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THE NORTHERN STAE. SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 12, 1842.
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RE-ISSUE OF THE LARGE PORTRAITS.
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3Empm 'ai ^wTfamftrt.
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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- 10 TUB EDITOR OF IUE NORTHERS STAR . Sis , —As Mr . 0 Brien has been lecturin ? all o " , er the esoatry , I as a working man and aChait ^ st , consider it but fair that these my objections to the sTvrii of his lectures should meet the public eye in like manner , i' > d as Mr . O'Brien wi ' J return to Edinburgh about \ hs time we are in recent of the nest Northern Star , your insertion of the enfcsed in that number trill confer -c Very pirticalar favour , and enabie me to accomplish - » iisi I ittand , namely , to present it , in person , to that xvf . tlemsn and hear his remarks thereon . I have the honour to be , Sir , Your most obedient Servant , Crarlss Duscak . Cancn-street , Canon-mills , Edinburgh , 7 th Feb ., 15-J 2 .
TO J 1 MES KRO ^ 'TERRE O'BRIEN . ESQ . Sie , —At the commencement of your lectures , lately -. cv . ^ iit . ; d from making the rcinsiks I inttnii-id n-. tii . it time . I now submit tbeuj , not on purpose to raise lujstif ¦ with , tha public at the expense of ramiing ? vb lo'sra us a -writer of tbe present age has said of ifccs-3 -who paid him similar compliments ) , but for the « ii-e of trulh , to enhance your usefulness , by giving you 3 Ti ot-rx > rtunitT to correct what I conceive jou have o ! -i ? looked , or , if 1 am ¦ wrong , that you may have the MLiace to explain , and thus prevent the bad effects of y ? z f . itare criticisms on tout doctrines . ¦^
our Sr ^ t rciaik on I mean to animadvert , w-is , you dtfied any man to point out any return , either citr ct cr indirect , that the ¦ working class received for ¦ vfc ? o £ 3 j 0 , OCO . ooo the aristocracy annually filched from tt ^* u '; that it ail vr ent to uphold attoraies , priests , ir . t . -, ; al servants , hells , and brothels , and several other tHpp of a similar nature . : kr , to talre you at your 'worst point , as I consider Vn- keeper of a brothel much more a blackguard than »^ -o Va / inji' nt n msmMtnff finnen vc ¥ * P f 4 % i . e ** -c » t » V »^/ " » fVia 7 tfce ksepsr of gamblinghouseyet if this brothel
_ a - , very - ki-. prr is enabled ,- by money recemsl from the tiristrL-racy , to purchase a coat , the money given for tiuit t'ct -however polluted it may be ) becomes part of the j- » i > . ' of labour ; ard so with iOI the aristocracy , or any t- tVss upheld by them . I beg to ttat-T I hate xjih system tbat ieaves th ^ honest workman dependant «> . ; s " ch sources for his daily bread as much as you do . ; feui . ~_ 5 things now stand such is the fact ; and an imports .--., one it is to those who would have a proper view of
tE-i-T-_ 3 TSIcin . "Waat I conceive to be your next miscalculation , was a s .-ere result uf the above oversight—iiamely , that the ¦^ pc al of this Ei >^ . / oOO . ooOjOOO would bezs much clear £ ' >• - to the vTorkia ? class . ?; -, that , the money is paid from the fruits of labour is x ^ -ie ; bnt who hol d tL ^ sc ? Is it the workmen themulTe-a , or those who emplay them ? Whoever it is , xh ~ j who are possessed of tais much Imve the seeming a-1 v .: 3 tage , though that , too , is a delusion . Tj have 3 practical view of this £ 300 , 000 . 000 suppose : » £ * , & 5 > 0 aristocrats in the receipt of £ 3 . 000 csch ; . st ^ a ! ly . While these are as they are , the macufacskiers are at no luss for a market . Strike these off , ijiea suppose at least 50 , 000 individuals iat present the
gieii- onts of the earth ) reduced to the level of working roes ,- these axe now the mart for the produce of labour . But to where shall the manufacturer turn then ? The tkc : is , he must just stand still with the full kmd r . rni ¦ f-u . ^ iy parse , and pay off his workmen till the stock in L .-: ^ d is clear ed off ; and they mus t live on wha t they i : a ? e already produced until all thi 3 13 accomplished . i ?! i = b is their share of the transaction . You stated that to make the repeal of the Corn laws . berTSoi ^ l to the working class , it would require to be iwsoaipsijed by a corresponding repeal of a 1 public and I- l-refeedebts . Ton-wonldhsve been nmchnearertherrnih iw-i you said that neither could be safely meddled with , •• vr ^ i accompanied with the appropriation of the . Tcra'ss that gave any set of men the power to levy xas . es
1 . 1 -iny kind . You said you wished these laws repealed on ¦ varpr-se to provide employment . i . r , abundnnce of employment may be very import-¦ Lz- ' . t ciill 01-e thing is tqoaliy so ; that is , the reward rf U " : j ^ r . ilan is a coiisumer whether employed or not ; &ni as the amount received for what he can perform in » given time is over or under what he consumes in a iD ? e givtn time , taking ail drawbacks int ? acc ^ ant ; he : s to have a sufficiency or not Trade may bs extended lo tuy amount ; ttili as the reward for labour agrees or nc-i with the above , all the advantages ths working icss can derive rom it depend . Can flesh and blood j : . rr . ' aun its ground against the steam man , who cons-.-. vi-s not , neither requires r ^ t ? By your own state-Dii ~ . t the rarney that could formerly be ? a .: ned in one
i <; U » . rtqnires Sve to rain it now . Wili the repeal of rb = Cc-m Laws reverse this with such a competitor as > tttra in the fisid ? V : ' ould men consider this view of the case , they iroiiid see the utter hopelessness of bettering their con-• . Sucn by pressing matters farther in that direction , 01 -n any direction that leaves men dependent on labour vita such an opponent as steam in opposition . As -b !«^ 3 so w stand , free trade may be very desirable to tie holufTS of that power , but not so to these Trrh&se "SDv&iiB of rabssifcTice depends on the success of manual f- 'U'r-etltion against it So much for the first gran . I c « i . r . on of your lectures . Lit us now approach matters of graver import , not = j--t > clinz about the Eubtle working of a raise delusive
* _> » is : n of government , but discussions where the fntnre prvspects of the human race , and the eternal principles < -f - § bt and trn ' -h are involvi .-d . Toa contend for "Universal Suffrage as a right , anri if ur-. ^ fi it ncceremonionsly in virtne of a principle of ; t » uce , without mon * y or price . Yen likewise hold that sll r . re alike entitled to the p * a of the soil ; but from your method of demanding the ' -- ^• Titicn oE this risht . we have no rt . vs'jn to infer rb ^ i yen c ^ r . rlder its validity depends on : i principle of . 2 £ uee- Yon say the people hare been robbed of their : yhz to the soil , so say L They have been robbed too of ~ X ^ : f kht to vote and is not either alike irju .-tice ? I ? T 3 % : riral justice applicable to regulate nominal power , hdc not eqnaV ; y so as regards property , if so why de-.
*» asd the one as a rigpt , and offer to compromise the > tbsr ? Do we give compensation ta robbers to induce Ujein t y disgurse their booty 5 If justice is stfiident to « tabiish a claim to the vote , I hold it is equally so as fy ^ cs the land ; amd if compromise is at alt-necessary , wmust be in both cases ; tbe terms are the sameeither ¦» -y . By paying a given rent ar , y one may en joy a vote iow . This is a compromise . Bat we contend for that j .-jveJeee as a right , merely for justice sake ; then ¦ = fcerr is yonr sense of justice , when the empire of £ c-• j : iis : t * . ventES is concerned ? You know huw ninth * . ; uuble ths friends of "Universal Suffrage have bv-en put - £ > ' - ' - > convince men generaiiy that is a right for which r . '> man is bthclden to another ; so 1 h .-ld are a . 11 oar r gins , but you sevm to think otherwise ; consequently •*" c uissgree concerning our views of natural jutUce . . iusticeand injustice ! are the symbo ' . s of right and ~ -. t-.-az . Bitv&en these there is no nuiddie course
Ht * ho ct > ntends for more thr . n justice awards ; is a j ut'bbr ; and he who would be E . > t : £ Scd with less , is a iisry . Justice is the heart and soul of discussions of ¦ fcia kmd . Depait from that , and if all such ere not entirely uteless , they are something woi-se ; nor are : h * st two ways for honest men to deal with matters of ihb > iaind . siiil I conld believe tbat yon hcJd out indemnLScal ' -oa to ths 3 ristocracy for allowing justice to trie its fj-ti - ^ e in this pirticalar case , metely as a kind -of * iib : irfs : re . were it net that yocr next prGposil , namely , ' ! - - ¦> : tribarine to a National Fund , goes to perpetrate . i = same ir-justice . r-j th ; -se who -wish to uphold the prcs . a nt system , vB'Uisp Eancrioned by jusuce or no , and those who f ^ . rsot see that it is possible to form entirely new a ; it-cgeiue ! . ts , your expedient will appear quite necest _ s > -ry ; tut these who hold justice as ? . rule , and =. itcla . tfi so H 3 to mite the most of a'l thincs as
suhserv . ri , ; to that view , win -view the czse very differently . Y t . see it is quite possible for ail to have votes ; bnt / -. ¦ -: setm cot to perceive that it is cqn . Kj-pcsfible for & : ! : o be landowners . None would be more reaay- to cr :. r . d ? mn the aetion of a money clause where the suffrage k fD . nccir . ad . Then why become the advocate of that vf-ry clause in another similar ctse ? Yon have ssid the c-iu ' se c-f ils « people has be * n " burketl" by the whole yiess , v . -cd by ECirly all their advocates ; and I merely &csi , yon sr ? no exemption . Tousay this Rational Fund is required for many r - i-i . Es , c » e of which is to indemnify mote who are no- i&xmzTs ; another to give loans to enaole young men :.-. r-t UDin the world - concerxng which I say , avery-• -u :-u = » cJmiccted with the latter ease- is amply provided
: > ,: "by a siinpie ratural arrangement m tbe details of the sjsttmf ~ if justice shall dictate ; though certainly Eit If your views are adopted . As to the funner clause , j . appears the moit unjust feature of the whole . Though ;^ s-. Ue entitles cli alike to the use of the soil , yet . s ^ c-rding to your v ' ew , r . one are to have it except they par for it . You s ; y all are not inclined to be agriculj-i .-istg ; then why prtES them to be ea ? And I answer , * fcm the apathy * ho \» n about t ' resuffrage by many who jave not votes , we have a right to infer tbat many care , so- for anything of the kind . Yet you assert , jnstice e-nanot bo done till ull ire pessessftd of that right . So I t > oj-i . if justice shall rule , all must t * put in possession » toeir right to the toil . . I- ;* aa now glance o * er your details . It is one thing io iave a right , and another thing how tre are
tt- siate that right subservient to our welfare . Bor icsAasee : the Snt point in the Charter is to obtain the ilnhi to vote ; so , likewis ; , the first point in tho Land r . iiiterU to obtain possfession of the soiL The other points in either must not only square with a princirjle oi jnstice , but along -with that be formed , with an eye to utiiit-7 , for instance , annual parliament ? . Parliaments stay be actual , biennial , triennial , septennial , or centfanctri&l , sccordirg as tte one or other is mo&t likely to be 1-eneSciaL The point in the Land Charter agreeing fFjth this is the extent of allotment , which may be 0 , 10 , 50 , ~ o 0 , or 0 . 800 acres , or any ether quantity i .-odt ^ ng to ¦ utility . You propose five acres , because that extent of farm is 1 > -. T 3 ciodnctiTe , mcr > mansge ^) le , and easier subjected U- rpada culture , the superiority cf which mode over yiojjghing all are agreed upon .
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Sir , —I hold that a small farm requires the Bamel dtaree of skill and the same attendance every way that , a large one does . The only difference is in the amount of actual labour , and the principal reason , why sir . all farms , in the mean time , are more profitable than "targe ones is , that the amount of hands , according * jo the extent , are much greater . The other reason , acting in favour just now , namely , the high return pai-j by the Aristocracy for rare and delicate articles can-not be calculated on , as that body will then be anu \ nilated , nor could these things now maintain their pi-ice , were it not that the number of these farms are very limited . As to spade culture , from -what I know of the matter , I am satisfied the inhabitants of Britain ¦ will not require to resor t to that mode , more than at present , while her population is within X 50 , 000 , » 0 O ; and "between this and then ,
there is sufficient time to invent a machine to perform this piece of slavery . I beg to remind you there are other things connected with agriculture , which , if attended to well , in most cases make a greater difference on the amount produced , on the same extent , than tbe difference between plough and spade culture . And further , agriculture only requires active exertions at certain periods , wiiich proves that nature designed it to be joined with other pursuits . What say you to extending the farms to 1000 acres at least , and to the introdnction of machinery , and the following up of the arts and sciences thereon . Will your five acre farms support a sufficient number to meet this end ; or , are you aware that all the inmates of such an establishment rtay be placed on an equal fooling , under such arrangements , that no one can trample on the rights of another .
The only other point of the Suffrage Charter that came within the scope of your lecture was , the No Property Qualification Clause ; the point in the Land Charter , parallel to that is Kent You say Rent ; I say No ; or if Rent , let it be given in return for the vote as it costs nothing beside : as the land yields not without abour , 1 eontend that that do stand for that In conclusion , I beg to remind you that no one has a right to depart from a principle of justice , in discussions of this kind ; or , if they do , they have no right to insist , on any part , in virtue of that principle . " He whose cause is just is doubly armed ; " and he who advocates what is in itself ur-jost , is doubly exposed .
I have the honour to be , Sir , ¦ Your most obedient Servant , Charles Duxcan Canon-Btreet , Canon Mills , Edinburgh , February 7 th , 1842 .
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We are constantly receiving applications from new subscribers , or from friends , ¦ wishing to know upon ¦ what terms they can be supplied with the Lakge Portraits that have b « en , at different times , issued to the subscribers to the Star ; to these applications our invariable answer has hitherto been , " not ai any price" The calls upon us , however , have now become so numerous and so urgent , that we have determineU to issue them again 01 the following terms : — A person wishing to subscribe for any one of the largi Plates , must ectar his name with his News-agent , and Subscribe regularly for the paper for sis weeks , specifying at the time he enters his name the Platp h « -sraTitK .
Ai the end of his six -weeks' subscription he will receive the Plate along with his Paper for that week , for both of which he will be charged Is . by the Agent , and no more . The Agent will be charged for Paper and Piate for that week Sd . ; so that he will have 25 per cent , profit for his trouble . The Papers will costhim nothing for carriage , as they go by post ; and we will contrive to get the Plates to him for aa little cost as possible . Any snbscriber who receives his paper direct from the ones , can have the plates on the same terms as from an agent . Here , then , is an easy manner by which all who desire can have any of the under-mentioned plates : —
The Convention . John Collins . John Frost . Dr . M'Douall . J . K . Stephens . K . Eaimett , and Richard Oastler . F . O'Connor . The agents had better open their subscription lists immediately , and apprise us of the number they ¦ will reouire of each .
The Northern Stae. Saturday, February 12, 1842.
THE NORTHERN STAE . SATURDAY , FEBRUARY 12 , 1842 .
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THE PEEL ACCOUCHEMENT . So then I we have the delivery at last ! Birth was given on Wednesday evening—not to another Prince or Princess , God be thanked—but to Pxel ' s plan of " Great cry , but little wool" ! The " event" was duly ushered in . All effort had been made to give to the affair a very mysterious importance . Expectation was at its highest pitch amongst the trading classes . Teel has adroitly managed to put them off for nearly six
months , maintaining a most dignified silence , and Teferring all inquirers to " the time" when he should be able to "let them see what they should sec . " That time at last arrived . - The -i big" day came round . Pzel was punctual , ftot a day before , nor a day behind . <> n Wednesday last the ministerial bantling was brought to light , and held up to the wondering and astonished gaze of one portion of the " interested" and to the disappointment and disgust of the other portion .
la another part of our sheei we have given the " talk" used on the occasion . We have presented the reader with a copious report , that he may judge what all the ? tir has been about . From it he will learn what the alterations in the " sliding scale " are to be , should the " House" agree to Peel's proposals . He will also see that the crafty Minister has combined with his shifting duties a sort of bastard fixed duiy . This is , we suppose , to nail the Free-Trade-Fixed-Daty Whig 3 to the support of the Ministerial scheme .
One thing seems certain . The " great" manufacturers will not be able , at this time , to wri » j £ from the aristocracy the " Total Repeal . " Of this we are glad . The inflictions and scourges of the Aristocracy have been , and are , many and hard to he borne ; bat the inflictions and sconrges of the Millocracy are heavier and more numerous . The fulher , in the agricultural districts , has not yet been forced into unwilling idleness , and the infant daughter dragged into the field to attend the plough , to sow the grain , to reap the crops , and , by its labour , maintain its idle workless parents ! Nor has it yet
been openly declared that unless infants be compelled to work in the fields longer than ten hours a day , Agriculture will perish ! We are not , by any means , in love with the doings of the aristocracy ; but we are glad that the Millocracy are not to have the push upwards at the expenca of both Aristocracy and people , which they would have gained had they been able to foree " Total Repeal" from the Minister . It i 3 true that the step which has been taken is a bowing-down of the Aristocracy to the power of steam . It is true that tho claims and demands of
wealth have been listened to and partially complied with by the strong Government , " and that the claims of poverty have been insultingly dismissed . Ic 13 true that the Minister has ranked himself on the side of the " Rich Oppressor ; " and against the " Poor Oppressed ; " yet—( thanks be to the antagonistic interests of the two sections of the " Rich ones ! " )—the Millocrat has not yet been able to force that measure from the plundering Aristocracy , which would have enabled him still further to revel in the spoils of labour 1
In this , let the people see their power 1 Had they joined the Millocrats for " Total Repeal , " the " Strong Government" must have yielded ! As it is , the Milloerat must join the people for Universal Suffrage before he can get the " Repeal ; " and , when the people have Universal Suffrage , they can take care that the Jlillocrat does not" monopolize " the whole of the advantage to himself . The details of the proposed New Corn Law will be learned by a perusal of Pexl ' s speech . The length at which we give the report , precludes us from commenting on the matter at greater length .
As far as the development of Peel ' s policy has yet gone , it stands thus : — The Corn Lawg are to be resettled , ¦ with a slight alteration of the sliding scale of duties . The New P » or Law is to be continued The Ten Hours' Factory Bill is to be opposed . The 17 , 000 starving poor of Paisley , and the hundreds of thousands in a like condition , through the whole country , are to have no , relief . New Tases are to he imposed 111 How long will Sir Robebt Peel be Minister !
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BOUSE 07 LORDS . —Tuesday , Fjsb . 8 . The House was occupied almost exclusively with a conversation upon some anti-Corn Law petitions , presented by Lord Brougham , Lord Melbourne * ana the Marquis of Lansdowne .
HOUSE OF COMMONS , Tuesd ay , Feb . 8 . After the presentation of several petitions , Lord Palmerston inquired of Sir Robert Pee ] whether the treaty of the Five Powers for the sop pression of the slave trade had undergone any alterations , and whether any of the ratifications had been exchanged . Sir Robert Peel answered "both questions in the negative . The time for the exchange of theratiftoaations would not expire until the 20 th instant . In answer to a question from Lord Mahon .
Sir James Graham said tbat Government was endeavouring to diminish the number of convicts at the hulks . Some had beeli sent to labour at the repairs of the fortress of Gibraltar , and others were likely to be sent to other foreign destinations . On a question from Mr . Berkeley , Sir Robert Peel declared his intention of making a financial statement as soon as the most immediately urgent votes of supply should have been taken This postponement was with reference not at all to his own personal convenience , but solely to the public interest .
Lord Stanley obtained leave to introduce a Bill for altering the distribution of the ecclesiastical establishments in the West Indies , where the oircumstances of the last few years had muoh inoreased the demand for spiritual instruction . Ho now sought to divide the Bishopric ofBarbadoes , which comprehended also the Leeward Islands and Demerara . into three dioceses ; reducing the salary of the tkree archdeacons , so as to give an aggregate saving of 42 , 000 , which , added to the present episcopal allowance of £ 4 , 000 , would make a disposable aggregate of £ 6 , 000 , available for the endowment of these Bishops , one at £ 2 , 500 , one at £ 2 , 000 , and one at £ 1 , 500 a year . In like manner , without additional expence , he could increase the establishment of Trinidad and Si . Kitts by the annexation of two rural deans . And in Jamaica he would ask for power to the Crown to appropriate the £ 6 , 000 a year , now allowed for one Bishopric , as an endowment for two .
The House having resolved itself into committee on Colonial Import Duties , Mr . Gladstone stated that the measure he had to introduce was substantially the tame with that which had last year been proposed by Mr . Labouchere , and generally welcomed . The progressive relaxations made in modern times , and especially since 1815 , had worked satisfactorily as far as they had gono , but some imposts were still leviable , too onerous to be justified by reference either to the interests of tho colonies or to the now recognized principles of imperial legislation . The success which had attended the comparative liberality of our East India system was a fair illuBtration of the advantage that might be hoped from relaxation in the West . There had now been
time for communication with the Colonies , and for remonstrance by them , had they-objected to the priuciple of the proposed changes . That prinoiple he was desirous to carry even further than the preceding Ministers ; for the West Indian proprietors wer » now labouring uuder increased distress , which urgently required add ^ tioual relief . He had it in view to simplify the subject by a consolidation of all the existing laws that respected it . And the first change he should suggest , would be to abolish all duties at present imposed by the Imperial Parliament on articles the produce of Great Britain ; the principal of which waa spirits . He did not think it consonant with the true intent of the act of 1778 , which renounced the imposition of
any duties , " except for the regulation of commerce " to keep up any duiy imposed upon all articles alike in the colonies , or any duty upon articles of British growth . Such taxation was not for the regulation of commerce , but for revenue , and should be left to the local legislatures . To such a renunciation he looked as to a fresh act of goodwill for cementing the connection between the colonies and the mother country . In like manner , and for the same reason , he would renounce all taxation upon thoBe foreign articles which did not at all compete with British productions . He was of opinion that , instead of taxing all articles not British on their importation into the colonies , the better course would be to leave all imports whatsoever free from taxation by
the mother country , except those whioh she might select to he taxed for the regulation of commerce ; and he would state , in passing , that Government had it in view to consolidate the Customs' establishment in the colonies , there being now double bets of ofiicera there . The Canadians at present possessed an exemption in the instances of corn , wheat , flour , and salt meat , from the duty leviable on other articles not British when imported into the Canadas . He proposed that henceforth an import duty should be levied on corn imported thither from the American Bide of the border . This , he believed , would be agreeable to the Canadians themselves . The Legislature wished to give advantages to them in the consignment of their produce to England : but the settlers of the
United States had no claim to transmit American produce hither through the Canadas duty free , as if it were the produce of those colonies . The resolution ~ , theu , which he should uiove , would be , to repeal all exiv . ing duties—to impose new , ones , which should bo in addition to any imposts of the Colonial Legislatures—to regulate exemptions on articles for the use of tho fisheries—to put the produce of the Channel Islands on a level with that of Great Britain , and to declare the expediency of passing a Consolidated Possessions' Act . On wood imported into the colonies he proposed to place no duty . Suoh a tax not only checked the comforts and thMadnstry ' of the West Indies , but enhanced the prioe of production there , and consequently the cost of sugar to the home consumer . On other articles he would
propose two sets of duties , one fixed , and one ad valorem ; the schedules of which duties he then reaO and explained . Mr . Labouchere expressed his unalloyed satisfaction at the measure of Government , admitting that the alterations it had undergone since he himself had brought it forward last year were improvements . Afcer the advantages bestowed on . the East Indies , it was but common justice to give this relief to the Wtst . He felt , too , that this measure greatly advanced another object of the late Ministers—the reform of the duties levied in this country on colonial produce , especially sugar and coffee . If the present scheme were resisted , he would gladly ' aid in combatting auy opposition to it . Mr . G . Palmer desired to reserve his opinion .
Lord John Russell objected only to that part of the plan which went to introduce a duty upon corn imported from the United States into the Canadas . The consequence would be the formation of a Canadian free trade party , which it would be difficult to deal with . As to the rest , he was glad to see the assent of tho present Ministers to the polioy of their predecessors . Sir C . Douglas quoted a speech made last year by Mr . Hcrries , to show that the Conservatives had deeircd no import duties beyond what would bo necessary for protection . Sir R . Psel desired that no premature iriferenoes as to the commercial policy of Ministers might bo dravoifrom their adoption of this measure , whioh they were as fully prepared to support last year as
now . Mr . S . Wobtley supported the principle of a duty on the import of American corn into the Canadas . The House having resumed , Mr . Glastone moved for leave to bring in a Bill for the regulation of railways . He did not propose to license the drivers , a class of officers who of late had much improved ; but lie would ask for a grant of power to the Board of Trade to postpone the opening of railways not sufficiently prepared—to enforoe the production of returns of accidente—to oloBe the gates on roads crossed by railways—to refer certain classes of disputes—to check branch communications by individuals—and to take land for widening embankments .
Col . Sibthobp thought the Bill a very milk and watery affair ; and recommended a tax on railway fares , to indemnify innkeepers and other sufferers from the sysicm . Mr . Wakley wished for a more stringent measure , but did not expect to get it till three or four Lords or Ministers lost their lives by the mismanagement of railways . He did not like the tactics of Ministers in adopting the bills of those predecessors whom they had last year so muoh condemned . He entered into the particulars of the Sonnmg-hill accident , as to which Mr . Russell , the chairman of the Great Western Railway , gave Borne
explauons . Mr . Ewast approved the Bill , and deprecated any needless interference with the proprietors , who ought to remain responsible . There ought , however , to be a remedy for the surviving relatives of a person losing his life by the carelessness of a company . ¦ .- " - ' : ¦ ¦¦ Mr . Hardy desired some provision to prevent carriages with passengers from being placed Bear the engine . Sir Robert Peel disapproved any miante interference by Government , It would relax the caution of the companies , who would then feel the responsibility to be removed from themselves . Mr . Labouchere concurred in the general prinoiples of non-interference ; and leave was then given to introduce the Bill . DISTRESS IN PAISLEY .
Mr . Wallace said , that in ri .-ing to bring forward the motion of which he had given notioe , on the subject of the misery and destitution under which the inhabitants of Paisley and other towns in Renfrewshire had been so long suffering , he felt it due to that House to be as brief as possible . He should 1 m
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thus brief ra his statements , because he was convinced that no aid would be required from him in making it evident that great distress really exiBted ; bnt the House and the country did not know the extent of the privations that had been brought to light by the committees appointed by the charity of individuals in that part of the country , and who had gone into all portions of the town of Paisley and its neighbourhood , in the course of their inquiries . As far as that misery had been made known , great sympathy had been excited ; and he felt assured that all that part of the country was truly sensible and grateful for the kind feeling that waa so generally shown , and for the great sympathy that -had been exhibited , from the Queen on her throne down to almost tho meanest of her subjects . The distress of those people seemed to him as if it had been an
incentive to them to behave , if possible , with more peaoefulness and propriety . The town of Paisley had been , as was well known , for a long period employed in supplying fancy articles to the trade ef London and other largo towns in the kingdom ; and , therefore , any stoppages in trade , or any revulsion , had almost always fallen upon them , in consequence of orders not coming in for that description of goods . Her Majesty ' s Government were aware that 17 v 500 persons were represented as in the receipt of daily assistance in the town of Paisley and other neighbouring towns , of whom 15 , 000 were in Paisley alone . There were also 1 , 000 hand-loom weavers , and the Committee were employed in giving them webs to supply them with occupation ; besides whom there were 1 , 000 labourers , who were likewise employed by that same Committee . The weavers could make from these webs at the rate oi
is . a week , but not more , working at them fourteen ; fifteen , or sixteen hours a day . On the other hand , those who were supplied with money wherewith to ; -obtain provisions for themselves and families , received about Is . per week , or perhaps 2 d . per day , for each individual . Now , all those who had attended to the subject of gaols knew tbat the inmates were provided with food , which , supplied hi the most economical manner , cost considerably more than double that amount , in order to maintain the prisoners in health and strength . Among the sufferers , however , in Paisley and its neighbourhood , there waa little or no clothing , and no bedding on which to lie . And here he would draw a comparison between them and those who had the good fortune to
be placed in gaol , or in some House of Correction . He blamed no one ; he would say nothing as to the causes of all this ; but he would . say that the distress had reached an extent in his part , of the country that led him to the conviction that it was his positive duty , or that of some other Meinber ' Of the House , to make the statement that he now took the opportunity of making . His proposal was , as would appear from the notice he--had given , for an inquiry to be made , and that " an immediate and diligent inquiry . " He had been asked by many Hon . Members what sort of inquiry he proposed j and he had also been asked ( he thought half officially ) what was his own view on the subject ! He believed that the only proper mode : of making this inquiry would be to make it upon the
spot , one or two persons being sent from London to carry on the investigation ^ arid to report thereupon to the Government , and , if it were customary in such cases , to the House . When he handed his notice to the Speaker , it would be seen that he had inserted the words " upon the spot , " as he deemed such an inquiry to be the only © rie that would be satisfactory : A committee of that House had ' -, been suggested to him , but such a plan would lead to an endless inquiry , and no good result would be derived from it . It would occupy a committee very long , and would be calculated to raise hopes among the suffering people of Paisley and its neighbourhood that might not be realised , and would make them believe they were entirely neglected . He had been induced to
urge this inquiry on the Government , since he had heard the reply given to the question put to the Noble Lord opposite ( Lord Stanley ) aa to emigration . These people had a strong belief that a large field was about to be opened to them in the way of emigration . He intended to throw the blame on no one ; but still the sufferings of those for whom he now spoke were not the less severe . There were numbers who were not provided for in those litta , and those numbers were very large . If they came openly forward , they would be provided for in one way or another ; but a vast number of them could not be induced to come forward ; and he had excellent authority for saying that such great destitution and misery was exhibited to the committees of ladies and
gentlemen who investigated the state of those classes , that they came home with a degree of sorrow and disgust and with a feeling of total hopelessness that he could not describe . He had seen with great satisfaction that a proper gift from the Govern ^ ment stores had been made to those in a Bimilar predicament in Spitalfields ; and he hoped that there would be a disposition on the part of the Government to make a similar gift to his countrymen j who , if the Spitalfields weavers deserved it , deserved it no less . He could assure the House that nothing oould exceed the misery or their deserts ; and he therefore trusted that the Government had at their disposal ,. if assistance had riot already been eenttoPaisleyVa small fund by which the
inhabitants of that town and its vicinity could be assisted , He would not conceal from the House or from the Government that the week before he came to London a resolution h&dbeen come to by the clergy and the great body of individuals of any station there . There were both clergy of the established church and of Dissenting congregations present at that meeting . A motion was made that a petition should be sent to the Government pray ing for stores , either in the way of gift , as to the Spitalfields poor , or at a small cost , on which the committee might expend their remaining funds , that they might be taken , free of duty , from the bonding stores . He held a copy of that resolution in his hand ; but the truth was , that , great as was the distress in Paisley and its
neighbourhood , it was still increasing . In the town of Renfrew , arid in that of Ayr , that adjoined the former , the number of persons unoccupied was increasing at the present time . There was one thing to whioh he would call the attention of the Government , a-nd that was , that everything was done by the relief committees to induce the weavers to take webs and make them on looms . Many of them had not looms that were suitable ; and it so happened that a vast number of these people were forced , through sheer necessity , to br « ak up stories , to dig land , or to follow other outdoor occupations , to which they were quite unaccustomed . Theconsequenca was , that their hands became blistered , and now , supposing they got work , it would be a
considerable time before their hands could be employed in the fine work to which they were formerly uBed . These people could absolutely not return to their proper trade for some time , in consequence of the occupations 1 they had latter ! 7 been obliged to follow . In this state of things , believing that there would be a field of emigration before them , and that something would be done when the Parliament met , to relieve their misery , but finding ; that would not be the case , he felt warranted in making this statement to the House ; and he also felt warranted in proposing to the House , that one or two active and efficient persons , intrusted with high authority , ahould be Bent to the town of Paisley , to investigate into the state of the people there . Within
a few days they would be able to satisfy the House arid the Government of the unhappy situation of those persons . He was certain that they would be well satisfied if that inquiry were made . If such an investigation were refused , he hoped to hear from Her Majesty ' s advilfers that something would be proposed to meet the present severe state of destitution and human misery , that surpassed all he had ever known , and all that had been known in this unhappy town of Paisley for the last twenty-five years . The ; Hoh ; Member concluded with moving that au address be presented , prajing her Majesty will be graciously pleased to command , that an immediate and diligent inquiry be made upon the spot into the nature and extent of the misery and destitution under whioh the inhabitants of
Paisley and other towns in Renfrewshire have been suffering for so long a period , and are still enduring ; and further , ) that her Majesty will be graciously pleased to command , that the said inquiry be prosecuted vigorously , so that the results may be laid , as soon as possible , before this House , with a view to its providing with all speed against the longer continuance of the intolerable distress ; as also against the evident and imminent danger of disease and pestilence following in its usual course , thereby causing more numerous deaths from cold and hunger and aotual starvation than hitherto , as . -well , as increasing the ruinous tendencies of these appalling evils on the moial character of all who are directly a f - fected by them , or who live within the range of their influence .
Sir James Graham , fully admitted the distress , but expressed his fear of exciting false hopes by an inquiry whioh could open no source of relief .. The present sufferings of the Paisley workmen , which they had borne with exemplary fortitude and forbearance , had mainly arisen front the stoppage of the American trade , and from the failure of a Savings' Bank . If Mr . Wallace wished for an examination of these special facts by a committee of the House , he would , not oppose it ; but to a local commission he could not consent . Mr . Hastik said , that unless Government Btepped forward to the aid of the sufferers , he trembled for the result . . ¦ ¦' . -:.: ' ' : '¦ ¦ . ' . ' " . '¦ ¦ ' -y ^ - ' . r : . ¦ ' .. - / . ; ' '¦¦ ' ¦¦ ' ¦ ' - . ¦ ' ' ¦¦ - ¦' ¦ Mr . W . S . O'Brien recommended emigration ; Mr . Wakley desired to have an efficient Poor Law in Scotland ; Mr . R ; Yorke and Sir V . Blake looked to a change in the Corn Laws .
SirR . Pbkl applauded the conductfdf the sufferers , arid deprecated a commission which would bat excite them tofalracious hopes , and be followed by similar applications from all other distressed districts' Emigration was not a relief adapted for these workmen , who were not fit for the kind of labour requisite in colonization , f Mr . Wallaqe deolined to divide , having attained bis direct objeot of shewing to the people of Paisley that the Houae partook the general sympathy in their distress . >
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Lord Stanlet desired to remove any impression which might have gone forth , that Government had any extensive measure of emigration in view . Mn Godson requested leave to bring in a Bill for the protection of copyright , which waa gramted after aiew words from " Mr ; Waklet . : Lsave was given to the ATtoiir ?« T-GKNERAL to introduce two Bills—one for amending the Municipal Regulation Act , which subjects corporation lessees to penalties on becoming Common Councilmen ; the other for ,-allowing a writ of error in cases of mandamus . ^ v v
On Sir Geobce Clerk ' s motion , in Committee , tbat a supply be granted in accordance with her Majesty ' s Speech , ' ¦ .- ' : : ' . ' ' . . '¦ ' .. v '¦ ¦ ¦ ' : ' " ' ,: ^ : ^ -. : : ' Mr . Waklet protested against the customary mode of passing such documents . They always consisted of empty generalities . / There were very important subjects pending , which ought to have been dealt with in the speech , such as the Factory and the Poor Law questions , which would affect the character and stability of the Ministry , and determine the issue of great political contests . The party of the aristocraoy which was now most respected was on its trial . That party now possessed the powervif it had also the will , to benefit the public . Meanwhile , he did not like such a nonentity as the late speech . V . ' [¦/ '¦' ¦¦ . '¦ : . ' - '• :: ¦* : ¦[¦ ' . ¦ . ¦; ¦ ¦ ' / .. Sir George Clerk thought that criticisms on the
speech would have been better timed in the debate on the Address , when the leading Ministers are present , who had now quitted the House . Ha vindicated the Speech , and observed , that it was hardly possible for a Minister to have offered earlier explanations thau Sir Robert Peel was about to give upon most iinportaut subjects of public interest . -. A ' Government could not well introduce all its Bills at once , which would be but to dist-ract the attention of Pariiament . Mr . Wakley thought that the Poor La'w should have been earlier brought under consideration . ¦ Mr . Ferrand was content that it had bean postponed till after Easter , as it would give the public an opportunity of speaking out hi the meantime , when he trusted that Ministers would bend ta public opinion , and certainly repeal that odious law .
The resolution for supply was then agreed to , and the House shortly afterwards adjourned *
Wednesday , February 9 . [¦ The Speaker took the chair at four o ' clock , when a very large number of petitions praying for a repeal or an alteration in the Com Laws , were preBented ;
CASE OF MR . ELTON Mr . CuRTEis said he thought he should be exeroising a sound discretion if J 10 did not put the question relative to the case of Mr . Elton , which he had announced for this evening . He hoped that the conciliatory feeling he had displayed on this subject would be met by a corresponding spirit on the part of the Government . Sir George Cockburn - said he was ready to give any explanation that the House might require ; He thought the Hon . Member had acted wisely in taking the course he had done , and unless it should-be the ? leasure of the House he would not go into the case , f he found the House wished it , however , he was prepared to do so .
THE CORN LAWS . MINISTERIAL ANNOUNCEMENT . Sir Robert Peel then rose and said , Sir j I beg leave to move that the paragraph in her Majesty ' s gracious Speech at the opening of Parliament , relating to the Corn Laws , be now read . : The Clerk ( Mr , Ley ) then read the part of her Majesty ' s Speech , in which her Majesty recommended to the consideration of the . House , the state of the laws affecting the importation , of corn and other articles , the produce of foreign countries . Sir R . Peel—Sir , I now rise to mpve that the House do resolve itself into a Committee of the whole House to consider the laws relating to the importation of foreign cdrn . ¦ The House having resolved itself into a Committee , arid Mr . Greene having taken the chair ,
Sir Robert Peel rose and said , Mr . Greene , I rise in pursuance of the notice which I have given , to submit to the House the views of Her Majesty ' s Government with respect to the modification of , and the amendment of those laws which relate to the importation of foreign corn . I should cousider it a reflection on the House , if I attempted to excuse myself from entering into details . Whatever inay be the demands I have to prefer , and however unqualified I may be to relieve a subject necessarily abstruse , of any of its details by any illustrations of fancy , yet I am convinced that the paramount importance of this subject will induce the House to grant me that patient attention which , ' under other circumstances , I should have deemed it unnecessary
to prefer a claim to . I am aware of the difiiculty that encompasses the subject I am about to bring under consideration . A matter with respect to which such adverse opinions prevail , it is difficult to discuss j without making statements or admissions which will be seized upon by those who entertain opposite opinions . Still the best course that I can pursue is , to submit to the House the considerations that have influenced the judgment of Her Majesty ' s Government , and leave this to be decided upon by the reason , moderation , and opinions of Parliament . ( Hear . ) Sir , the only object at which I shall aim , in bringing the subject under the consideration of the House , is to state as clearly and as intelligibly as I can the considerations which have influenced her Majesty ' s
Government , and the nature of the measure which they intend to propose . Sir , her Majesty ' s Government have thought it to be their duty to consider the Corn Laws , with a View to their modification and amendment . ( Hear , hear . ) They undertake the consideration of that question at a period when there is great commercial distress—( hear , hear , ) -r-when there are great sufferings and privations connected with that distress . But I consider it to be my duty , in the first place , to declare , that after having given to this subject the fullest consideration which I can , I cannot recommend the proposal which I have to make by exciting a hope that it will tend immediately or materially to the mitigation of that commercial distress uuder which we are suffering . ( Hear , hear . )
My belief is , while I admit the commercial distress —while I deplore the sufferings of , and sympathise with those who are distressed , yet I feel bound to admit that I cannot attribute that distress in any degree iri which it has been supposed attributable to the operation of those laws . ( Hear and cheers . ) I do not view , with those feelings of despair in which some persons are inclined to indulge , the commercial prospects of this country . I do not believe that the resources of our commercial and manufacturing prosperity are drained ; but I do see that the operation of causes acting concurrently and simultaneously , sufficient , in my opinion , to account , in a great degree , for the depression which has unfortunately affected our manufacturing and commercial districts ; and I have that confidence in the natural resources
of this country . ( Hear , hear . ) I have had such frequent opportunities of seeing periods of depression as great followed by periods of revival of prosperity as sudden , that I confidently indulge the hope arid 'belief that we may ••¦ still recover by the operation of natural causes , and again , witness a revival of our commercial prosperity . ( Hear , hear , and cheers . ) Sir , it is impossible to take a review of the causes which have- affected the manufacturing and commercial prosperity of this country , without perceiving that there have been in operation during the course of the last four or five years several causes , the effect of each of which taken separately would be but little , whioh ^ acting concurrently , have produced an effect sufficient to account for the present state of
depression . ( Hear . ) If you look at the stimulus given , partlythroughthe extreme facility of credit to great uHdertakings during the years 1837 and 1838 , to the connexion which existed between the Companies and Directors of Joint Stock Banke , and the manufacturing establishmenta—if you look to the immense efforts that were then made for the increase of our manufactures , to the numerous buildings that were then erected for the reception of the labourers in our mauufacturies , to the emigration of labourers from the rural districts into the manufacturing districts , to the immense increase which took place in the mechanical power of our manufactures , the conseqience of the stimulug given to the manufactures in 1837 and 1838—you cm hardly be surprised that
those conscquerices should have iollowed those exertions which have so frequently followed similar exertions at former periods , ( Hear , hear . ) The same causes which were in operation here were in operation in the United States , at the same time ; arid the same consequences to the commercial ihterests there , in a greater degree , have been the result , while the derangement in the monetary affairs of the United States has acted most powerfully on the demand for our manufactures in that country ; Concurrently with that exitement and stimulus , and with the depression that followed from them , there has-been an interruption in our amicable relations with that country ^ causing a considerable deficiency in the export of manufactured goods at a recent period , as compared with a former period of our intercourse with that country . There have been also , during a considerable portion of a later period of that time , the elements of war in Europe , and the
neoessary stagnation of commerce , which fis in some degree inseparable from such a state of things . The united effect of these causes will , in . my opinion , go ' ix to account for the depression in bur prosperity . Sir , I am admitting the extent of the depression . I am equally disposed to admit the extent of the privation and suffering which have been the consequence of it . But here ^ again , " 1 am bound to . say that I ; cannot recommend the measures wniph I am about to propose , by the hope ihat any alteration in the Corn Laws will be a remedy or . some of the evils whichi in a great mauufaoturuig country like this , seem to be inseparable from society . Extead your foreign commerce as you may , depend upon it it is not a necessary consequence that the means of employment ibr manual labour will be proportipnate to the demand . Speaking of particular didtricta , whatever may be the extent of jour commercial prosperity—whatever may be the demand for your manufactures , it u > impossible not
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to feel that , coincident with the general prosperity there must be the severest partial distress . These have been so at periods of the greatest manufacturing and commercial prosperity . The necessary consequence of tke Budden improvement in machinery and thft consequent diminishing of th © demand for manual labour , must be to expose , in certain dis- ' tricts of the country , those who are dependent for their support on manual labour to great priyatione . Sir , we find hundreds of persons occupied in great manufacturing districts entirely relying for subsistence on their labour in some particular department . ¦ B y the exercise of ingenuity some improvement ia machinery is suddenly devised , is copied by otaers , which has theeffect of depriving those whosoreliedcn
their manual labour for subsistence of the means of employment , as was the case with the hand-loom weavers , —( hear , hear , " )—and with many parties ' engaged in other branches of manufacture . ( Hear , hear . ) It is a Jiard condition ^ inseparable from a manufacturing country , that there must be such revulsions in the demand for manual labour . It ia impossible , therefore , in any commercial-system , thai great privation and suffering should not frequently exist , —( hear , hear , )—although it i 3 not to be supposed that I deprecate the exercise of industry and skill . ( Hear * hear . ) It would be madness to interfere with them , —( hear , hear , )—and it would be folly to deny that in the aggregate this country has derived the greatest source of its strength from
Buch improvements in manufactures . ( Hear , hear . ) To attempt to ; obstruct it would be merely to encourage competition and rivalry Already too formidable . ( Hear , hear . ) Inseparably necessary as distress appears to be from such development of skill , and such improyeriient of machinery , I do not state this for the purpose of impressing you agaiast the importance of improvement , bnt for the purpose of disclaiming the sanguine hope that any extent of legislative enactments can exempt you from the liability to such fluctuations arid distress . In proportion , to the manufacturing excitement—in proportiori to the stimuli to which I have referred , to the stimuli of speculation , to the facility of undertaking , by undue ^ advances , the pursuit 3 of
wealth , just in that proportion must you expect that , in certain d istricts of the country these privations will occur . But looking at the general state of the country , I can neither see grounds for that despondency in which some are apt to view it , nor can I see any grounds ibr imputing to the operation of the Corn Laws , as some impute to them , any material share in the evils which we are now suffering . ( Hear , hear , from the Tory benches . ) I think we are too apt to assume that there must be a constant and rapid increase in the amount of our exports to other countries . We are too apt to ; despond whea we'find any occasional check in the amount of those exports . The extent of our commerce during the last year , if found to be less , when compared to the
year immediately proceeding it , we imagine from time to time that the resources of our pros- perity are being dried up . Now , Sir , at all periods of the commerical history of this country , these alternations of prosperity and adversity have prevailed . If yon will examine , you cannot deny that at the last period to which the returns are fully made up—a period which includes the year 1841—on comparing the state of trade in 1846 , with the state of trade of preceding years , I see no grounds for the inference which is sometimes drawn , that the Com Laws have been the ; cause of our misfortunes , and that the repeal of those laws would supply an immediate remedy . On referringto this return , I find that ia the year 1840 the exports of
British produce and manufactures- —I speak © f tneir declared value—the value of British produce exported in 1840 to all pans of the world , ex ^ ceeded the exports of 1837 by £ 9 , 355 , 090 ;; it exceeded that of 1838 by ^ 1 , 345 , 000 ; and fell short of the exports of 1839 by £ 1 , 827 , 000—a falling off , sufficient , no doubt , to create great anxiety and apprehension . But there were causes amply sufficient to account for that falling off . If you refer to the state of bur commercial transaotions with the United States at that period- ^ -with that Country with whose prosperity our own is SO intimately interwoven—you will find that , dori ng that period , there were operating causes connected with monetary derangement , which accounted" for
the temporary cessation of trade . I stated that in year 1839 , as compared with the year 1840 , there was a deficit of £ 1 , 827 , 000 in the declared ; value of the export of British produce and manufactures . But in the year 1839 there was an expoit to the United States amounting to £ 8 , 839 , 000 , whereas , in the year 1840 the total amount was only £ 5 , 283 , 000 , leaving a deficit in the value of pur exports to the United States in 1840 , as compared with the year 1839 , te the amount of £ 3 , 556 , 000 . Now that fact is sufficient to account for the falling off in the general amount of our exports in the year 1840 , as compared with the year 1839 . The falling off , however , was greatly less than the increase in other parts ; and consequently the difference was made up
by the extension of our commerce with other countries . ( Hear , hear . ) Sir , it is very satiafaotory to view the progress of our colonial trade . In the year 1837 the whole of our exports to the Colonies amounted to £ 11 , 280 , 000 ; in 1828 , to £ 12 , 025 , 000 ; 183 » , to £ 14 . 363 , 000 ; and in 1840 , to £ 15 , 497 , 000 Now let us look at our commercial transactions with these countries in Europe which are the chief sources of our supply of food . JLet us look to the state of our export trade with Germany , Holland , and Belgium . In 1837 the value of our exports to those countries , the chief sources of our supply of food amounted to £ 8 742 , 000 ; in 1838 , to £ 9 , 606 , 000 ; in 1839 , to £ 9 , 660 , 000 ; and in 1840 , to £ 9 J 04 , 000 . ( Hear , hear , hear . ) So that even with respect to those couritries which are the chief sources of our supply of corn when we stand in need of any which
are supposed to be such formidable competitors of bur manufacturers , and with which the sale of our productions is supposed to be so rapidly declining on accoujit of our exclUision of their corn , —even with respect to those countries , there has been upon the whole an increase in the export of our manufactured articles —( hear , hear . )—Sir , I cannot , therefore , infer that the operatiori of the Corn Laws is to be charged withthe depression which . . unfortunately prevails in the country at the present moment—( hear , hear . ) I do see other causes iu Operdtiori which are sufficient in a great degree to accourit for those evils which we all deplore—( hear , hear . ) Sir j in considering any modification of the Cora Laws which it may be desirable to propose , it is ioiportant to review the several proposals which have b « en already made with respect to them . Various opinions 2 re entertained with respect to the Corn Laws . There are
some ; who would admit of no modification whatever in respect to them , but would adhere to the existing state of the law , without admitting any alteration or modificatiori . It is my firm belief that this party are exceedingly limited in number in this country . I believe that , amongst the agriculturists themselves , it is the prevailing opinion that the Corn Laws may be altered with advantage . ( Hear , hear . ) So far as I can collect from the various communications that have been made to me by that body , 1 am justified in saying that tha general impression—the general feeling—amongst the agriculturists is in favour of a modification in some respects . There are also others who entertain a decidedly opposite opinion , who would consent to no modification , but would
insist on the immediate and absolute repeal of the Cora Laws . Sir , it 13 impossible not to feel that those who advocate a repeal of every imposition on every kind of subsistence for the people , are enabled to appeal to topics which give them a great advantage —( hear , hear , hear , and cheers . ) To urge that there is a law which taxes bread—an obstacle to the suhaistance of the conitnunky—an impost oa the food of the population—to urge that this is a tax maiutained for the protection arid advantage of a separate class—( hear , hear . ) —to urge arguments of this kind gives the opponents of suoh a system the power of making a corisiderable impression on those who listen to them . ( Hear . ) A comparison is made between the dearness of
food in this country , and the cheapness ; of food in some other countriesj and the inference is immediately drawn that the people of this country ought to be placed on the same footing with respeot to articles of subsistence , and tjias their condition would be materially benefitted if they were permitted to avail themselves of the labours of the agriculturists of other countries . ( Hear , hear . ) Sir , it appears to me that any conelusioa founded upon such a position would be altogether groundless . ( Heatj hear . ) The question is , can you _ infer the comfort and ease of a people , from the price which they pay for food 1 Reference is made to the price of food in Germany , and to the facilities which ; the low price of subsistence gives for the establishment
of manufactures , and the inference is hastily and unwisely drawn that the people of tnis country must necessarily be placed upon a superior footing to what they areif the price of food could undergo a corresponding redaction , and be equal with the price of other countries . I apprehend the true question is not what is the price of food , but what is th » command which the labouring classes have over it . ( Loud cheers from both sides of the House . ) The question is , whether luxuries or the neeessarie * of life are easily accessible to the people , and what command the labouring classes have over the enjoyment of the products of the country . Under the operation of the Corn Laws , let us compare the condition of the labouring classes of this country with the condition of the labouring classes in tho £ * siona
countries ; in which I admit the price of proy is- greatly less . There is nothing to impede the cultivation of corn in the Prussian States . Tha price of corn there is much less than it is in thifl country ; but can it be from hence inferred that the condition of the Prussian people is preferable to that of the people of this country 1—( loud cries or "hear , hear" )—or that the consequence of the immense reduction of the price of various articles , particularly in the price of food , must necessarily be a great increase in the comforts and enjoyments of the labouring classes I—( hear . ) Sir , there are means , from sources I apprehend of unquestionable authority , of forming a judgment -as to the comparative degrees of comfort of the people ia both the countries alluded to ; and before you determine that a low price of provisions is necessarily
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RE-ISSUE OF THE LARGE PORTRAITS .
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Northern Star (1837-1852), Feb. 12, 1842, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct741/page/4/
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