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THE NOETHEBU STAR SATURDAY, JANUARY 14,1843.
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Co 2fteaftir0 ann ^orr^potttifnts
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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4 THE NORTHERN STAR . j _ j _
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30 iCHB CBAS 33 SIS OP SOUTH LANCASHIRE . ? . jysss . BStOTHEES , —You are aware that previous to "the iEsnmg of the presenS Lecturers' Plaa . a notice appeared in the " Northern Star" to the effect that each locality forward to the District Secretary information ai to whether they intend to remain on the Plan , or ollkrwise ; the name 01 names ol parties in their locality "who were willing and coHipetent to be placed upon the Ran as lecturers for this district ; and "whs ' tfaer « ny of those already on the Plan wished to hav » lheir names erased . Bat , not withstanding this notiw , and a delay of four weeks , to five time for them to forward the information required before the bringisg out of the present plan , Tery few of the localities tiiongnt proper to answer She uotica , or forward to fire Secretary -the Information be desired . He , therefore , took their Eleace as an admission that they tefcended to remain
on tha Pisa ss-usual ; but no sooner is the Pian profched , asd the lecturers eomiBence their labocra * ccordtag to its provisiona , thsa first ose place « ad tiien another state 5 bat they did not intend to be oa-the 3 » lan f « the present And , in the same manner , several of the lecturers bar * withdrawn their names . TThese proceeding hire throim tho district into'sonfu-^ on ,-and rendered tbe present plan entirely oseJtss . It is , tfcerefore , indispensably necessary to ? get a Correct 3 > isn out as speedily as possible . And it is hoped that lie localities will not neglect their duty on &is occa-* skm , but forward the information required = by sending -delegates to Qie meeting to be held on Sunday , Jan . : 22 nd ; or fey forwarding , by letter , their determination , before the above date , 3 o Win . Dixon , 2 fo . 31 , Jfttlsonstreet . Bank Top , Jlaadiester . By attending to this you Trill oblige ,
Yonra in the c ? use , "Wn . Drxos , Disteisst Secretary Manchester , Jan . 31 , 1843 .
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TO Mi GOOD CHABTIST 3 . Leicester , Jan , 9 , 1 S 33 . BiEIHBEX , —William EHis'B widow and her innoeent children are in need of an asylum . It ia proposed to set ber sp in some small busaness- ^ as a news-agent or something of that kind . John Cleave is the treasurer for a fund to be raised -with that intent . "We commenced it at the Gonf crence , I took a cap round to every member , and the sum collected "was £ 3 6 s ., in addition to- £ s . 6 d , from 2 dr . G'HMgins , the chairman , and 2 s . fid . given him for this benevolent purpose by seme Complete Snf&age gentleman . I most urgently « nfreat / on to nse every effort towards raising this fund to a decent sum—a sum sufficient to start the poor "widow -oosifortably .
Permit me , also , to threw oat another hint . Cannot some of jon . point out a suitable locality for Mrs . EUls ? Same friends proposed that she sbouW go to Bacslem , Ijnt £ he -sheds tears immediately ween Burslem is mentioned—she dreads going there . Poor Ellis , too , in one of the letters 2 have received towards compiling the memoir-f winch I shall hare * tacly Tery shortly ) expresses a sense of horror at the thought of his wife and children going to reside at Burslem . 3 > o you know the factions say , " they will exterminate the -whole brood cf theSlises !"
How , under such circumstances , I say poor Mrs . Ellis * Ti * n not go to Bursiem , and your beart 3 will impel ' yon to say so too . Find a place ior her , then ; some good hearty C&arSst locality , where she ana her children trill be respected , and made as comfortable as their deep-seated . sorrow will permit . Thomas Cooper .
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TO THE CHARTISTS OF GBEAT BBITArX . Bead the speech of the . American President , John Tyler , delivered the 6 th December , 1842 , anS compare it -with-other speeches , speeches delivered to slaTts , Trio are not "worthy of knowing how the business of the nation they support and uphold is carried on . A humbug is issued , and called a most gracieus speech , addressed to two classes of men , tbe greatest portion cf -whom are the enemies of mankind . Ho ? much "better would it be even for me to address yon as fellow fTtif ^ " * , instead -of slaves , as you are and * ill be , untttTon are as jealous of your liberty as yen are of your "wires and sweethearts . The President , John Tyler , in the second paragraph cf his speech , says , Fellow CitJzsns . " He tells them in the course of his speech , that America would not consent to the right of search , that America could manage her own affairs -without the interference of
other nations . Pray inquire into this , and understand it thoroughly . Aak yourselves why the Americans -would not allow the Tessels of other nations to detain and search their ships , under the pretext of looking for slaves ? The answer is simple . They are jealous of their liberty . TheyiaTBit , and they know how to keep it . Pray inquire again—Is there another nation xa the "world "Who dare refuse the right cf search ? The answer is no , and the question again is -why not ? I mj they dare not be free . Tae despots wonld say , if you will not do as we wish , "we "will not protect you agafc-Et your people , and you -will not long be a king ¦ without our aid .
look at the American press and judge tor yourselves ; you see in that no wringing to royalty , no support for arbitrary judges or magistrates , no humbug of Church and State , so bloated filthy Bishop legislators , no centralisation . How different from the Tile press of Bngland , "with the exception of your own , which you must support and augment if you will be citizens . There is us despotic Times in America , there is a certain -wicked man there , a Mr . lynch , "who is a great enemy to despotism , although a great despothimself , which plainly shows thai despotism is the only thing to destroy despots , for "when despotism and despots fight , they , like the Irishman ' s cats , destroy each other . 2 wish to impress upon your minds the true sense 2 nd value of tha -word citizen , and ihe great , necessity « f yaax being sucb as soon as possible .
2 fow mark , particularly , who says " fellow-citiaais , and to -whom these sacred words are addres ? ed . Ask yourselves £ _ _> meaning , and you will gnd that John Tyler , being a afsen , has been chosen by his ftllowct z-ns . to preside over them for a time , at the-end of ¦ which , he will be John Tyler , and a fellow-citizen , with the difference of having been chosen by a free people , to fulfil the highest aituation in the world . John Tyler , is , in America , as & King in any other country , with the following exceptions—a king is haled by the people , he cannot leave his palace but in secresy , asd even then , thousands of soldiers asd police are necessary to protect him from the people's vengeance , ray from his loyal subjects . The press call them his loyal subjects . John Tyler can "Walk the streets respected by every one he meets . Merit alone can make a man a President , but an idiot , a murderer , or a blind man , may be a King . A Political MunB ,
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THE BIRMINGHAM CONFERENCE . LETTER IL TO TH 2 ED 1 T 0 B OF THB JiOBTHEBS STXR . Sib—In my last I pointed out the position which ihe Complete Snf&age party took in the late Conference , and after comparing their conduct with their a-rowr 1 principles , showed the inconsistency , and the relation in which they really stood to the Conference after they had seceded . I will now enter into some of the principal arffimads Trbieh have been used by them to justify their own cendnct , and in doing this I must necessarily taLe individuals , for bodies do not reason in a mass , tboa ^ h "by adopting the arguments of an individual , and pursuing the course of conduct advised , they become responaihie for such arguments and conduct .
2 Jr . Bichard Gardener said , that" It should be first of all distineUy understood that in no one principle had they differed , it was & . mpl $ a question of discijUne and ttrder ; and the majority having compelled the secession of the council and tha minority , by obstructing the Tegular business of the Conference , in violation of the ordinary rules of every assembly , they were now met to proceed with tbe consolidation of these matters . " This is certainly a singular argument to advance for " *»> iTig so important a step—important becausa it was impossible to furnish the enemies of thejwople with a more powerful -weapon than the inconsistency of the professed advocates of freedom , -who by this means seek to attach disgrace to the whole , and throw ridicule and odium upon the principles , for which consequence those
"who have furnished the means must be held responsible Sow , then , can " a ample -question of discipline and order" justify them in laying the cause sa open to attack ; for the more simple the cause from ' vrbidi they aded , Uie more factions asd eaJpxKe is their conduct ; but he says the majority compelled them to secede . WhaS 7 BicauBetbe discipline asd order was to beiegnlated by a majority , tbe misarity were compelled to secede ; truly this is strange democracy . Bus he afterwards endeavours to "" catch prejudice by saying that the majority "had obstructed the regular business of the Conference . " Now -what part of the business of tbe Conference did the majority obBtrurt ? The circular conveningtbe Conferenc&expreEsly says the "Confer--ease mat to prepare a bDVthereisnotfi aingle word
about a bill prepared by the council , and which the Conference-was to receive as the basis of discussion , on pain « f thai high displeasure snd loosing tkeir -ralueable services , and moreover being placed by Messrs Gardener , MiaD , Bitchie , Brewster , and c ^ , under tbe tan of excommunication from the Conference ; and itis not only expressed in the Circular that we met to «¦ prepare a , bin , " but resolution seventeen of the former Conference , and to carry out which the last L « t Confaencs assembled , is- ' -That this Conference having adopted sach just principles cf repreaeiita-*?* ' " ^; »«? ^« SJTing to all classes their share of
equal political power ; resolvTat some fuwra period to can another Conference ' fin TFhoch the -whole people may be fully represented ) for the purpose of considering AKY documents -which embody the necessary details for ^ parking out the above principles , "—* nd again , then- own programme saya , "At the first meeting of tbe Executive Committee to be heM immediately after the close of this session , ALL documents -which are supposed to embody the necessary detaOs for ¦ working out the principles of Complete Suffrage , must be placed in their hands , * This either does a does not mean what it says i if it does imply what it Bays , SieD , according to their own
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order of lay ing down business , the Conference was not assembled under any obligation to receive a bill prepared by the Council ; but the Executive Committee ¦ was to be tbo first formed , and ALL documents , supposed to tanbotJv the necessary details , were to be submitted to thero . Then how was it , that instead of pursuing tbi ^ course , which was laid down by themselves , teey were bo resolute in pressing their invidious " priority ? and then after refusing to carry out the resolution passed at tbe former Conference , and for which porpose we were assembled—after breaking faith with the invitation by which we were convened—for some reason or another , setting aside their own programme , and s&er submittang the question to a vote , rettTing from Uie Conference , thus violating an important principle , and fnmishirjg tbe enemies of the people with a weapon against them ; they endeavour to throw all the edinm upon the Chartist delegates , und , despite the evidence of their own documents , lave the assurance to accuse them of " obstructing tbe regular business of
the Conference . " . The Rev . E . Miall said , " they must bear in mind that the Council who bad comrened that body , was , after all , the germ of whatever life the Conference had ; that it was tbe creaixre of-fheVouncil , for the pnrpoBeB stated to be their ™* in object" *— - ( hear , lear > Such language as this , is so repulsive to the principles of democracy , and the sense of dignity with which those principles should inspire us , and so contrary to the nature of < mr invitation , as to reqnire no further refutation thaa to be placed in juxtaposition with the address by which we were convened , and the resolution , which for the purpose of carrying out , we were assembled .
LH tbe Rer . B . Miall point out the paragraph in any public -document , whieh convened us as the creatures of 1 he CetatnL We assembled as the delegates ofOiepeople . honestly and to the best of our ability to " prepare a bDl to be submitted to Parliament , for securing the just representation of the whole people , " and "to determine the best legal and constitutional means for energetically and peaceably carrying ont the above ebjeets . " I indignantly repel the assertion that we went there as the creatttres of OieCotaiciL In another letter , I intend alluding to the great stumbling block , " physical force , " and show who have been , and who are its abettors .
I remain , Sir , Yonra tmly , B . T . Mobeison . Nottingham , January 9 th , 1842 . * Both Mr . Gardiner's and the Bev . E . Miall's speeches are taken from tha report of the KoncojiformisL
The Noethebu Star Saturday, January 14,1843.
THE NOETHEBU STAR SATURDAY , JANUARY 14 , 1843 .
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THE LAND ! THE OSLT MEASS OF SALVATION FOB THE STABTIKG TTOfiKEBS . The progress of public opinion in respect to the lasd , as a means of salvation , ia indeed most rapid and most satisfactory . Even the Free-trading portion of the community , those who have enunciated that " it would be a blessing if England was encrnsted with lava , to prevent the growth of a single
blade of grass , " are at last compelled to admit that improved modes of culture are the t means by which our agricultural brethren are to meet the altered circumstances of the times ; while in every direction you meet with distinct proposals to unite the untilled soil and the unemployed labour and the unemployed capital of the country , for the purpose of producing national wealth . The question is forcing its way into every circle , and is attaching to itself adherents of every persuasion .
Eight glad are we that this is the caBO . Long have we held the opinion , and often have we expressed it , that until we return to tae soil from which we have been unnaturally divorced , and employ a due amonnt of our energy , skill , and capital to the fostering , enconraging , and advancing of the science of Agricdltxtbe , England can never enjoy internal peace or security , or her labourers have well-filled pantries and well-clothed backs .
Where are we to find employment for the machinery-displaced labourer , but upon the land ! The loud cry of distress that rings through onr manufacturing towns arises mainly from tho fact , that in the processes of manufacture , male adult labour has been almost entirely superseded , either by the cheaper labour of adult females , infantile " bands , " or inanimate machinery . Of woke there is enough ! The mills and other manufacturing establis ment 3 torn ont plenty of manufactured goods i But those goods are mostly machine-made . Adult labour is not now in request in their production .
Vast nnmbers of able-bodied labourers are without employment , even when onr manufactories are ronning extra hours ; and these in their endeavour to procure the means of existence at all , necessarily pull down tha wages of those of their brethren who are fortunate enough to procure employment , by offering their seivices at a less and still less rate of remuneration . And this process is constantly going on 1 More machinery is constantly being set np ; and machines stDl further simplifying the manufacturing processes , and slill further dispensing with animate attendance , are daily
being introduced . Look , for example , at the machine-making bnsiness itself ! The march of u improvement" in this walk of industry has been so rapid of late , that now an establishment fitted-np with new and improved tools ; with the self-acting planing-machines ; the self-acting lathes ; the screwing-machines ; the drilling-machines ; the cnttingengines ; the slotting-engines : an establishment fitted np with these and similar * tools , " will turn ont more " work" with twenty " hands , " than only some [ three years ago , conld have been turned ontSwith one hundred " hands . " Yes , tbe machine makeis have been latterly busily engaged in the production of machines to supersede themselves
And this is but a sample of the working of tbe whole . Let any one now go into a machine-making establishment ; and let him ascertain the number of adults employed , and the number of minors ; and then let him compare their relative proportion now with a period only ten years ago ; and he will see the working of the whole system strikingly exemplified . Adult labour is being driven out of the manufacturing labour-market . For a while the superseded ones live on the earnings of their wives or their "little ones , " then the parish is appealed to ; the man becomes broken-spirited and pauperized ; squalid misery , abject wretchedness , and utter destitution is tbe conseqnenoe ! and enough of this meet 3 the eye at every turn . ' - '
Again we ask , what earthly chance is there of finding remunerative employment for those thus displaced , but by bringing them npon tbe untHled soil , supplying them . with the necessary capital to make a start , and time enable them to produce the food they eat—to . earn their bread by tbe sweat of their brow ! We may be told that" Extension ^ Trade" will open the doors of the mills again , and call into play the unemployed labour . We answer that
rOBHEB EXTKKSIO ^ fS OP TRADE HAVE ROT PONE this ! We answer that our trade for the last fifty years has been constantly and continually " extending" ; that in that short period it has extended" SIX TIMES OVi-R ; that tbe labourer had full employment and good wages when trade was only one-sixth the amount it now is ; and that when trade is sir times as " extensive " as it then was , one portion of the labourers is
utterly destitute for want of employment , and the other portion starving npon insufficient wageB ! No ! No I " Extensions of Trade" have not yet enhanced the comfort and weal of the mass of the workers engaged in manufacturing pursuits ; and , unless the nature of things change ; unless tbe like causes cease to produce tbe like effects , it is not to be predicated that another Extension of Trade" -will produce that which all former " extensions" hare failed to produce .
Besides , it is contrary to the principles of " political economy" that the tp ? H iloors can be again opened to the adult labourer ! This wonld be a return badt " to the " old , barbarous , and expensive modes of production " J Who but a " £ oth" would dream of such a thing ? " In a world of progress to teSkof going back again , is to insult common sense " ! Can it be believed that the possessor of capital will lay aside tbe cheaper processes of production , and
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tike to tbe dkareb o , % can ^^ ^ expected \ Is this in accordant ^ j ^ eTer ? man , fl exparj ence > throughont the w '^ e of tne world ' s duration ? No , no ; to go barjc iB impossiblo ! " Improvement " is the order r , f the day . New inventions to enable us to produce ., cheaper , and thus to meet tbe " keen foreign competition" to which we are subject , are as r . ecessary to our existe nee as a manufacturing nation , as it is impossible to lay aside the machines of tbe present day s use tor the rude and bungling tools of a century ago ? Bring adult labour again into play J—how ? TVould you have us to spin
upon the jenny of thirty spindles ? Or must we take to tbe ¦ one o , f fifty ? Would you have us to lay aside tbe power-loom ? Or do you mean to have the . power-loom attended by a great , big , bulking fellow of a man , when his infantile daughter is quite equal to the task of dancing attendance upon two ? Would you have ns to discard the Lewis cutting machine , and the Perpetual , and take to the old , obsolete , utterly discarded Shears ! Would you have us to break up our planing-maehineB , and onr self-acting turninglathes , to return to the old and inefficient modes of
working iron by the hand-file and chisel ? Would yon have us do these things ! If you would , we tell you it camnot be done ! If you would not , pray tell us how you intend sn " Extension of Trade" to employ the unemployed adult labourer ? View the question in whatever light wo may : turn it over as often as ever we choose ; to this conclusion we must come at last : that the only means of salvation for the starving workers , ia to got them upon the land where they will be able to produce moke than they can consume , and be thus placed in an independent and enviablo position .
Holding this view , and entertaining this feeling , we have hailed with delig ht ev e ry en d eavour to t u rn public attention to the occupation and employment of the land as a means of removing the direful poverty brought upon the sons of toil , by , tho joint operation of our grinding-taxation and mis-directed application of machinery . Whoever'has advocated the allocation of the poor npon the land , for the purpose of growing their own food , has found in us a hearty welcomer . On this questioJi we have not
asked whether the advocate of it was a Whig , a Tory , or a Chartist . Whatever has tended to form a public opinion in its favour ; whatever has seined likely to turn public attention Jo the consideration of the question , has been hailed by us with satisfaction . We have done some little ourselves to aid it onwards ; and we have alacratively given the productions of others , when our doing so could , in even a remote degree , serve the cansewe deem of such essential moment .
We were peculiarly gratified when we first learned that Mr . James Gabth Marshall , of Leeds , had determined to try some experiments on the small allotment system , from a conviction that it was necessary to bring the soil into play again with manufactures , to enable the producers of wealth to oecupy anything like an independent or comfortable position . We readily gove insertion to his written views upon the subject ; and have now great pleasure in calling public attention to what he has done in this matter since the publication of those written
. Let not either the reader or Mr . Marshall misunderstand us . We do not mean it to be inferred , when thus speaking generally , tbat we think the mode that Mr . Marshall has adopted in bringing some of the unemployed labour of this district in contact with the land , to be the bent , or even a commendable one , except in so far as it serves to direct public attention , and form public opinion , upon the general question . We advocate , and look or , a quite different occupancy of the soil , f rom t h at
which obtains under Mr . Marshall b auspices ; but this does not prevent us from giving him his due praise for being so far in advance of his class in this district , as to take the initiative in the application of the land as a remedy for pauperism and poverty . Viewing the matter generally , we hail it with all our heart : viewing it particularly , we must regret that Mr . Marshall has not taken a deeper and wider view of tbe question , and sought to give an example to his class which would have been worthy of all imitation .
The small allotment system is but an ekeing-out of the slender meaas of the under-paid operative . It is because he cannot earn living wages in return for his daily toil , that the small allotment ia made him ; in which he can epei » d the time which he ought to have for recreation , and for the instruction of his family , in adding a few comforts to his otherwise scanty board . The small allotment is not sufficient to keep him fully employed ; or to return him sufficient for his own and his family ' s sustenance .
It is , at best , but an ekeing out . It betters his condition , we grant . It is a good as far as it goeswe readily admit . But it does not place the man or the family , in an independent position ! He is not as an Englishman ought to be . ' He cannot snap his finger at his fellow-man , should that fellow-man try to over-reach him , or oppress him . He cannot feel the true dignity of a freeman ; forlhe is not free . He is not free to act npon his own judgment . He is , in fine , fully and truly dependent .
The position we should wish man to occupy on the land , is one of independence ! To be there his own master ! To have sufficient of surface in his occupation to occupy his labour hours , and to return him an adequate living . To so occupy , that every improvement he made should be mainly his own , so that be might have every inducement to make improvements . In fine , we wish , in having the people allocated on the land , to form a natural market for labonr , which , in its operation , shall so affect the artificial market , as to cause the producer in the latter to have sufficient wherewith to feed , clothe , shelter , and well-educate himself . It is clear that this never can be done by the wja / Z-allotment system : although it may be done by the small-farm system , with a proper tenure , and a right principle of rents .
Still , maugre all these mighty and insurmountable objections to the small allotments , we hail their introduction amongst the Leeds operatives by Mr . Marshall as a great good . They will lead to a beiteb application of the land ! The allotment system is but a forerunner of that more perfect system which will drag u 3 out of the quagmires and eloughs which an excessive taxation and an insane application of mechanical and scientific power have plunged us into . Tho following appeared in the Leeds papers of Saturday last . It is with much gratification that we give it greater currencj : —
EXPERIMENTAL ALLOTMENTS . 11 It is with peculiar pleasure tbat we lay before onr readera the following particulars , illustrating the success of Mr . James G . Marshall ' s benevolent experiment to relieve the peor by letting to them small portions of land to 6 e cultivated on the system of spade husbandry . The account will be read with great interest , and we cannot but think tbat many of our townsmen will feel a desire , after this auspicious commencement , to have tbe allotment system established on a more ixtensive scale , and perhaps by Borne public association : — " At Headingley there are 22 tenants , occupyinfrom 20 to 40 rods each , at sevenpence per rod per annum , or at the rate of £ i 13 s . 4 d . per acre .
" At Holbeck there are eighty tenants on the land recently appropriated , occupying from ten to twenty rods each , at the yearly rent of from 6 d . to 9 i . per rod , or at the rate of £ i to £ 6 per acre . " There are , farther at Holbeck 33 tenants , who have been before occupiers cf allotments ; making 1 S 5 tenants in the whole , and 11 a . 2 b . 29 i > . occupied . : 11 The whole of the tenants have now paid their first quarter ' s rent without a single instance of default or arrears , sitting down afterwards to a cheerful rent-day iinner at Headingley on the 26 th ult , and at Holbeck on the 2 nd inst ., where upwards of 100 were assembled in Messrs . Marshall and Sons * new school-room .
" We subjoin tbe rules on whioh the allotments are conducted . Tbe rent is calculated to cover tha amount previously paid for the land by the farmer , tog ether with the rates and taxes and expenses of fendMand draining paid by the landlord . ^^^ " The arrangements havi been conducted under the management of Mr . Bolls , an experienced agriculturist who has had the management of similar allotments in the south of Eogland .
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" The allotments both at Headingley and Holbeck are occupied by familes taken principally , bat not exclusively , from the class who are in destitute circumstances from want of tegular employment , and not habitual pensioners on the peor-ratea . It has been thought advisable to include novae in better circumstances , both to prove to the poorer occupiers the value of the allotments , which are sought after as a boon by those who have sufficient other resources , and also for tbe advantage of example to be hoped for from those who have superior means of cultivating their land .
" A useful little work by Paxton on Cottage Gardening , ' was distributed on the occasion ef both of the meetings ; and after the Holbeck meeting , Mr . James G . Marshall made a few remarks and suggestions , on the advantages and best mode of conducting the allotment system ; and Mr . Parker , the schoolmaster , having just retarded from spending his Christmas vacation at Nottingham , was able to give some interesting particulars of the successful progress of the allotment system in that locality , where it has been long practised , and now amounts to 8000 , cottage gardens . Mr . Bolls gave some useful suggestions to the tenants on the advantage of subscriptions amongst themselves for procuring seed , &o ., jointly at a cheap rate , and in other practical matters .
RULES . " 1 . The rent to be paid quarterly on the 24 th of Dec 31 st March , 30 th June , and the 30 th September . If not regularly paid , the landlord shall bo entitled to re-enter and take possession of the land immediately upon such default of payment . " 2 . The landlord shall pay all rates , taxes , and tithe . ; " 3 . The tenant shall keep in good repair the fences adjoining bis allotment ; and shall cultivate and manage his allotment in such manner as the landlord or his agent may approve of . " 4 . No tenant shall be allowed to underlet ; nor to cultivate except by spade husbandry .
•• 6 . If either party wish to put an end to the agreement , one quarter ' s notice shall be given , and a valuation shall be put upon the crops , to be paid by the oncoming tenant . ' 6 . Any disputes which may arise between tenants respecting their allotments shall be referred to the landlord ; his decision to be binding . " 7 . If any tenant shall be convicted of felony or other offence against the laws of his country , he shall forfeit the crops in tbe ground , and the landlord shall be entitled to seize tbe crop and re-enter on the land without giving notice . " Again we beg that we may not be mistaken . In thus spreading abroad the above statement , wo do not mean to praise the system it describes , other than in general terms .
We do not , nor can we , commend it to general practice . As a beginning , we hail it ! As an end , it is condemuablo ! The tenure even of the small piece allotted to the labourer is a bad one ; or is rather almost no tenure at all . We admit that in a case which is avowedly " an experiment , " all can not be as might be , desired . We do not wish to raise a single objection that might operate as a stumbling-block in Mr . Marshall's way : but ia dealing with a question generally , and in praising his efforts to better the condition of his Factory hands , " we must in justice to ourselves , and in justice to him too ,
point out the grounds on whioh we accord that praise . We have before done this , in saying that we are satisfied aud even pleased with the exertions of any and ever } one who points attention , as he has done , and is doing , to the land as a means of salvation . We look upon his conduct , in this particular , with peculiar satisfaction . His family are the largest millowners in Leeds , or in the West-Riding of Yorkshire . They are reported to have made the most mtney by the operation of the mill-system of any family in England . We have quarrelled , and shall always quarrel , with the system , which while it has given them their millions , has also made it necessary for the worker in those mills to have allotted to him some twenty rods of land
to enable him to eko out his mill-wages to a living-point . But we do not quarrel with Mr . Marshall for expending a portion of his money so obtained , to the procuring of those twenty rods for the sustentation of the man who has made him what he is . On the contrary , we hold it to be , generally , a rightful and praiseworthy ; application ; and one which does credit to the heart of the gentleman who in this , as in many other things , has proved himself to be in advance of his class . However we may disagree with the means whioh have enabled the Mausiulls to become possessed of their millions , we certainly do not disagree with the expending of a portion of them so as to procure additional comfort to the working man who has earned them .
We have said that the tenure indicatedgin the statement of Mr . Marshall ' s allotment doings is bad . Wo do not purpose to go further into the question at present ; but merely Deg to call His attention , and the attention of the reader generally , to tbe following extract from the Morning Chronicle of Wednesday last . The question of tenure is there put iu a strong light ; and we adduce this as proof that the views and opinions which we are well
known to entertain on this branch of the subject are making their way into proper quarters . When We have the people occupying the soil , under puoper tenure , and on a right principle of rents— then , but not till then , may we hope for better days and better doings amongst us . That proper tenure must be fixity of tenure . The advantages of it , and the disadvantages arising from want of it , are well set forth in the following extract : —
At a public dinner in Drogheda , on Wednesday last , Nicholas Boylan , Esq , of Hiltown House , in returning thanks for his health having been drunk , made the following remarks on the subject of fixity of tenure . •—" I have taken a lively interest in the Agricultural Society , and have been tfie treasurer of that body , but I regret much tbat no one of onr societies has taken a proper view of the beBt means of improving the culture of itbe soil , by . placing tbe relations of landlord aud tenant on a proper basis—( hear , hear , and cheers . ) I will mention an anecdote which proves the necessity for some protection to the tenant , and I trust it will go
abroad on the wings of tbe press . It has happened tbat a gentleman of large property had some land to let to & tenant at tbe fair rent of 26 s . per acre ; this year the land produced , in consequence of good management , an excellent crop of twenty barrels of oats per acre . The landlord became aware ol that fact by his tenant taking a premium , and was present when the tenant sold the produce at a fair price ; when the landlord turned round on him and eaid , 'You got the highest price for your produce , and I flsd you have my land too cheap ; I must get from you £ 4 an acre , tbe real value of It , hereafter ;' thus making the tenant pay an enormous rent because
he was skilful and industrious , and taking to himself the profits of the tenant ' s labour . ( Cries ot ' shame , shame . ' ) Who would venture to improve land under a system in which such an act could be committed ? ( Hear , hear . ) I regret that some of the landlords will thus turn the improvements entirely to their own advantage . I regret this as a member of the parent Agricultural Society ; and the gentleman who acted as I describe is a member of one of the branches . ( Hear , hear , and shame . ) I would resign m ; office of treasurer , if jit was not that I wish to ascertain whether the landlords will take the opportunity of doing tbat which alone can insure the improvement of the soil ;
that is , to give fixity of tenure . ( Loud cheering . ) I give my opinion on this subject as a practical man . Gentlemen sign their names as presidents and vice-presidents , and secretaries of agricultural societies , and claim credit as persona anxious to improve agriculture : I would much rather see them sign their names to good leases ; but this they have not done—( loud and continued cheers ) . I took the liberty of mentioning , a few days since , at Navan , that , as it was impracticable to compel the landlords to give leases , it would be well if there was an act passed tc enable the tenant to register his drains as permanent improvements for the landlord , as he registers his trees ; and when be is obliged to leave
his land he might be able to call upon his landlord for the value of his improvements . I defy Mr . Sinitb , of Dernston , or Mr , Purcell , to improve without thorough draining ; give , then , to tho tenant the power to register these drains , and tho laud will be improved—( loud cheers ) . I do not require that the landlord should give up any portion of his property . Register tbe drains , and these will become hU property on his allowing the out-going tenant their value . This would be a practical good in the case of those landlords who now give only seventeen or eighteen years' leases . I wish that every parish in Ireland would prepare petitions for such a law . "
We have now exhausted all the space it is possible to devote to this question at the present . Next week ~ we shall return to it , and show what other parties are doing j « thk land , who hold with us that the land is the only means of salvation .
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Salford . —It is proposed to apply , in the next session of parliament , for a charter of incorporation , and to make the municipal borough of the same extent as tho parliamentary borough of Salford .
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THE "SUCKING PIGS" AND THE "WHOLE j HOGS . " In accordance with pur promise of last week , we return to the consideration ef the efforts of the Sturgemen at the Conference to cajole the Chartists '; and to get the semblance of anything whioh could be called national concurrence in their schemes . We come , then , to the four resolutions moved , by Mr . Beggs : — j " 1 . T lat this Conference convened in conformity with a resolution passed at the first Complete Suffrage C inference , held at Birmingham , April 4 th—8 th , 1842 , aud having for its paramount objeat the consideration of the necessary details of a bill
embodying the principles then agreed upon , namely : — The extension of the Suffrage to all male adults , not deprived of the right of citizenship by a verdict of a jury of their country men—vote by ballot—equal eleetoral distriotsT-abolitiou of a property qualification for members of Parliament—payment of members for their services—and annual Parliaments ; —do now declare the adoption of these principles ; pledges itself to employ such means only for obtaining the legislative ! recognition of them as are of a strictly just , peaceful , legal , and constitutional character ; and will { forthwith proceed to fulfil the mission with which it has been entrusted , resolved to support its chairman in preventing the introduction of any proposition not in accordance therewith .
" 2 . ~ That as thi ? Conference will resist the introduction of any topic not obviously relevant to its main design , so it also disclaims all interference with existing organisations , recognising as its paramount duty , the arriving , if possible , at a cordial agreement in reference to the object towards which peaoeful agitation may be directed . " 3 . —That this Conference , agreeable to resolution 17 , passed at the first Conference , is prepared to . receive and to consider all documents which may be laid before ic , and which may be supposed to contain an embodytnent of the neoessary details for working out the principles already recognised .
" 4 . —That the documents so to be presented to this Conference , be taken into consideration at the opening of our next Session , by a Committee consisting of tho whole body of the delegates ; and that the Committee be instructed to observe the following rules : —1 . That the bill to ba presented by the Council of the * National Complete Suffrage Union , ' be taken as the basis of discussion . 2 . That each clause as it is read shall be considered part passu , with the correlative ; clause of tbe other documents . 3 That all amendments be banded up to the Chairman in writing . " i
After every possible " dodge" to get a Conference after their own kind had been resorted to and failed , it became necessary to try what could be done with such materials as they had : and we certainly give them credit for having dont < this with sufficient artfulness . Had the Conference , as a body , been gullible , the specious manners and the sly manoeuvres of the StuasE-mon might have promised them success . Of this we have an { instance in the moving of their four resolutions all at once . The SxuRGB-men knew
better than to submit them separately to the discussion of the Conference . The first three resolutions were long , plausible , and seemed to require but little observation , and to admit of not much objection . They were the bait therefore upon which to hang the fourth , which , under their cover , it jwas hoped would pass unnoticed * There is much evidence in these resolutions of deep , anxious , and well laid , design . The resolutions were prepared and printed , so that the Sturgemen could be well acquainted with them , and know all their purpose and their bearings ; but not a single copy was in the Conference , among the Chartist Delegates ; they were to take them on trust from hearing them
once mumbled over , amid the murmuring conversation constantly going on in a large meeting , and at a distance many of the Delegates could not hear them read at all . It was seen clearly that in this way , if any debate should occur , { the attention of the Conference would be fixed upon i some one point of some one of the four , while the bulk and body of the resolutions would be lost sight of ; and that thus , if the delegates could be " jockied" upon the single limb , the whole carcase might be dragged through . It was a deep fetch , but it would not carry . The delegates were too astute . The right limb was laid hold of , and the monster was dismembered .
To show that there is more in these resolutions than waB intended to meet tho eye , we shall bestow some little attention on them ; and it is strange if we do not n ' nd in them evidence that the Sturgemen bad , throughout , and from beginning to end , made up their minds that the " union" which they have always so pathetically urged , was just the very thing they were determined not to have . We point especially to the second of these resolutions , whioh pledges thn Conference againat any interference with " existing organizations . " This resolution directly contravenes the object of the Conference , as stated by themselves . In their own circular it is stated that the Conference was to meet : —
" For the purpose jof preparing a Bill to be submitted to Parliament ] for seouring the just Representation of the whole People ; and for determining ON SUCH PEACEFUL , LEGAL , AND CONSTITUTIONAL MEANS AS JUAY CAUSE IT TO BECOME THE LAW OF THESE REALMS . " It was clear , then , that the " paramount duty" of the Conference was not , as stated in this resolution , restricted to the mere consideration of " the object " towards which peaceful agitation might be directed . It embraced also the " means" for its attainment .
And what right had the Complete Suffrage Council to debar the Conference from the consideration of any and all" peaoeful , legal , and constitutional means"for the accomplishment of its own purposes 2 Had this resolution been proposed separately and in its own place , after the " preparation of a bill" , it would have become a serious land important matter for consideration , whether the most efficient of all " means " for the causing of thai bill to become law might not be found in such '' interference with existing organ ' izations "—such judicious amendments and alterations in the organization of the Complete Suffrage Union , or of the National Charter Association , or of
both , as might have formed the two into one workable harmonious body , in which all the energy and influence and power of all the advocates of that bill might have been brought into one focus and phalanx . This would have looked like earnest sincerity . This would have gained them the confidence of all . It would have gained them even our confidence , who have never yet had faith in them . But this would have led to" UNION j "; this would have destroyed party bickerings and disputes abtfut leadership ; it would have brought all the avowed advocates of Universal Suffrage into one camp—concentrated
their efforts in one systematic plan of action—and have thus secured that " unity" wherein lies the " strength" of all popular movements . This was the very thing the SiiniaB-men never wanted—the very thing they always dreaded ; hence the constant doctrine of Friend *• No , '' that he did not wish tho Chartists to join him—he wished to see them go on with their own Association ; hence the u parallel line" doctrine of Mr . Spencer ; and hence , the resolution , second of Mr . Beggs' batoh , disclaiming all Union ; of the frieuds of the proposed Bill , as ' to the means of its enactment ! There needs no other argument
than this one alone to satisfy the minds of any unprejudiced man , ' who is not a fool , that the object of the Sturgemen has always been to perpetuate divisions when jthey found them among the Universal Suffrage ranks ; while many other portions of their conduct show equally their determined purpose ' and the deep , dirty schemes resorted to , for the creation of divisions when they found union in those ranks . Indeed we have found this so universally the case , that we begin now to suspect , the moment we hear a man bawline about " union , "
that his purpose is to cause " a split" somewhere . We have always found that men who realy wish for union manifest their anxiety rather by taking care to do nothing to create disunion than by making a great noise about it . If Mr . Lovett had not moved his amendment just when he did , an amendment would have been moved " that the resolutions now proposed be considered separately ; and that , as they are printed , every delegate be furnished with a copy of them , and of the Bill referred to by them . " Mr . Lovett , however , rendered this uanecessary , by taking " the Bill" at o nce" by the
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horns . " His speech was a good one for the purpose . It laid the Sucking Pigs" on their tail ends entirely . It took from them every pretext for persevering in their disuniting system ; and its result was just what we anticipated . Mr . Lovett did not ask the Council to withdraw their Bill . He did not offer any objections to the spirit , or even the form , of the resolutions . He merely asked that the very fair aud reasonable position might be given to the Conference of having ^ as the basis of their discussion and consultation , & Bill with which they were all familiar , which was
simple in its terms , and brief in its provision ^ and which had the confidence of almost the whole working people , in preference to the one now introduced , which , though avowedly maintaining the same principles , was , in detail and phraseology , a perfect stranger to all but the Sturgemen themselves ; and , indeed , to all of them except a chosen clique—the Council . They were at full liberty to " pit" their Bill against the Charter ; to compare and contest its several clauses one by one . They were at full liberty to demonstrate the superiority of their Bill , clause by clause ; and , a 3
fast as they could do so to tho satisfaction of th& Conference , to reject the Charter and to substitute it by the Bill they had prepared . This would have been a fair position . Erery man in the Conference had a rinht to bring there a Bill of his own preparing , if he thought proper to do so , and to submit it to a like ordeal of approval or rejection . Tdis right was recognised in the circular by which the Conference was called . Tae Conference was called not to agree to THE b i ll to be then and there presented ; bat " to prepare A Bill , " &e . This was . all Lovett asked . He said " Let the Charter ba read : we all
know all about that ; and then if you have anything better to suggest to us , we are ready to consider , and , if we approve , to adopt it . " This was the true spirit of fair play ; the true spirit of " Conference" ; the only thing which could make the Conference other than a farce . But the " Sucking Pigs" said "NO " . We have called you here , nefc to confer but to consent . Yon have " Hobson ' s choice" before you . You shall have , as the basis of your discussion , " THE Bill—our Bill—the Five Hour ' s Monster , which you have never seen , and of whioh you don't know a single word—or you shall have no discussion at all . Never , surely , werejmen seeking Union so conciliatory as the Sucking Pigs" !
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THE TWO IMPORTANT DOCUMENTS . In accordance with our promise of last week , we give in this week ' s Star two most important documents . The one , the Indictment , will need no comment from us here . The time to comment on it will be in March next . Then we fancy that both we and many others may have much to say upon and respecting it .
Tde other document , the Minutes of the Conference , is well deserving of the attention of the people There they have the business of the Conference before them at a glance . There they will find the division which sent the " Sucking Pigs" to seek their Mother ; for tbat division let them know , for the first time , that they " were out " ! Let the people look well at the recorded votes : they will learn from them an instructive lesson !
, -The suggested alterations and emendations of the Charter will also there be found . The people will have learned before this , that no alteration has been absolutely made ; the amendments agreed to by the Conference being agreed t on the distinct understanding , come to by an unani mous vote , that they should be considered and determined upon by the people themselves , in their several localities . We beg to call public attention to them .
We understand that it is the intention of Mr . Hobson , our publisher , in accordance with an intimation made to , and sanctioned by , th e Con fe rence , to publish the Minutes , including the People ' s Charter , in a neat pamphlet form . Id will thus be ready of access on future occasions ; and will be of value to the people in their consideration of the several suggested amendments in the Charter , inasmuch as they will have the whole before them at 0 E 66 . The pamphlet , we understand , will be ready next week ; it will consist of sixteen pages of royal octavo ; and will be sold for 2 d .
From an advertisement in another portion of this sheet it will also be seen that Mr . Cleavb intends to print the Charter , with its suggested amendments , in his Chartist Circular , for Id . Thus the Chartist body will have that document in two shapes : in a neat pamphlet form , together with all tbe Minutes of the Proceedings of the Conference , for 2 d . ; and in the Chartist Cireular t minus the Minutes , for Id .
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The " Three Leeds Delegates . "—Mr . Willum Brooke , of Leeds , has sent a letter here , denying that he voted with the " artful dodgers" in the matter of the committee referred to in last Star , and affirming that he voted for the motion made by Mr . Hilt and seconded by Mr . Hobson . All I have to say upon tlie subject is , that Mr , Brooke did not vote for the motion made by met and seconded by Mr . Hobson . He voted for the amendment moved by Mr . Thompson , and seconded by Mr . Mitchell , the Complete Suffrage men . I saw him vote . —Wh . Hill . "A Constant Reader . " —We rfo not know whcA Mr . Carpenter is now doing . James Hall . —Never mind the scrawler . William Wattjnson desires us to say , that , of the
sum of £ 2 18 * ., published some time ago , for tht Victim Fund , from Preston , 8 s . i ^ d . was from Bambour-b ridge . ' Cboybon Chartists . —We have not room for their address te Mr . Duncombe . T . B . SiiiNiTT , Newark , would be glad to know if the Mr . Boothby , to whose pen the Sturge docu ' ment is attributed , be the same Mr . Boothby who figured at the last election as the agent of Sir T » Wilde , M . PJ Mysticus Secketcs . — We received his letter while silting in Conference at Birmingham , and do not know what has become of it . Will some kind friend sendB . Butterly t Back Albionstreet , Halifax , a Northern Star of May 11 183 ^? General Councillors . —We have over and over
avain staled that lists of Council which arrive . after Wednesday morning cannot appear in the current week ' s Star . Will lite South Wales Delegate write to the indi ' vidual who gave him his address on the breaking up of the Birmingham Conference at an early dale ? Charles Maunder . —His letter is reserved . " Sound Advice . "—A political martyr thus writes to the Chartists of Great Britain : — " Tbe following may , and ought , to serve as an example to eil true Ciartists : —
" Tbe Portuguese gained a moral revolution in 1820 . From a severe despotism they became a democracy * without even a bloody nese or an angry word . They were called the sovereign people . They wei « told , b > sincere friends , to be sure to manage their own affairs ; but they thought they had gained the Constitutional Charter , and all would be right . A set of lawyers forced themselves upon toe people as theii leaders ; said they were democrats ; persuaded the people they wanted their advice ; secured themselves in power , and sold their employers . One of these said lawyeiB ia now one of the Queen ' s Ministers , at Lisbon . " The French people fought in 1830 , and gained , bj blood , a glorious revolution . They drove a tyrant from his throne ; bat , then r they could not manage their own affairs , or they would not What was the result ? They allowed a man to take the lead wbo accepted tbe title of Citizen King ; and he has
done , with impunity , that which the despotw king only talked of doing , and the French are still slaves . " In the following year the Belgians gained as complete a victory over despotism as any to be found recorded in history . Tbe whole was done by to * working people ; but when tbe middle classes aaW them masters , they came < or ward as leaders . Tn « people put their affiirs into their hands , M * they sold them . The Belgians are now slaves again , with the difference , that under the Dutctt yok « they supported half a royal family ; and nor they have a whole one to maintain , and that likely to be a large one . " Yon see by these recorded examples , that it *¦ ** " !? ' use to agitate for , aad gain by any means on objew , except you are determined to manage it when you have got it Let merit alone be a qualification lor candidates who wish to setve yon , —aud beware of humbug !"
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), Jan. 14, 1843, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct786/page/4/
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