25 per cent , more werk in the present year , than what I had to work in the years 1835-6 . The effect of monopoly , , - ¦¦ ' . ' - . ¦¦' : \ ¦' ¦' ¦ ¦ ' ¦ ' ¦¦ ... ' . - ' - 'C ; . ' . ' ;
Again , before I can command the same amount of proyisions I am necessitated to work £ 32 6 s . 8 d . per cent , wore work now than what I ha » lto work at the period to which I have already referred . The tffect of competition . ' . ; . ;;'' : " - . ' ¦' . ¦¦¦¦¦ ' ¦ - _ . ' - . - ¦ ¦ ¦• ¦ . '¦ ¦ - , Now , my Lord , I would ask you what will be the result of a system of government which allows such a state of things to exist ? to which question I beg to give the fellowing answer : — . My Lord , according to the already-mentioned statements , I find that before I can live the same in 1842 as I lived in 1835-C , I am necessitated to work two yards instead of one yard , which is cent per cent in the short period of six years . . ; ' ^
My Lord , if in the former period there was a general complaint amongst master manufacturers of a surpluB qoantityof ^ labour's 1 produce , what must now be the fact ? There must be an increased surplusatthie ^ rate of ( ient . ^ er cent , or the people must have lew of those enjoymenta which they enjoyed in 1835-6 ; therefore , if the system works on the same as it now does , the effect will be , the produce will become valueless on account of the extra surplus , which wiU become as abundant as stones in the street , and at the same time the peog | rtf |» f M Wmn be naked for want of ; the surplus , ^ which evU can only ^ K'f , « * & prevented by the legislative adoption of the People ^ . *? * - * " ^ --- < Charter . ' -. : . ¦¦¦ , ¦ : / , . r ; ,,. ' : ;¦' - .. .,- . . ; y - ¦ " -: 7 \ : - , ^^ ¦§ Ri ^ p ? V ^^ i > : My- Lord , I shall agai 11 address you on the awPS * - fe ^ - \ = ^*»^ ^ . V topic , after you take your seat ia the class-crtatodflftjij i' ; i ? S ^_ j a - >^ >> H \ demoniunu ¦ : ¦ " , : -. ; ¦ : ; - ^^ a ^ ^ ft ^ lifej !^ , « , '¦ A My next letter will be headed " Poor Man ' B PoliBwS- ^^^ H'i /^ ii I In the interim , I remain , my Lord , l - iwV ^^^^^ == ^ T' 3 ^/ Yours in the cause of truth , ^ r ^ $ 9 S 2 & $ T \^^^ / And a friand to the People ' s Chait ? r . \ _ ^ ^ ig L £ i = ^*^ - ' ^^ Bolton , Jiuuary 10 , 1842 . ¦ * JilEa BiGB ^ lt 3 * I VfISA \ 3 ) J
Untitled Article
'THE NORTHERN STIR . * / -: i- ^ . - -y----: ^ ^^^ W — — — . ¦ - —— — ¦ — — ¦ 1 . . ' ¦ — . — _ ., . — ¦ , —^^ __ . ' -.. ¦ .. - ¦ ¦ ¦ .,- "¦'¦ : ¦' - . / . | M ||; ' ' - ' ' ¦ ¦ ¦¦¦' .- - . ¦' - ¦ ¦¦ . - - - - - - . t ^ ¦ ¦¦ ¦ ¦ ¦ . . ^ ^ rt ¦
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), Jan. 22, 1842, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct738/page/7/
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