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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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MR . IL J . RICHARDSON . The mid-day post of Thursday wsek , brought us the following letter , ( cat from the Dundet Chronicle , of January 20 th , ) accompanied by a note from Jlr . Stott , most earnestly requesting its insertion . Being received at that l&te period of the -week , it was impossible then to attend to it . Last week it wa 3 disp laced by otter matter . We now give it : — TO THE EDITOR OF THE XOETHEES STAS . R espected Sm , —Nothing has a greater tendency in retard the progress of democracy than quarrels amongst those whom the people look upon as their leader ; and it is truly grievous to every lover of oar principles to observe that of late these quarrels hare been exceedingly rife , and carried on with a vituperate spirit unbecoming men m the common T ^ Tsni * of a ex eat and glorious object .
' You , Sir , are well aware that we unjust nnvf = onmeut of our Chartist brethren this feeling has bee ~ n exhibited in too many instances ; and it is easy K ! to discern the cause . When men are cast into dungeons for iaagicary cnmes , they are bewildered by the TJBanies practised upon them ; and brin g bereft of advice or consolation , coupled with Sant feeliass , engendered by solitary reflection fn Their dungeons , on the state of rheir comparativelv neglected vnres and families , business and con-™ . tfi > n
incendstently vrith the principles they are suttenng for ! I make these remarks because it has been held up as a crime for men to p lead guilty where guilt has no exi srenee ; and men who haveadrised such plead-JEiT = haTe been denounced as traitors . But it should not be forgotten that in many case 3 there was as little justice to be found as there was guilt , and that pleading has , to our country's shame be it = Doken long since become mere matter of form . In your paper of November 20 ; 1841 , was a letter , signed " A Radical of the Old School , " in which letter imputations were cast upon the character of R . J Richardson , in a series of questions , to which were " appended a no : e by yourself , written in a very uncharitable style . The queries were as fol-° ^ 2 " Is it true that Mr . Richardson went to Liverpool to give evidence against his brother Chariot , Christopher Dean \ _ _ . _
"i Is it true that he waited there five or six dars for that purpose , and received £ 6 . 6 s ., for his expences from the prosecuting attorney for his attendance I " 3 . Is it true that he told the Manchester friends , in excuse for the postponement of his lectures , then advertised for delrrtrj , that he had to go to Dublin , and that he represented hiwself as being off for that city , at the time he was waitiog in Liverpool to give evidence against Dean ? " 4 . Is it trae that the constable who apprehended Bean told him that Richardson had been paid a sovereign for pointing out the house where he ( I > ean ) was to be found ? '
Having put these queries , or , as the writter in the latter part of his letter calk them , " charges , " he asks whether they are true ' or false , and concludes by an anathema upon the man who could be guilty of Each conduct , - —a course utterly at variance with justice , and to ordinary readers conveys the idea of a " foregone conclusion , " or as the lawyers say , mafice prepense * Mr . Richardson was applied to by his friends to reply to the above charges , bathe refused to do so , saying he shonld treat them with contempt ; stating also that it was an ungrateful attempt
to destroy his name witu the public , to serve particular purposes which he did not chuse to name , but which to the world were evident . His friends , not EatisSed with his silence , Eeeing that the above conduct towards him was likely to deprive the public of hi 3 future services to the cause of democracy , and feeling anxious that he should not be forced into retirement , at once resolved to meet the charges , and aft them to the bottom . The whole affair having been investigated , I have been instructed to answer your correspondent ' s allegatians with candour and truth .
To the first query we answer , it is not true ; and the facts relative to the charge are these . When Dean was at Kirkdale he wrote to Richardson for his advice , and requested him to see Mr . Hereford , the prosecuting attorney , about his case ; this Mr . Richardson dud , and received sneh information from him that induced Mr . Richardson to write to Liverpool , where Mr . Dean was awaiting his trial , and afterwards , at the request of the attorney , went to Liverpool , and communicated with Sir . Dean such information and instruction as was necessary to carry him through his approaching trial .
The second query has been partly answered in the above paragraph . As to his having received £ 6 6 s . for Sve or six ' days' services , we have made every inqrdry , bnt have not been able to trace any snr . h money to Mr . Richardson ' s hands . The probabilities- are that he has not received such sum , as we find Mr . Richardson , on his return from Dublin to Liverpool , borrowing money from a friend at Liverpool , \ o enable him to stay in Liverpool after Dean had pleaded ijulliy , to procure bail for Dean . Mr . Stuart , bookseller , of Liverpool , was one to whom Mr . Richardson applied to give bail for Mm , which Mr . Smart could testify . Indeed , had Mr . Richardson been there as a witness , it is well known that he conld not have obtained one guinea a day—a sum only allowed to professional men , the faculty , and to merchants .
To the third query . We have ascertained that Mr . Richardson did not give up his lectures in Manchester because he had to give evidence against Dean , but in order that he could serve Dean in his dificnlties , and at the same lime , whilst in Liverpool , he went to Dnblin on his lawful business . Daring his stay at Liverpool he called upon Dean , and remained with him fer some days , tendering his ssfisrance in erery way , for which . Dean was , and is to this day truly grateful . The fourth query insinuates , that the constable who apprehended Mr . Dean , told him that Mr . Richardson had been paid a sovereign for showing where Mr . Dean lived . This charge is answered by Mr . Dean himself , who positively denies the assertion : and fnrther , we went to the Chief Commi 3-
Hoaer of Police—the highest and best authority in Manchester—under whose direction Mr . Dean was apprehended , and he unequivocally affirmed ! t to be a lie ; intimating that policemen w-. re not , generally ipea ^ iog , = o patriotic S 3 to give sovereigns for such Krviees ; and that the arrest of Mr- Dean took place in consequence of a Bench warrant , issued at the time Mr . Richardson was indicted , and which he considered it to be his duty to serve , hearing that Mr . Dean was in town . He stated also , taat when ib . Dean was arrested , Mr . Butters orth and Mr . Eickardson came and offered bail for him , but being taemselves usder bail , and the assizes taking place ma few dajs , he recommended them , Messrs , Bntterworth and RichardsoB , to let Mr . Dean go to Liverpool . V > e hare impartially investigated the whole matter , and it is onr firm belief that the whole of the
enzrges are false , and have had their origin in emocs ^ hear-says" and " sajs-sos" of malignant tongues . In conclusion , we beg to request yon to pen this letter in justice to 31 r . Richardson , and to counteract the pernicious tendency of the lerter of tee ' Radical of the Old School , " who , we feel wepd to say , ought to have given hi 3 name when he prerers charges of such , a serious nature against an ezruaeu ; individual . ^ ilr . Richardsson has been a grievous sufferer in tse cause of Chartism—sufferings which none can i £ cw so wtli as his particular friends—sufferings ileost unparalleled amongst Chartists . Imprison-32 rut aud pecuniary embarassmeiits , brought on toough Ms zeal and aciiriiy in ihe cause of demo-Racy , have reduced him from affluence to poverty , Seu we feel justified in declaring , that at this mo-Etc ? it . J . Richardson is more worthy of the 5 up-P&n of every real lover of liberty than of public opprobrium and censure . His usefulness cannot be
PiHUoned , and his services to the cause cannot be overrated . Why , then , should we sacrifice his ™ &ij and his service * ? Let us be just , at all events , « 'we onnol be generous .
I remain , yours in the cause of freedem , Benjamix Stott , Manchester . &-PJ tf lh . Dean ' s letter to Mr . Richardson : — Kirkdale , 25 th March , 1841 . _ 5 I V-I am advised by parties here 10 employ yxxsz l _ on my trial . I have rot the means to do so .- Ifish yonr advice , and the advice oi my friends J& this subject , whether you think it necessary to tZzeiurthiT steps in my case . Write by return of J * n , and 1 « me have all information possible ; and ^ io , if joe have seen the prosecuting as attorney * m what he thicks of the matter .
Yours , respectfully , Christopher Dean . 9 ° this we have one or two words to say . The fcnter chooses to make it appear that the " charges " * PiBsi Mr . Richardson we : e originally preferred by ^ e "Radical of the old School , " whereas he mnst tore known that they were preferred by a number oiUiartissin Manchester , who placed their nasnes « toe bottom of them ; and that , after they had » &n uncontradicted for along period , the " Radical " teerely wrote to ask if they were true or false ; avering * -m if they were true , Mr . Richardson was politicly damned . We mention this , to prevent the Possibility of its being thought possible that we shonld ^ e given currency to charges bo black ca anonyj&Kis authority : for tiii 3 is the inference to be ? awn from Mr . Stoit ' s letter , as he has put it . It ^ . with persons wAo gave Iheir names that Mr . «; c 5 ardson , or bis knight , Mr . Stott , has to do ; and « iwith the '• Radical- "
Who this Mr . S . ott is , or who are his friends , that ? as volunteer a defence for Mr . itichardson , when <• dteuos one useless or unnecessary himself , we f * w not . At all erects wtf think Mr . Richardson gs causa to be thankful to them ; for ; hey certainly 5 « Cj ifl this matter , shown a much greater regard ^ aii fair fame than he has evinced himself . J-fie public , however , have , at last , some sort of an v ^ ip to the charges that were preferred against **¦• ft . some six monihs ago . by parties Manches-
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ter , well known , and who gave their names . Mr . Stott says " the whole matter has beea impartially isvestigated f but he does not inform us whether Messrs . Joseph Linney , James Wood , Paul Pairclough , Samuel Chamberlain , Hemy Nuttall , James Wheeler . James Harrison , James Leech , Thomas Davies , George Mitchell , and Robert Gray were parties to this investigation or not ; or whether they even knew of its being entered upon ; and we opine that they ought to have known of the investigation , " and been parties to it too , for they preferred the charges , under their own hands , in the Northern Star , of the 14 th of August last . We fancy these parties should have been informed of the intention of Mr . Stott
and his friends to institute this "investigation " or they ought to have been waited on , and asked on what authority they preferred the " charges , " and what evidence they had to offer in support of them . It does not appear from Mr . Swrtt ' s letter that this has been done . The " investigators" seem rather more disposed to fix the preferment of the " charges " upon the " Radical of the Old School , " and to fight with him , than with these persons , who live at Mr . Stott ' s own door . What the gentlemen above-named will say to Mr . Stott we know not ; but , unless they have been parties to this " investigation , " we suppose they will have something to say , either in unison " or in rectification .
One word more . Mr . Stott says , that the note we appended to the letter of the *• Radical" was written in an " uncharitable style . " If it it were li uncharitable" to call upon Mr . Richardson to meet charges so strongly put , and so openly made , we were " uncharitable . " But , at all events , we were iio more so than Mr . Stott We saw the necessity of these charges being answered and rebutted , could they be rebutted ; and we said so . Mr . Stott saw the same , and not only said as we did , bat generously attempted the task which Mr . Richardson should have performed for himself long ago . ]—Ed .
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TO THE PEOPLE OF IRELAND . FELLOw--Cor > TRT 3 iEN , —In my letter of the 5 th inst-, you will remember that 1 proposed a question for yotrr consideration , namely , " are we justified in points of law and religion in opposing our present rulers ?" You nave therein seen my opinions on the justness of such a course , and we -will now , if you please , consider the latter , Irak perhaps not less formidable part of the question , and examine ¦ whetber religion binds us to otsy those who iijnre ur . Before -we proceed , it may not be improper to rem \ rk , that nature endowed o'l beings with instinctive powers for the powera of self-defence , and tins , man " , amongst the rest , possesses the principles of self-preservation . He is , therefore , so for ? s nature is concernel , justified in opposing all measures which are at varianc 3 with bis interests or happiness .
The principles of self-preservation is , however not equal in fll , for whilst many persons possess scarcely sp ut sufficient to cany them through the ordinary dificulties of life , and who tremble at the shadow of opposition , by Tar the greater number possess it in the extreme ; it is this superfluity of principle which creates the bad passions of the heait ; and thus man becomes sri agg . essive animal . We find the superfluity of this pilnciple evincing itself 3 n the conduct of the firstboiii of the human race—bis bad passions are escit 3 d against b 5 <» brother , and are only extinguished in his blood . Man bas , therefore , from the commencement distingpisked fciraself for acts of cruelty to bis race , and has borne , " and yeiy justly , the chaiacter of an aggressive onnnil .
When the great First Cause brought man into existence , he foresaw that such would tm the consequence , and wisely -imposed injtmctions upon him that he shonld obey bis commands , and testified his displeasure at the conduct of Cain for murdering bis brother , for the Scriptures say—" His bleod cried t « Heifenfor vengeance , " aad that "the " Lord Bet a mark upon him . " It wonld be folly to attempt within the small cempass of a letter to state all the facts -which bear upon ^ his point * r that tend to prove that Heaven from the commencement disapproved of violence and oppression ; suffice to say , that religion was founded by the " Redeemer" for the purpose of restraining the violence of men ' s passions and to unite them in bonds of fraternal charity . How- far this object has been attained , I leave to the sanctified hypocrite of a State Church to determine , but how far the present system of Church Establishment in " these countries accords with the intention
of the DivinB Pounder of religion , remains to be shown . We shall now take a rapid glance of the leading features of the two systems , and I sincerely hope the contrast ¦ will lead yon to perceive that you are justified in point of religion in Opposing your present rulers . All parties professing Christianity , no matter what their sect , agree that charity is the basis of true religion ; and this is further proved by the life and deata of the Redeemer , who offered himself as a sacrifice for the benefit of man . Here , then , we may ask , what is the charity evinced Dy tfee apostles of our State Church , or -what " Mother Church" herself can show to prove that htr principles are based upon Christian charity ? Answer me , thou bloated hypocriycal old woman . Have you one solitary feeling of sympathy in your adamantine bosom for the
sorrows , the miseries , the -wretchedness , and almost hopeless condition of the suffering poor ? Shew me , if yon can , that your principles are based npen Christian charity , "whilst you live in open hostility -with the class ¦ whom the Redeemer recommended to your especial care , pnd tnih -whom he resided upon earth . Had your Divine Master a palace , servants , horses , coaches , and all the psraphanalia of elegance and luxury to wait upon him ? or dost thou never reflect , that although you sleep beneath a gilded canopy , with coverings of purple and gold , that He , in -whose footsteps you profess to tread , " b&d ' Tiot a place to lay his head . " Tell me , charitable Old Lady J what yon think of the Son of Goi satisfying his hunger by " plucking ears of corn on
the sabbath , " and of the starving and famishing millions of his creatures who surround yonr palace whilst your tables are groaning beneath a load of luxuries procured from their blood and garnished by their tears ? Answer me , Old Lady , -was the Church of Christ a political church or did yonr Divine Master employ bayonets and halters , or did he use fire and sword to enforce his doctrine , or compel those -who differ wifh him to conrubnt-2 to his support ? Did he raise the widow ' s son , or , like you , stsiu her threshold with the blood of her orphan children ? Oh , no ! he shed no blood save his own ; Ecr fcis he shown yon , either by precep * or example , that religion shonld be established by force or supported'by the life-blood of innocence .
Of what benefit to religion or to socitty is the connection of the Church with the State ? or does it make men more holy or exemplary by being compelled to pay for prayers -which are offered conttBry to tbeir notions of "worship ? -Is it just that nine-tenths of the people of Great Britain should bs compelled to support a pampered hierarchy , -whilst miiliona of the people are starripj and dying for want of the common necessaries of life ? What ! shall a sum little short of ten millions sterling be annually given to those locusts , -whilst thousands of the families of the pcor have to live upon ll ^ d . per hea ^ per week , and whilst famine and miiery are xavaipng the land , and the voice of the oppressed and the poo :- are crying to heaven for vergeance ? Tremble , you mighty hypocrite , vengeance -Kill assuredly come , for He who will not let a sparrow fall to the ground will ere long stretch out his hand and avenge the wrones of the poor .
"We are told that the people of these countries posiesB liberty of conscience : bnt ' can it be eo when they axe compelled to support a clergy whom they do not recognise , and raise churches which tbey never enter ? . - If we are to have liberty of conscience , let us have it as we onght to have it—let every Church support its ovifl miniittrs ; and I cannot see "why the saints of a Stats Church cannot live as the ministers of other Churches do , and walk to church on a Sanday , as many a mere zealous ndvocate of Christianity tloes , instead of riding in a gilded coach at the expence of the people . N < jr can I see "why , if they arc truly the disciples of their sanctified Master , they should not , lite him , be content to follow bis exavuple .
He bad no coach to xide in ; and yet he travelled to thB mountain , and not only preached ; but fed the multitude who followed him . Do the bishops of our " State Church" do so ? Are they to be / band in the " highways" and " byways " inviting the people to the marrage feast ; or do -we find them bleising the Ioave 3 and fishes , and distributing them amongst their famishing flocks ? O , no ! It -would be quite unfashionable to do so—the Redeemer was a little-minded beiug-when compared to his modern disciplers t , f a State Church—they find it merecomfoitab ) e , more genteel , to lounge in " a cbapel of ease , " and dose a ^ r ay the time of seiiice in a crimson co'ihioned pew , to the edification of their wealthy and fashioniblfc Eeizh boors . And as to loaves and fishes , thsy are all
to bs found in my lord ' s pantry . Tbey are almost out « f fashion -with the multitude ; for it is now three hundred years Hnce the state church begun to angle for herself , and so t expert has she been that she has scarcely left a -sprat for die poor . Only let a score or two of the miserable victims of hunger and oppression present themselves at the door of a Right Reverend Father in God ' a palace , and you will have an opportunity of witnessing the unbounded Christian charity he possesses for his suffering fellow creatures ; his heart will be filled not with compassion , bat pride . And it is not improbable that , instead of sending his servants with fosd to nourish their fainting bodies , he will hand them over to . tee tender mercies of the " police , " and hive them dragged to prison for intruding themselves into
his presence , or daring to put their unhallowed feet upon his consecrated door step . O , no ! The loavea and fishos of the poor have too long found their way to the table of the bishop ; and when they ciy out that they are starving they are told in a spirit of Christian charity to " go to the "Union . " Yes , poor souls i they are driven from the door of one shark into the jaws tif another . And which ever way they turn there is some monster ready to prey upon them . Yes I this state church is , of ail other churches -which we are blessed with , the snJy one which scorns to follow the example of the metk and humble Saviour . She alone must have ioncurs and dignities . She alone requires millions of the people ' s lisoriey to prop np her Christian charity although the people themselves have not bread to eat
So , the -working classes have been , and are , the victims of the avaricious graspiags of the mest bypocritical system of Christen charity which ever cursed a nutkn . M j fell -countrymen , have net you been
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also -visited by the locusts ? Have you not suffered at their hands , the most unheard-of persecutions for your religious opinions , and been compelled to contribute your suppoit to your persecutors . Yes ! you have seen a State Church rearing its head in districts where the parson , hU clerk , and one or two families comprised the congregation , and you have also , although you never entered ib , had to pay your tithe for its support . And that , too , when perhaps your children / and your wives were famishing with-want and misery . I ask you , Irishmen , Catholics and Dissenters—nay I ask the honest Protestants of Great Rritain jinri :
Ireland , is it justice , or is it consistent with Christian charity , that such an unholy alliance should exist between Church and the State ? The Church of Christ was not a political church—nor were the Apostles " lords" and " law makers . " No , bat the Apostles of the Stats Church are both , and whilst they enjoy their dignity at the expense of the poor , they assist in making laws to grind and coerce them . This , my fellow-countrymen , is one of the evils which the Charter will remove ; and if it does no other good than to purge the nation of this monstrous incambrance , it would be worth struggling for . You have seen , that justice is denied you , and that you ate the victims of a host of tyrants , whose interest it is to enslave you ; they know that the moment yon obtain
j political power , you will get rid of them , and there-I fore they oppose you with all their might ; they have I ever made it their study to keep you beneath , their feet , j and for that purpose the saints ef a State Church have j kept the people in ignorance ; for they well know tbat ! were they educated , they wouM become politically wise , I and that having knowledge they would soon obtain ( power , and that the exercise or that power would j quickly produce the political prostration of the State i Church ; . they know this , and it is to prevent such j results that they thus labour against you—but their efforts are vain , the people will no longer be imposed on . I Their tyrants have ruled them long enough —the naughty Tory fcaa trampled on your
liberty , and crushed you beneath the iron hoof of despotism , until your spirit cannot bear it longer with submission . The treacherous and contemptible Whigs have sacrificed you to their ambition , and laughed at your credulity , until the Chartists , your friends , have swept them with indignation from the theatre of their villanies . The Church—aye , that overgrown nurse of bigotry and hypocrisy—has too long revelled in luxuries at your expence , and fattened on the miseries of the people . Bat the people are awakening to a sense of their political degradation , ami axe determined never to ce ; ise to assert their power and dignity until they obtain that liberty and happiness to which the laws of nature and of man entitle them .
Irishmen ! you are a great portion of the people ; you have been plundered of your birthright , and the damning influence of class legislation has prostrated your country and yourselves to tue brink of ruin . Arise no longer crouch beneath the footstool of your tyrants , but in your moral strength unite -with your friends , tae Chartuts , in raising yourselves ti your proper position in society . Remember , all power originated from the people , Bnd that as there can be no Government without a people , so should they also be the source of all power . Shake off your fetters ; be free as your fathers , and cease not to agitate until you obtain that political power which will enable you to legislate for yourselves . Gtet rid of your Stata Church , and present system of " Christian charity , " and establish in reality civil and religious libeity .
I have the honour to be , Fellow Countrymen , Your most obedient servant , W . H . Clifton
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TO HAMER STAKSFELD , ESQ . " Taxes are jiivd monetary payments and do not lotcer ¦» ith the fall of prices of produce . "—James Penny . " AH classes will prey upon all other classes just as much as they can and dare . "—Hamer Slansfcld . Sir , —It is a favourite maxim with the politicians of your school that , if the Corn Lhws were repeatedif we bad a complete " free trade in corn , " it would increase our commerce m an unlimited degree , and give us , according to your own fctatement , " prosperity for ages . " Ltt us devot 9 a few moments to the patient consideration of this question , and endeavour to come to just conclusions as to the bearings of the measure upon our commerce .
Before I proceed , it may , perhaps , be necessary shortly to inquire in what commerce consists . What , then , is commerce ? What are its elements ? It is simply the * ' bartering" of the surplus produce of an individual , or a collection of individuals , for the surplus produce of another individual , or collection of individuals . Mystify the thing as we may , ' " to this complexion it will com « at last . " And ,, when no third party steps in to distorb the balance of " reciprocity , " it is one of the most simple operations in the world . Now then , Sir , let us take things as they are at present ¦; and that I may not be acensed of misrepresentation , I will take the description of our state given by
men of yeur own party . Lord John Russell said , " Oat merchants and manufacturers -were in the srulf of bankruptcy , and that our labourers had eaien their beds " . And Mr . Holdfortb . stated , in last week's Times , that he had personally visited a part of Leeds , and he found " many of the families not having a morsel of anythin ? eatable in the house . Amongst the whole number , one family alone bad a loaf of bread , one twenty potstoes , and another five . One family had EXISIED for two or three days so ' ely on frosted ; OR rotten potatoes , found on the wharf , near a vessel from which potatoes tcere unloading'' ! ! I "will quote no fnrther . This state of things is too horrible to be borre , and must—yea , must—be changed either by one means or
another . Well , then , here we are in the state above described : and , in order to carry out the theories of your class of politicians , let us suppose , in genuine quack pbni . se , that the " universal medicine , " the repeal of the Corn Laws , wkich is to cure us of all the ills that flesh is heir to , is applied to-morrow . Let us suppose this ; how is that measure to cause you , or any one else , to manufacture one single yard of cloth more than they do at present ? Don't be ? n too much haste in answering ; take time to deliberate befo . e you make up your mind .
Again , Sir , I ask , how is it to cause one single yard of cloth more to be manufactured than is at present ? You will reply , after taking time to think , tbat if we could take the corn of the Polandcr , he would take our manufactures , give our labourers " cheap bread , " and cause us to have " prosperity for ages " ! Let us try that—let us take you into the market where we have been so often before , and see how your scheme wi 1 tend to increase the quantity cf our manufactures . Suppose then , S'r , yeu take your nine yards of cloth into Leeds market to " barter" for nine loads of wheats and by w ^ y of increasing our commerce you barter it with the Polander instead of the Englishman .. Now , Sir , you have ' bartered" with the Polandtr ; you bave increased our foreitn commerce ; but how have yon ' wctensed thu gross amount of our Hipiiufactnrts ? If the Polandtr bas gotyour nine yards of cloth h : v 3 not the English farmer to go without ?
But , you vril say , if the Corn Lawa had been repealed the Polander woi'M have given me eighteen loads of wheat for my nine yards of cloth ; and th * n -we should bave heard no more of " families living solely onfrosttd or rotten potatoes . " Yes , it does appear , at the present , as if you could get a greater number of loads of wheat of the Polander for your n > ne yards of cloth than you can of the Englisman ; but , if the Corn Lawa -were repealed , prices would at once be eqw . discd , and therefore you could get no more of the Polander thin you could of tlie Englishman .
But , you are here ready to exclaim in triumph , am I cot bettered , then 1 do you not yourself acknowledge that I thould get eighteen loads of wheat for my niue jaTds of cltth , instead of the nine loads ¦ which I now get ? And would this be no advantage to those who are living on " rotten potatoes V Do not chuckle too soon , Sir . I do not intend to accuse you of the gross ignorance , the monstrous folly ef those who say tbat wages would net fall in consequtnee of the fall , or tqualisation of pi ices . You know better . You know that the farmer could notcoutimie to pay the same rents , nor the same prices to bis collar maker and his blacksmith , nor the same wages to his labourer , with corn at tbe nominal valne of- ten shillings per load , that fee could when he gf , t twenty shillings per load . The thing
is too gross to bs entertained for a moment by any one but a " Political Economist" ! And you know also that com , being the great standard of acixtal value , all other things ultimately find their relative proportion in price ; and that coristqnenrty- wool would find its relative value . That is , o load of wheat would be worth as many pounds of wool or yards of cloth , after the repeal of the Corn Laws , as it is at the present In shoit , you know , that if the load of wheat which is now worth twenty shillings , were to come to be worth only ten shillings as a regular thing , the yard of cloth which is now worth twenty shillings would come to be worth only ten shillings likewise . Do net think that I have forgot " the fixed monetary payments " . But I had a fancy to argue the tbine with you just as if Ifaere had been no such thing
in existence . Now then , Sir , with your cloth reduced in its nominal value in proportion to the price of wheat , take yourself again into the market with yonr nine yards of cloth to exchange or " barter" for wheat and then you will find that the Polander can give you no more than the Englishman , and that neither of them will give you any more than nine loads of wheat for your cloth . You saw the high relative value of the Englishman ' s wheat , as compared with the foreigner ' s ; and your mouth watered at the ideaf of getting eighteen loads of low nominal valued wheat , for your nine yards of high nominal valued cloth ; forgetting that the same causes which had made the farmer ' s wheat of a high nominal value , had also caused your eioih to be of high nominal value , too .
Now , then , Sir , let ua go back to the place from whence we started , and ask yon how a Repeal of the Corn Laws is to cause one single yard of cloth more to be manufactured ? Ltt us suppose , tken , that the corn requisite for the consumption of England takes the p : oduce of five millions of acres , and that there is employed upon thes millions of acres one million of
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labourers , who , of coarse , are consuming manufactured articlea in proportion to their ability . Now , then , Btippose the Corn Laws repealed , and , to make the case complete , suppose that we purchase the whola of oar wheat of the Polwider , instead of the EngJfibman , how would that increase the consumption of cloth to yon aa a manufacturer ? it la true you would have increased your foreign trade , but would not the home trade have diminished In exact proportion ? Then , how do you increase your trade ? To put the thing in another shape—to make it clearer , if possible—let us suppose that ifc took twenty millions of yards of cloth to " barter 'for th « whole of
the corn consumed in England ; and let mb suppose that , you have been in the habit of bartering with the English farmer for tbe amount wanted—and let us suppose that the Corn Lawa are repealed , and , further , suppose that you take a faney , by way of " increasing your foreign trade , " to " barter" your twenty millions of y&rda of cloth -with the Pole , how will you have increased your manufactures ? True , you will hava increased your " foreign trade ; " true , you will have benefitted the Pole to theamount of the cloth he has received , but -will not the Englishman be injured in exact ratio ? Will not the Englishman have ceased to consume in the same ratio that the Pole has begun to consume ? :
But , even allowing that it will increase pur foreign trade ; and even that it would increase it in proportion to the whole of out consumption of wheat ; suppose this monstrosity ; how would it increase the general trade or employment of the country ? Would there not be the whole of the farmers who ara thrown out of employment by om- purchasing wheat of the foreigner ready to enter into the manufactui ing of cloth , to make up for the extra demand ? ' Then , how , even in this case , do you in the leaBt increase the quantity of labour , or benefit the labourer ?
I know that M'Culloch haa told us that our purchasing our articles of the foreigner makes no matmer of difference in th » long _ run ; " that it only changes the species without diminishing the quantity . " Tli » man must have been grossly ignorant , or tnve possessed most astonishing powers of face , before he : could bring himself to make such a statement aa this 1 But , however , taking it jia a truth ; allowing that it -would not " diminish the quantity although it changed the species ; " still , wise M'Culloch does not pretend thai it would increase the quantity . And without it increase the capacity of either the foreigner or the Englishman to purchase , how could It increase our manufactures ?
Then , Sir , howiwill the repeal o £ the ; English Corn LawB have increased the power of the foreigner to purchase our manufactured articles ? What would he have to give in exchange -. ' then , which he has not now . Come , tell us , what more he would have to exchange ? The repeal of our CornLawa could not have increased his means of exchange . He would still have only his corn , and why should we go to Poland to purchase it if we could get it as cheap at home ? And , aa the repeal would equalise prices , vre undoubtedly could purchasefas " cheap" at hoinr . Then why purchase of the foreigner ? And if our purchasing of the foreigner enables him io consume our manufactures , does not our not purchasing of the English farmer i disable him from purchasing in exact ratio ? Besides , should we not have the home farmers thrown idle by our ceasing to purchase of them , competing with us aa manufacturers ? Ah , air , things are not quite so smooth as you seem to dream ? . ' .
In considering tbe question in this light I have purposely kept out of Bight , " the fixed monetary payments . " I have argued as if the publio engagements of both Polander and Englishman we e eqtud . You know they are not } And you also know the Injustice that the monstrous inequality existing between them would inflict upon the British farmer , under your " Free Trade plan . " But I will return to this subject again . :: ' , - ¦ James Penny . Mill Bridge , February 1 , 1842 .
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THE STONE MASONS ON STRIKE , FS . 0 M TUE HEW HOUSES OP PARLIAMENT , ASD NELSON ' S M 9 NUMENT , LONDON , AND THE WOOLWICH DOCKYilKD , to the Public andthcTradss of Great Britain and Ireland . " Through the ex i sting system of unequal exchanges ' the working classes are plundered on all sides . They form , like their parent earth , a common pasture-ground , by the impoverishment of which ' all crawling and creeeping thipgs feed sind fatten . " Brethren , —Changes have taken place in our position since we last addressed you , calculated to cheer us on in the good fight" in which we are now engaged . The vitality of the " league" recently instituted iu Cornwall to " starve our members into submission , ' ? , has already departed . With on © exception a virtue has been made of necessity , Grlssell and Pete ' s orders abandoned , and near thirty of our members have ledumed their usual employment
At Woolwich , a complete mutiny has taken place . Gri 8 sell and Peto finding that even at the pittance vmt » which they had reduced , those who have attempted to fill tbe places of our members , they were by far too unprofitable a bargain , or , as we have before stated , to get rid of vhetiv , on Saturday last had all their jobs valued , with a view to the general introduction of piece work . A rebellion was the immediate const quepce ; " routs , riots , and tumultuous meetings , disturbing the peice of their taskmaster , " followed in quick succession , aud , so far as our knowledge now extends , resulted in above fifty of them making their exit , loudly denouncing the treachery aud " inhumanity" of Grissell and Peto towards them ; and amidst tbe execrations of a duped populace , with whom it appears they bad somewhat extensively contracted debts .
At the Houses of Parliament they have been several nights seen engaged taking down wort which the architect had condemned . Little or no progress is perceivable in the building ; and wo hesitate not ; to predict , ttat proceedings , similar to those which have transpired at Woolwich , will immediately follow at those works , preliminary to tbe entire disbanding of the incongruous mass of rubbish they ; have taken so much pains to collect . ' . ¦ ' On the evening of Tuesday the 25 th ult a " feed" in commemoration of the " JEoyal farce , " which came off at Windsor tbat day , was given to those employed at ihe Houses of Parliament . Grit-sell alt jndetl , ; and harangued them at considerable length , during which he
8 > Uited , that " Often had he and . his partner congratulated themselves on the efficient , steady , and industrious set of masons they bud in their employ ; tbat they were a jewel to any employers ; that he regretted their withdrawal from his employment , and sympathised much for them , knowing that they must have , endured many privations ; he gave them credit for the determined wanner in which they had opposed him ; they bad not left a stone unturned likely to aiftct his interest or facilitate in their favour the termination of the strike . He was , however , sure that it had all been the work of a few disaffected and designing msn , whom , he thought , ¦ would soon , gtt into other employment , ; and then the rest would return aud work conifortably with them . "
In juxta position with Grissell's statement relative to the turnout being the work of a few , we place the conduct of tbe whole for the very long period of twenty weeks ; the great number that turned out , and the few that have turned traitors , notwithstanding its taking place and continuing through that , season of . .. the year in which they were least likely to be supported . The Tunes newspaper of Wednesday last , in & feeler as to our intentions , declared the period waa " very remote" at which Gr . and P . would dismiss Allen . We can assure the Times , Gf . and P ., and Allen , too , that the time is indeed " remote" when . we shall be found working " comfortably" with his imbecile sycophantic slaves .
At the Monument it would need more perception tbiin modern philosophy can supply , to discover what upwards of fifty masons (?) have been doing , for the great length of time which has transpired since our members lift ; and , thanks to the MEN of Devonshire and Cornwall , they are not likely presently to do any more . At Dartmoor and Plymouth the turnouts are going on bravely . Thebribe of driuk has been attempted by the Granite Company ' s minions , with an intention of making them drunk , and then inducing them to agree to resume their work . It has been indignantly rejected , and will be as often as it may be offered . As an evidence of the incapability of those they have got in their places , and which are farmer ' s men , navigators , 4 c ., two of these have " cut , " after working a fortnight , one earning niitepence , and the other , who was considered their best man nine shillings . The work ; it must be understood , is by the piece—they are not paid for what they spoil .
Meeting with but little success , ( J . and P . have discontinued advertising for granite Muboub , &c , about Aberdeen . ¦ .. ¦¦ ¦ . - . -. ¦ ;¦ . ¦ ; . " :. ¦¦¦¦ .. - ¦ ¦['¦ : . ' ¦ ¦ \ '¦ The entire number now on the funds are about three hundred , and aa circumstances are now daily tending to our advantage , if the sons and daughters—aye , and daughters of honest labour—aiding the patriotic of their sex now st < uggling with adversity , rather than Buffer thepartnera of their life to submit to insult * and contumely , will come fairly to the battle , the powers of t&e enemy shall be subdued and annihilated—the ^ great moral figat in which we are engaged terminate in spotless victory—and , we hope , prove the harbinger of that unity , that mutual and reciprocal good feeliDg among the -working classes , essential to the attaining—and then maintaining that position in the great family of mankind , which the Author of their existence intended they should occupy . , v - / •_ ¦ ';' _ : ' .-. ¦¦ . ' . ¦ .-
We again take the liberty of calling your attention to the lines with which we have headed our address ; The truths they must convey to every thinking mind are palpable and complete . The neighbourhood of London has , for the last ten days ; furnished ocular demonstration that the working classes are " the common pastureground on which all crawling and creeping things feed and fatten" Honest poverty has been mocked by pampered Royalty , Aristocracy , and ill-got capital The few have been occupied i » " riots , routa * " and Royal farce foolery , while the many that " through : the existing system of unequal exchanges' have provided the means , have been starving—literally perishing from want . This , however , is Only an tff « ct What ia the cause ? Existing inequality of labour , which has produced inequality of wealth * and given possession to inequality of power , is tbe cause oi this ; and reason tells us , that thtre is no cure for an effect while the
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cause remains untouched . If the working classes would improve their condition—if they would alter the * system that taafees one man so undeservedly rich , and another ao , nnmeritedly poor—they must no longer waste their means in desultory and unequal conflicts with effects , but deciaively grapple -with and destroy the cause . from -which they arise . The vast amount of wealth they create , compared with the small amount they enjoy , should stimulate them to this—a knowledge that the smallest alleviation to their unmerited poverty and distress is denied them , except in
connection with hardship and degradation , Society , as at present constituted , offers neither welcome or shelter to the wife or children of decayed workmen whoae strength has been exhausted in unremitting toH in ite service , they must wanders-poor and penniless mendicants , or , like criminals , be confined in pauper bastiles , where the mother is parted from her children—the children from each other—the chorda which should bind their infantine hearts in brotherly love snapped asunder —where all are disregarded and ill treated , because the parties which inflict these cruelties have had tbe power to make them poor .
To change a syatem productive of so much evil to the producing and most useful portion of society , more than the isolated endeavours of a mere fraction ; is indispensable . All are affected by its existence ; it generates vice , hatred , and uncharitableness , through all its ramifications . Its subversion and the establishment of a better and more rational system must therefore be undertaken by ALL . Their efforts and means must be concentrated—an unbroken confederacy must be organised , net for the purpose of attacking the capitalists aa individuals , but " that system which gives to irresponaibVe individuals the power of grinding masses of labour between masses of capital . "
Should the practicability of these propositions be by any doubted , we offer as evidence in their favour the power of our present unions contrasted with that of our individual and isolated strength—the power of ten men united is greater than that of iiventy divided ; hence the power of the monied-few—combined—over the toilingmariy—divided . We repeat , that if the united efforts of the workingclasses , and * thfe funds ef their innumerable societies , " were applied for , instead of against themselves , the present system of " unequal exchanges , " which now lays them prostrate , " a common pasture-ground , " would be undermined in all directions , and speedily crumble down in ruins .
Again seriously hoping that , at the termination of our present Btrike , with a view to prevent a recurrence , this subject will receive due consideration ; and thanking all for the liberal support we have received , We remain gratefally yours , The Masons' society , Thomas Shortt , Sec . 6 , Agnes-street , Waterloo-road , February 2 , 1842 .
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TO THE CHARTISTS OF GREAT BRITAIN . Brother Chartists , — -We ask , are you still slumbering , or what are you thinking about ? It is now three months since we appealed to you , to assist in supporting those Whig-made widows of the bravest of Britain ' s sons . During twelve months before that , when we had four times the number in prison than are now , we could send to each widow ( made so by Whiggery ) three times as often , as we at present can , to those whose husbands are still detained in prison by the Tory Administration . Some to whom we have personally applied , say , iy They thought that the birth of a Prince of Wales had given liberty to all political prisoners . " Empty thoughts ! No , no , friends ; the balance sheet will shew you otherwise ; you will there see the names of those who have been relieved and are still in durance vile , and several others whom it has not been in our power to relieve .
We now call upon you in the name of all that is good , if you love your country , or have the least spark of sympathy in your breast , and a single drop of liberty ' s blood flowing in your veins , to exert yourselves in the cause of suffering humanity . Imagine yourselves in prison , and your wives and families starving for want ; what must be -the sensation you would feel I Are they not suffering in your cause as well as their own ? Arouse , then , from your slumbers ; awake , exert yourselves , and raise a subscription in every association room ; Then you will hot only be doing that which is your duty , but you will ease the minds of those brave men who are suffering in a good cause , and also command the siacere thauka of The National Victisi Fund Committee .
N . B . AlioommunioatiouH to be forwarded to Mr . A . Heyvvood , Oldham-streefc , or Mr . Peter Shorrocka , Secretary , 70 , Gun-street , Manchester . BALANCE SHEET OF THE NATIONAL VICTIM FUND COMMITTEE FROM THE 28 TH OF AUGUST , 1841 , TO THE 2 ND OF FEBRUARY , 1842 . £ B . d . Aug . 28—Gash in Mr . Hey wood ' s hands as treasurer ... ... 10 8 0
... From Carlisle , per Jos . West ... 0 2 6 .. 1 'rom Newton Heath , per E , Travis ... ... ... 0 4 0 Sept . 11 . —From Sower by , per jno . Crolly , to Mr . Campbell ... ... 0 12 0 From Soylaud Mills , do ., do . 0 9 0 From Edinburgh ' N . C . A . do . 1 00 .. Ditto , the readers of the Northern Star , do . ... ... 0 10 0 Sept . 14—From the Tower Hamlets N . C . A .
per Charles Johns ... 1 0 0 „ From Handley and Shelton N / C . A ., per Henry Sharp 0 10 0 ^ After a lecture by Mr . Le ach , per Mr . Ralton ... ... 0 0 10 ^ Eas t Manchester Joint Stock Company , per Mr . Jamus Cartledge .,. ... ... 0 5 0 Sept , 20 ^ From Wellington , Newcastleupon-Tyne , per Arthur ... 1 0 0
., From Nowcastle-upon-Tyne N . C , A ., per Isaac Bruce 0 3 0 Oot . 20—From Brighton N . C . A ., per Win . Fiowers ... ... 1 0 0 From Mr . Ruffy Ridloy , of London , per Hey wood ... 0 10 0 Dec . 20—From Mr . Buckley , of Doucaster , per Mr . Campbell ... ... 0 5 0 Jan . 22—From the Northern Star , per Mr . Ardill ... ... ... 27 4 4
Total money received by committee ... ... ¦•• 45 3 8 Total money paid by do ^ 33 15 0 Balance in hand Feb . 2 , 1842 11 8 8 1841 . Aag . 28—Mr . Potts , of Bath 2 0 0 Mrs . Peddie , of Edinbro * ... 100 Mrs . Foden , of Sheffield ... 10 0 „ Mrs . Marshall , ditto ... ... 1 0 0 Mrs . HoSberry , ditto 10 0 « Mrs . Penthorp , ditto 10 0 Sept . 12-Mr . Carrier , of Trowbridge ... 1 0 0 ,. Mrs . Jones , of Moiiniouthsiiiro 10 0 Sept . 27—Mr . O'Brien , on his liberation from Lancaster 1 0 0
Aug . 30—Mrs . O'Brien , ditto ... ... 10 0 Sept . 27—Mrs . Ashtoii , of Barnsley ... 10 0 ~ ¦ Mrs . Crahtree , ditto 1 0 0 Mrs . Walker , of Bradford ... 100 Mrs . Brooks , ditto ... ... 1 0 0 ^ JM i-s . Roberts , of Birmingh » Bi « . 1 0 0 Jany . 25—Mrs . Fodeu , of Sheffield ... 1 0 0 Mrs . Marshall , ditto ... ... 1 0 0 Mrs . Holberry ,, ditto ... ... 1 0 0 Mrs . Walker , of Bradford ... 10 0 „ Mrs . Brooks ; ditto ... ... I 0 0 ¦ ... ¦ . Mrs . Peddie of Edinbro' ... 10 0 ~ Mrs . Dawson , of Oldham ... 1 0 0 ~ Mrs . Brooks , of Leigh ... ... 1 0 0 ~ Mrs . Emanuel EvaiiH , of
Breconsaire — ... ... 1 0 0 ~ Mr . James Goodwin , ditto ... 1 0 0 Mrs . Merideth , ditto ... ... 1 0 0 Mrs . Piice ^ ditto ... ... 1 0 0 ¦ Mrs . Elizabeth Jones , of Monmouthshire ... ... ... I 0 0 Mr . Penthorpi of Sheffield ... 1 0 0 Mrs . Ashton , of Barnsley ... 1 0 0 „ Mrsr Crabtreo , ditto ... ... 1 0 0 ~ . Mrs . Roberts , of Birmingham ... 1 0 0 » . Expetices of the Committee in Stamps , Rent , &o . ... ... 015 0 £ 33 15 0 Audited and found correct by
James wheeler , Andrew Melville , Samuel Chamberlain , James Mill ] NGTON , James RtrsHTON , Wm . Maddocks , Peter Shcruocks , " Secretary
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A Gloucester PAPERstates that , " a couple from Ashlewprtn were united in wedlock on Wednesday lsst i in St . Mary's Church , Gloucester ; and immediately after the ceremony they got blind drunk at a public house . " We have often heard that love was blind , but not till now that he was blind ¦ drunk '! . v : ; * :, ' V :. . ; . . :... ¦¦ . " :, ; . ;¦; . ' :. . *' . \ . V ' . During a dreadful storm on the 26 th nit * at Clifdon , in Gal way , no less than twenty-two fishermen were lost in thtir boats , leaving their wives and children destitute .
The Hebrins Fisheries . —We "have accounts from the western coast to the 2 nd inst . It is not correct , as stated in a Galway Contemporary , that 150 lives were lost in the disastrous storm pf Wednesday se ' nnight . Unhappily sixteen persons perished in that dreadful gale ; but the intrepidity of the poor and industrious iirshmeirmen has not suffered thereby , Toe number of . person ' s engaged in these fisheries is 18 000 , and the boats alone are 3 , 500 . — Limerick Reporter ,
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TO THE WORKING MEN OF SGOTLA . ND . Fellow Countbymen , —I have addressed to you three letters on the rejection of the National Petition , and I have observed with pleasure the report of the proceedings in Aberdeen , Lanark , and other places . I bave also read , with some degree of surprise , tbat Mr . John Duncan , of Dundee , has taken upi the gauntlet , in favour of the objectors to the merits and necessity of the National Petition , and as Mr . Duncan states , that the English ; readers of theStar , together with myself , areignorant of tbe objections ; it becomes necessary for me to examine this true and authentic account of the real ground of difference on the question at issuei . I neednot trouble the readers with any remarks as to the estimation in which I hold Mr . Duncan , as you the working men arer fully aware of tbe high opinion I have enteitiined of his services in the cause .
I shall , therefore , confine myself to Mr- Duncan ' s letter , and as a conctrymaa ] and a Chaiiiafc , I shall answer ifc without dragging in my colleagues of the Executive Council . ¦ ¦ - ¦ ¦ Mr . Duncan bids us mark that the great principle of the Charter refers solely to the const tution of the legisiature ; that in t ie truth of these principles lies our strength ; and , thertf're , th ;< t we should net mix with them any other opinions . Mr . Duncan should also have remarked that the British Constitution is a series of acts of Parliament , whose spirit is hostile to freedom , whose working is iDJurious to / abour , and whose effects are witnessed in the-political degradation , social misery , and general wretchedness of the working millions , and , therefore , to destroy panial and oppressive laws , we point out grievances , trace them to their source , aed demand a power to amend , abolish , or rtframe the Constitution orAc ! sff ParliameEt composing it .
The union with Ireland and the English New Poor Law are acts of a-legislature irresponsible and having ( like the English Executive Council !) « carte blanche from our class to over-tax and under-feed the whole people with or without their consent . The Charter-is intendttd to confer power upon all , but it is not the nisre possession , but the use and exercise of the majority of the auffrage , which is to bring relief and spread happiness over the land , therefore I widely differ -with Mr . Duncan , when he designates admitted and terrible grievances as mere opinions , which opinions are not to be attained by a , Beetion of the Scottish leaders , even if the Chartists , however numerous , were to adopt and proclaim them . I am bound to abide by the vote of the majority , and I ¦ w ill attend to its decision , even if the uiajority be termed •• a large section of our body . "
The grievances produced by cla « s legislation gave rise to the agitation for the Charter , the abolition of those grievances is the . chief end of the Charter , and the possession of power to effect that end , is the sole deaire of the working classes . It is idle to tell me that I ought not or I must no allude to the . Poor : Law and the Union with Ireland , because certain persona do not like it . I will , if possible , continually widen pur position , and by enumerating our grievances , multiply our claims for redress , aad bo far from that honest and open course being based upon expediency the very opposite is best calcnlated to give forca to that charge .
Thus , it is not politic to m ntion the Poor Law , because we will lose the Malthusians , the Church of St Ann ' s , Glasgow * ; because we will be : deserted by the parsons on the Repeal of the Irish Union ; because we v ? Ul be strengthened by the Irish people . Away with such jpolicy-mongering crotchets and if we have » grievance , let us be bold enough to name ifc , honest enough to point continually at it , and consistent enough always to fiay that a wrong is a wohg and ought to be abolished . The man who feels , himself aggrieved or insulted by the relation of a public grievance will never use his private vote , © r influence , to remove ifc , and if the denunciation of the New Poor Law haa excited the hostility of the Malthusian Chartists , I feel satiEfied that if they had power , their philosophical tyranny would be more atrocious and inhuman than the present barbarous and feudal eyftam of Governmsnt .
I imay likewise remark that my efforts are directed to no theories ; but to tHe effecting of practical good for the working men ; The Poor Law is a practical evil , the remedy is the suffrage ; and thatl would not thank you for , unless I believed that the working classes would use it for their especial advantage ; _ To conclude the question of the merits of the Petition as a whole * I believe the Constitution to consist of a series of unjust acts of Parlianient ^ -that they give ri ? e to the existing grievances—that the Charter would strike at the root of all evils—and that , if we did not continuously repeat / our complaints , and point but our j ' , iat claims , we wouldeither be too servile to deserve power , too degraded to uso it , or top ignorant or selfish to do justice , when tee had the power ;
The Petition does not state all . Therefore , in my opinion , the only-reasonable objection to it is that it hius not enumerated more grievances . I care not for the groans of faction , or the wincing of " the : galled jade of oppression . On the justice of our principle , the honest relation of wrongs , and the firm advocacy of our rights , consist the glory of the Charter , and the duty of every Chartist . : : . The man who will not submit to the vote of the majority cannot be a Chartistj and he who would set up private theories against the public good can lay no claim to principle or patriotiam .
Mr . Duncan ; says , that anti repealers of the Com Laws , Maithusians , and churchmen may all be Chartists . No doubt they may be mongrels / and call themselves Chartista ; but no honest man ; can call them friends to the labourers ; and if the meaning of the term Cbattiet is so very vague and accommodating , it is time we understood it batter , and learned to distinguish a lamb from a -wolf . Mr . Duncan accuses the framers of the Petition of setting up an unwarrantable s&ndarh of Chartism ; in other words , that we mak 6 oar position so wide , our boundaries so definable , and our objects so prominent that we either frightenaway the wolves from the fold , or muzzle them when they mix withthe flock .:
Tne next singular part of Mr . Duncan's conduct is made apparent in the fact , that in one little paragraph he denies ; , the ; framers of the petition the right , of adopting a position that cannst be mutaken , and instantly commits the error of erecting a standard of his own . He says , " As Chartists we hold a certain fixed opinion upon tbe constitution of tho legislature ¦ ' .- but no one particular opinion whatever upon any of the laws that ought to be possessed by it . " - For such standard of Chartism , convenient as it may be in the eyes of those who seeJrs expediency under pdnciple , I cannot subscribebecause I Eot oniy object
, to the powers of ' . the'legislature " ,.-but . likewise to . the laws they have fremed , and far from entertaining no opinion whatever en one er two , I have the stronge 3 opinion . as to the absolute necessity of curtailing the powers of the one and widening the equity of the other . Which standard is the most warrantable and'the most ? c accordance with the principles of the Charter ? Mr . Duncan wilfully aiistakea tha . majority for a faction—grievances for opinions—and broad principle for base expediency—and , therefore , hia vhole position : being founded in error , his arguments , aa a matter of course , fall to the ground .
I aiii told , workinginen of Scotia d , thst by your directions the leaders acted in the . Scottish Convention . If so , I ask again , if , previous to your decision , you heard both sides of the question ? Your recent decisions have proved , that " to cptumit a false step ia bad—to repair the evil is . wisdom . " I cannot believe that working men ia any country , can decide in favour of oppression being continued , in another , unless they are dupes or slaves . I Will . not ; believe that the Scottish people have been unjust enough tv give their voice In favour cf the New Poor Law for England .. because their paraons for tbeir ' pecu- ' liar benefit have t . ujht them-- 'fiut to serve God is to submii ; to be robbed , and t ' ien to practice obedience to the ' . robbers . : ' ; .
Mr . Duncan should read the rules and regulations of the National Charter AsEociation , and he will then underitjncl tlie principles upon which the Executive are acting . I caninfurm him cf this much ; that no xuemWerof the Executive represents a constituency of five or fifty , and that they are not elected by delegates whose qualifloations have been repudiated by the best of all judges—tbe people . ' I i . bould be sorry to suppose that Sir . Duncan haa been duped . I am cettiin he is mL-tiien . and ! doubfc not in time the end -wiil be more apDareht ; or tbepenodia not % distant-when leadhig men will throw the mask from their . faces and be exposed in tueir intrigue ; then it will be discovered that many good men have been used as tools , and thousands of workiugaian by which political traffic could be ' ¦ ' effected . ' . "
Fellow countrymenr ; in the petition your grievancea are prominently explained . Are we to be reviled atid ilenounced because we have been firm enough to point the finger of sco rn to the diabolical la-ws which have so long afflicted and scourged you ? If it is to be so , then I shall stand , for one , in the position I have chosen , viz . for the rights of labour . Let others contend for the rights of the middle class , the parsons , or thecagilaiist 3 . Irenoiinceall expediency , aid whilst I . httve power , truth , however feebly , shall be expressed . ¦ ¦;¦ .-. . ; - •; : ;¦' . ¦ .. ¦ . ; .- '• . ¦ , ' :, ¦ . . . ¦ .-Sign the National Petition , consulting first your own judgmenty instead of the advice of men ; appeal to your own reason ,: sympathy , and national honour , and you will have a response alike wortfey of your character , and honourable t » your country . Above all
things send delegates to the Convention about to meet in London , and lest there should be any error committed , demand an exebangeofcommunicationa between England and Scotland . ' _ I shal , whatever may hethe result , if elected for the Coaveution , do my duty to the working passes-and i shall make a point of going down to the House of Commons with a band of countrymen vrho win shew at least , tbat " auld , Scotia" shall not be disgraced in th ^ precession . :. ' .-.. ¦ / : : . ¦ - -: " j& ' : ¦ ' ¦' : ' . . Ireland ^ will Mve her representativeai England lA ^ A ^ X trades , Wales wUl not babehind ; and I ^ haU sSrSofer ^^ . .- - make cur position not the last or least in a moveri » Pc ^ V ^ A which will ; this time be the greatest and I bdiJ £ bMZ « eM& : '¦ ¦ & ??) most memorable . ' : : : ); <^^^ -icpn :: ¦' /¦ ' ^\ ; .. ™> & * > a ^ ^ ith unanimity , andforgetb ^^ ^ ~ ~ 2 ^ $ h $ ' ' - > Z tial oifference , seek only the public good . V p ^^;^ ¦* ; I reniatn , . : ¦ ' ' ' ^' v ^^^'/!^^ V /^ v Fellow Countrymen , '& ' ' $ i £ j ^ j £ & Faififully yours , in the cause , " Jtj ^ Jj ^^ fj ^^^ : - ' '; M M'D 0 UALIir ? K »^ ^ ST
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. - THE NORTHERN ST A R » J !__^ ' ''"' ¦ -r ' : ¦¦ ' ^ '; ¦• - ' '¦ ¦
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Northern Star (1837-1852), Feb. 12, 1842, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct741/page/7/
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