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Northern Star (1837-1852), 11th November 1843, Edition 4 of 3, Page 1

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  • Departments (2)
    • TO DANIEL O'CONNELL, M.P.
    • THE EXECUTIVE^ TO' THE CHARTIS1? BODY.
  • Text (6)
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      To Daniel O'Connell, M.P.

      TO DANIEL O'CONNELL , M . P .

      bib , —I have do doubt that job will feel some jEtonifhment at the tone in which . I am-about to address yon . It is not one of vexation or anger , but of joy and exultation . If yon have been placed in a better position by the indomitable courage of oar countrymen , than yon would have occupied , had their subserviency allowed yon to select jroar own coarse , it m » v annoy and wound those who attach

      sore importance to your rnin , than they do to the salTation of their country . ; Upon the contrary , there "is no one eircuinstanee that has inspired me with stronger hope of iny country ' s regeneration , than that proud aad exalted position in which the oiisirerring mind of Ireland has now placed yoo . I do not slop to ask what yonr situation wonld hare been if you had not had sagacity enough to hare gone round to the right point in compliance with ihe pabKc breath ; bat finding yon there , from , yonr pTfesei 3 JkoaHoD , I far the first time in jar life see a

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      prospect of Irelsnd ' a redemption . In the bnteeVof the pending strnggle , I warned yon that one . of three sacrifices would tike place ; either that the Act of Union must be sacrificed ; the Irish priekhobdmK 8 t be sacrificed ; or you would be sacrificed . Yon , Sir , were near being the offering ; and boundless indeetf e ^ ould be yonr gra titude to that Irish firmness which saved yon . I further told yon that the present administration would not be satisfied with merely extingnishins the match ; bnt

      that it wonld exhaust its every resource to scatter the pile . As far as one m&nwmld , I gave you a strength and support which yon had no . right to expect at my hands . I gave it to yon , as I then stated , for the purpose of making yon so strong that retreat would he treason . I watched the movement from its infancy , and assisted , in the outset , in giving yon too much strength to waste upon your original intention—the restoration of the Whigs to office .

      The . position thai yon now occupy is one of responsibility and danger ; one that- yon never eoflrted ; one that yon never anticipated ; one that of all other things yon would if possible have avoided . Circumstances , however , have placed yon there ; and in proportion to the danger and responsibility you are entitled to protection and support . I am sow dealing with you as public opinion has aright to deal with public men—as machines to be worked for the public good . What I write to yon yoa-are already aware of ; and , therefore , the object of thiB correspondence ib , sot to enlighten yon , but to instruct the public mind as to yonr present positioa , and the probabilities which make for and against you .

      Just now great importance is attached to the pendiEg prosecutions . White , however they may serre to . fill jonr exchequer , yen must natnrally look upon them as forming but a very small portion of Tory tactics . Kay , further , I must presume that you are aware that an acquittal would but serve as a pretext to strain all the arts of oppression beyond all the sabtleties of the law . My own impression is , that yonr greatest danger , and Ireland ' s greatest danger , li es in an arquittal while yonr conviction mil not be without its dangers also . Of coarse you are aware of the parties in the Cabinet , upon whose recommendation active

      measures have been iaken to give a finishing blow to the Repeal agitation . It is necessary that the pnblic should also know those parties . Lyndhurst ( urged on by Brougham ) Wellington , Graham , and Stanley are the supporters of annihilation at this side of the watery while De Grey and the Attorney-Generalj llr . T . B . Smith , at ihB other side , wDl persecute you with a personal vindieiiveness , rather than with a view to avenge the offended law . You may take jny word for it , that there is as much personal y . engcance as public duty mixed up with the present prosecutions ; and therefore yon must be prepared on all handB to meet yonr legal and personal persecutors .

      Yon have learned from recent events Sir , that the schoolmaster who teaches cannot unteadk You have had a practical example of what the effect of your teachin g would be likely to be , were you to run counter . to those maxims , rules , and principles , of which yon have been an extensive expounder and teacher . Bad not pnblic opinion driven you , as if by magic , " from the adoption of what is called TrDtxiiUM , I sh 6 nld , &t all risks and hazard , have raised the standard of unconditional Hepeal myself

      in Ireland ; and yoa know sir , and I know fell well , that your every thought , for the last eight yean , has been directed to a consideratioB of thege means by which you could ensure my absence from my native country . After bo many years of deliberation you hare at length been enabled to solve the riddle . It is by being honest , consistent , and brave ; and by no longer attempting to use that mighty power which you have created for the mere attainment of paltry personal purposes .

      With so much of an exordium , I shall now , for the first time , enter into communication with you upon the several charges that , from time to time , you have brought against the "foigiiwli Chartists ; first premising that your great hostility to that body was exclusively founded upon their opposition to the Whigiaity ; and that your Beveral charges against them were the mere fabrications of jour own mind ; falsehoods concocted and used for the mere purpose -of justifying your refusal to accept an amount of strength which no other party could have given to those who were honestly engaged is the pursuit of pnblic liberty .

      You jnnst understand , Sir , that your greatest enemies are those who wonld spoil you by following you with blind submissioB . You are now in a position which enabled you to serve the cause of universal liberty ; you can so longer retard it ; and the only question for yonr consideration is , whether your honest co-operation or desertion can bring about the desired change with the most , security and speed . You have spoken very contemptuouBly , from time to time , of support that has been tendered

      to you from different quarters ; while you have spoken with great reverence of aid that has ' been tendered from sources from whence yon could derive no pos-Bible strength . Is rejecting the co-operation of the Chartist body , ( which by the way was never tendered to yon , bnt to the service of the Irish people ) , you have stated your reasons to be , firstly , " the physical force doctrines preached by the Chartist leaders /* and secondly , "iheir interference with the meetings of other bodies , "

      t » ow , Sir , . with regard to the first charge , you are perfectly aware that i t was made by individuals of yonr own party , for the mere purpose of covering their own mora violent expressions ; just in the same manner as your exuberant loyalty has been bestowed personally upon the Queen , while the lawyers say that yon have been endeavouring lo curtail her prerogative . Mark , I do not object to this curtailment , if the exercise of the prerogative tends to curtail pnblic liberty . " I merely ¦ ese it as an . illustration . After the many violent straggles that the Chartist body has ' . sustained

      against this prerogative , and the law ' s vengeance , defy you , with the angle exception of Kewport , to point out a single instance in which the Chartistahave had recourse iophyEical force , xn&ihere it was forced upon them . Of eonrse , in an admonitory letter , it jb not my intention to repeat the invitations to the battle field ; the exhortations to be in readiness ; and the declarations of physical capability that have been addressed to the Irish people from time to time by your followers . I pas 3 OTeryoHT mild criticisms -atbn the Rebecca

      outbreaks , when sanctioned by a portion of the middle classes , as compared with your rabid denunciation of the Newport riots , in which tbe Chartists were implicated ; and , above all , I abstain from more than hinting at the insiduous manner in which yon have sought to mix my same np with every libel that has been published against the Chartist hody . You are sow surrounded by so many of the blessings xt " physical force , that I shall dismiss that branch f ay subject , by merely reminding yon that altered circumstances may have prodnced some alteration

      in yonr opinions . I shall now apply myself to the consideration of your second charge—that of Chartbt interference with the meetings of other bodies . Yon , sir , were perfectly aware that when the Whig party had lost all pnblic confidence , and were about to he hurled from power , that you , together with the "longstops" on the Whig side , were

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      obliged to have recourse to a system of sew agitation , to prop up their declining influence . In the outset , the question of a Repeal of the Corn Laws was intended as a large demand ; and the confirmation of Whig power for seven more years was to have been the first instalment ; and it was only upon the failure of that Eliding scale that the present society of Total Abolitionists , without apparent reference to Whig restoration , was established . The working classes of England , who have tasted of the tender mercies of the Fees Thxdees , were naturally astonished that their demands for cheap bread should have increased in an exact ratio with tbe inability of their party to carry a Repeal of the

      Corn Laws . The question was hotly agitated in 1842 ; and however Melbourne , Palmerston , and Russell , might have ccquetted about the subject , jet the object of the Free Traders , in the first instance , was to insure a Whig majority upon a dissolution of Parliament . You are perfeotly aware that favour is not ' eonrted under the same , but under the measures of a party ; and hence the contest at the last general election was between " Monopolists" and " Anti-monopolists "; both parties sinking their political names , but each contending for the ascendancy of its own party . Yoa will then observe that the whole question of political excitement being carried on under the specious ij .

      , Sam of Free Trad * , tbtf ^ Jfl ^ < Ui > mM' ¦ 1 " *» prove to the world that Whiggery , of which Free Trade was hnt the shadow , was in the ascendant . The ChartiBts , upon the other hand , agitated for the substance . They agitated for their old principles . They agitated for the means oftarrying out the professed objects of the Free Traders ; and had they not done se , the result would have been , as indeed the object was , to destroy Chartism , and place Whiggery in the ascendant , under the Free Trade banner . You are aware , Sir , that there is a grand principle in English agitation , in which Ireland is as yet deficient . In England the working men do their own business , make their own speeches , and manage their own affairs . In Ireland those things are , as vet , done for them .

      The Chartists had no alternative , in this bye-battle of Free-Trade-Whiggery , bat to hoist their own standard . And now , Sir , you must learn the amount of their great fault , as you wonld call it , and the reasons which led to its commission . In the first place , the Chartists attended public meetings of the Free Traders , and moved no amendments to their resolutions . The result was , that the Whig press claimed the whole Chartist body as acquiescing in the new principle ot Whiggery . When the Chartists discovered thiB trick , played off by the whole of the metropolitan and provincial press , they attended

      the Free Trade meetings , and merely demanded the right of discussion , still abstaining from proposing an amendment . This privilege was sot only refused , but those who asked for it yrere knocked down upon the platformj and , after being brutally treated , were handed over to the custody of the police , as common felons . And yon must bear in mind that wherever a moral triumph of thiB eort was achieved by the friends of liberty , their conduct was lacded to the skies ; the Morning Chronicle , upon one occasion , highly approving of their conduct towards a poor working man , who was dragged from the platform , brutally beaten , and rolled in the getter .

      After a series of brutal outrages of a similar kind , the Chartists , as a body , came to the resolution of placing their principles in jaxta-position with those of the Free Traders . Their first step was to move amendments , not in opposition to Free Trade , bnt shewing the only means by which Free Trade could be accomplished , as well as the only means i > y which it could be made materially Instead of Beet tonally beneficial . The Chartiste invariably had both the reason and large majorities on their side ; bat the chairman being appointed from the Free Trade ranks , and not with the consent of the meeting , upon many occasions declared the Free Trade resolutions w carried , " against a Chartist amendment , even when the handB in favour of the latter were mora

      than ten to one . ThiB injustice forced upon the Chartists the necessity of appointing a chairman by a vote of tbe meeting . The result was , that tbe Chartist chairman invariably invited discussion , and preserved order ; and the meetings terminated with an overwhelming majority for the Chartist principles . Instead of being longer looked upon as the mere Free-Trade-tail of Whiggery , and only noticed as sueh even by their own organs , the Chartists at once

      assumed a triumphant position , and ensured column after column in every paper in England , intended as chastisement , but proving ear superiority . Ab a matter of course they called us tyrants ; but better that , than slaves . The very term tyrant shewed that we were able to dictate ; while all must confess that our superior strength was mildly uBed , and went so further than claiming the victory , after the battle had been fairly fought . and fairly won .

      It was this timely manifestation of our strength that enabled us to kill Whiggery at the last general election . The free-trade agitation was intended to perpetuate the rule of our tyrant task-maskers , and your objection to Chartism may be explained in a single sentence : thus ; it destroyed Whiggebt . Before I give you more general and extensive reasons for Chartist opposition to Free Traders , allow me to make an observation or two upon subjects which appear to have escaped yoar Attention . Do you recollect your visit to Manchester , at Easter , in 18411 Do yon remember your declaration made there upon the eve of a great meeting in Stevenson ' s Square , to the effect that the Chartists were all

      Orangemen 1 Do you recollect the description of discussion that took place in Stevenson ' s-square , when the bludgeon was the best argument that could be used in support of Free Trade , under the auspices of Mr . Cobden , and the Free Trade authorities ? Did you denounce that system of interference with the right of pnblio meeting 1 And , again , when I and thirty-six other Chartists were brutally assaulted by a band of ruffians hired by the League , and when hatchets , stones , pokers , and daggers were used as Free Trade arguments : did you then object to that mode of discussion ! No , Sir : that was " physical force" upon the right side ; and therefore justifiable .

      I shall now compare the Chartists' mode of transacting business with ycrar mode . You never can hope to establish your principles without discussion . You E&y that you court discussion : and it is only after discussion that the public mind can arrive at proper conclnsionB ; and yet your Repeal wardens , acting under the instructions , of your Privy Council in Dublin , have issued orders to the Irish Repealers in England not to attend Chaetist Meetings .

      Now , Sir , " I wonld ask you whether such folly does not at once establish the fact , that the principles of Chartism being based upon truth are dangerous to all those clap-trap propositions , which , however , they may glitter by themselves , are nevertheless sure to lose iheir lustre when placed beside the brighter thing ? Having so far justified our course with reference to the Free Trade war , I shall now proceed to submit general objections which the workins classes hare to the Free Trade

      party-Tbe Chartists do not object io the principles of Free Trade . On the contrary , they have invariably declared , that one of the first acts of a Chartist Parliament , would be to declare for perfect Free Trade ; while its accomplishment , without the power to be made nationally beneficial , would but place the labourer more than ever at the mercy of the capitalist . However , Sir , as the position which I am sow about to explain has never been canvassed by any portion of the press , I beg yonr undivided attention to the reasons why the working daRBes object to the triumph of the Free Trade party . I have shown you that they do not so much object to the carrying out of their one single measure , as

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      they do to the entrusting indiscriminate power in their hands . The term Free Trade , of itself , may appear very innocent and harmless ; but , Sir , when we recollect that although a single motto upon their banner , that there are many passions , prejudices , and feelings to be marshalled under it , we naturally become alarmed at the power which the incorporation of these passions , prejudices , and feelings would

      place in the hands of one political party , to whom Free Trade , haying ensured ascendancy , would become a very minor , if not a wholly insignificant , consideration . You must be perfectly aware , that the success of that party in the accomplishment of their professed end , must lead to their political ascendancy ; and it is in that character as a fall band of politicians , and not as Paginini fiddling upon on « string , that the people dread them .

      It may appear harmless to muster a party upon so apparently philanthrophio grounds ; but see the subsequent battles , which as conquerors , they must fight , to make * the first victory available . Their battle is transfer , not correction . As Free Traders they profess but a unity of opinion upon one question ; but let the triumph of that once establish their asoendanoy , and then , the several sections of which the Free Trade party is now composed will demand their several rewards for their servioes in the good fight . , . .

      ^ fpafflL&WtS& 4 MM * « orponrteawioityf ana in that light ,, we « ee the Dissent wing claiming , not toleration or equality , bnt ascendancy ; we see the Capitalist claiming the superiority of machinery over man ; we see the active operation of money , which is their type of power , gaining such an ascendancy over the laws and their administration as to make justice a mockery : in their ascendancy we recog nize the depopulation of the land at home , to the exact amount required for the working of inanimate machinery : in their ascendancy we reoogniie the pollution of the ; source of justice by the

      appointment of cruel oppressors , instead of impartial justices : in a word , Sir , in their ascendancy we recognize all the perfect machinery for the purchase of cheap slave-labour , with the political power to ! chastise the spirits that dare to rebel against their unholy system . We have never opposed Free Trade as a mere isolated boon . We have opposed it for the reasons thai I have assigned ; because the Dissenters struggle for ascendancy , not to destroy the State Church , but to transfer its ; emoluments to their own body ;

      because Capitalists seek for ascendancy , not to destroy what is vicious in the agricultural system , but to take advantage of it for their own profit ; because , as a political party , they do not speak of , neither do they intend to redress , a single grievance , but merely to transfer them from Tory to Whig hands , fastening the burden more tightly than ever upon the backs of the people , their principal object being to melt the people down by oppression to that state of Eubserviency which would ensure them as willing alaves .

      Thus sir , yon find that this is the second struggle , — the R eform Bill was the first , —for the ascendancy of active capital over sluggish land . But sinking all political titles and distinctions , and hating Toryism as much as any man living , yet a thousand times orer let me bear the oppression against which I can struggle rather than tamely submit to & tyranny against which I could make no stand . You have now learned oar position , and our objeotiens to giving a multifarious power to an illassorted , but yet partially united faction . I have struggled agaihBt each in turn ; and with God ' s blessing I will still continue to do so . I have been mainly instrumental in creating a power , the

      foundation of which I laid in Marylebone , on the 18 th of September , 1835 : and which I then stated weald henceforth be a tower of strength to the good man , and a terror to the evil doer . That power , Sir , yoa must now court . It is the mountain : yon are but Mahomet . It is too great for any man to wield . It can be only moved by the magiowand of justice . Do justice , Sir ; and , as a necessary consequence , its aim being justice , it will be ready to support yoa ; bat lay not the nattering unction to your soul , that any man living can tender that co-operation for the accomplishment of any thing short of your reassumed position ; and believe not that any man living can withhold it from you as long as your battle is for right .

      You will bear in mind , Sir , that , previously to the establishment of the great Radical Association , in 1835 , I told yoa in the Westminster-Club , after your acqniesence in the Lords ' s Amendments to the Irish Municipal Bill , that I would raiae a popular party that yoa could neither buy nor sell . I have done it , Sir ; and upon that party you mast fall back , or fall down . And if , hitherto , your unchecked career has induced you to run on , without thought , from one position to another , I would now implore you , Sir , to take a few hours' serious deliberation , — not with those whose danger is comparatively trifling , and who live upon the wages of agitation but call men of honour , and especially the Roman Catholic Clergy , to your councils , and repair the

      fault that you have committed , —that of allowing yourself to be taken by surprise . Mark , Sir ; the Arms Bill comes into operation on Monday next ; and recollect that in the outset , I told you in the Northern iStarthat that Bill would be the means of rallying all the old Orange prejudices against the Irish Catholics ; and be assured that their nerves will be strengthened by the military array now placed at their disposal .: You are not to argue any diminution of their apparent hatred from their inactivity daring yonr triumphant summer ' s campaign ; bat you are on the contrary to suppose that their retribution will be deadly , and that their pent-up passions will demand a fall flow of Irish Catholio blood , as a setoff against their temporary submission .

      Sir , entertain no hope of lenity from the English Cabinet , or from the Irish Executive . Believe me that you are now at issne . The Government would not now allow you to abandon your position , without making an example of you to serve as an extinguisher during their time . You have one course open yet , and only one ; take all advantages that the law will admit of ; rather demur to the whole

      matter contained in the Indictment than go to trial with a packed Jury ; and instead of again befog taken by surprize , prepare the brave' millions mho have such unbounded confidence in you for the worst ; kot fob a PHYSICAL ENCOUNTER ! not to present ( heir unarmed persons to an armed soldiery ! but to take such steps as , in the event of the triumph of the Government , will Jverify your

      declaration—T < s vic&s . Woe to the Conquebob ! If you fail , Sir , to achieve a triumph for Irelandstrip that of her oppressors of its value ; and , instead of longer deluding the Irish people with a false statement , that the English working classes have no sympathy for them , for the first time in your life avow yourself the champion of the rights of labour , ind cease to be the stalking-horse of capital , and the supporter of legitimacy . Turn , Sir , from prejudice to troth , and from speculation to an honest warfare for the rights of man .

      I had originally intended to have addressed you iu a different manner and in a different tone ' , but , aa I have stated , the new position in which Irish courage has placed yon has induced me to alter my or iginal intention , and has made me determine that even yet yon shall not fall back upon English working class indifference as a justifiable reason for abandoning that whioh , with a thorough knowledge of the pros and cons , you have so religiously promised to accomplish . I for one , Sir , shall not hold yon to the exact day upon which Ireland ' s triumph is to be achieved . On the contrary I am ready to allow you the right of meeting stratagem by counter stratagem ; and sq far from counselling you to rush

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      prematurely forward against irresistible odds , as an Irishman , I merely require that if yoo are stopped you do not retreat j and if joa are obliged to retreat that it will be no farther than absolute necessity compels . Beware ,, Sir , bow yoatWaste or apply the strength that it has cost the ^ nstion maeh to create . Be assured that rebellion is determined upon ; and thai you are lodked ^ pon as ihe obstacle in the way of sooial improvement , and will be therefore , the mark for faction j and than , Sir , when the day of trouble , now stealing upon you , comes , you will ] discover

      whether Feargus O'Connor , who would not blindly follow ^ oh , or those wwhp have subserviently acquiesced In your meandering policy , was most to be relied upon . Yes , Sir , should you become a captive m the felon ' s cell , the table of the House of Commons shall groan under petitions for your release , if I can procure them ; and the untrammelled mind of England Bhall teach you , Sir , that from one end of the land to the other , when injustice is perpetrated all cause of difference : is forgotten . If they put you m prison , Sir , I'll try to haveyou out again , and that , too , by peaceable and constitutional

      means ; and then , Sir , I shall look baok to the gloom of thetiark dungeon where I spent ; sixteen months unnoticed and unoared for , with the consolation that yoar negleot has not obliterated my sense of duty te all those who are persecuted and I shall oontinue to address yon until the struggle is at an end . In concluding for the present , I would say , be cautious ; be guarded . Upon no account allow yourself to be hustled into crowds , either in the Four Courts , or in the streets ; for be assured that the days of Sidmoutb and Castlereagh are near at hand : and that the law failing in its

      vengeance , the assassin who would deprive you of life would be considered as a good substitute , and would be rewarded as such . Again , I caution yoa against the supposition that an acquittal would be allowed to be a triumph . You know what the preparations for your destruction have cost ihe country , and that nothing short of your ruin would be considered as an equivalent . Be not afraid of English opinion while you are right . Expect nothing from it where you are wrong , and therefore to insure its support , convince the world that you are right . I am , Sir , Feabgus O'CoMNor ..

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      TO THE WORKING CLASSES . Mr ' deab Friends , —I shall firstly conclude the narrative of my tour , and then offer some observations upon our present position . In my last , I brought you down to the : meeting at Dumfries , which was held in Baillie Beck's Show Rooms , in consequence of M'Kenzie , the Liberal Non-Intrusion Parson , having broken faith with bis own Committee and the Chartists . The reason assigned by this Liberal Parson for refusing his church is so curious , and at the same time so complimentary to myself , that I muBt mention it . He said , " that if I addressed his flock upon Chartist principles , those who

      heard me would ; upon the following Sunday , when he was preaching , have my words uppermost in their thoughts . " However , he did refuse as the church- ; but as I have before observed , we had a capital meeting in Baillie Beck ' s Show Rooms , and subsequently about eighty-four of the leading Chartists of Dumfries and surrounding districts Bat down to a good and substantial supper at the Temperance Hotel , where speaking and singing was kept up till nearly one o ' clock in the morning . Messrs . Andrew Wardrop , Peter Gray , and William M'Douall , with a few other good fellows have kept Chartism alive in Dumfries ; bat it remained for the Rev . Mr . M'Kenzie and myself to set it blazing .

      On Wednesday inconsequence of a mistake made by Peter Gray in communicating with Arthur at Carlisle , I was obliged to poat off from Dumfries to Carlisle . Gray understood me to say that I would not be at Carlisle till Thursday night , and wrote to Arthur io that effect . I was not aware of the fact until two o ' clock , when I instantly started and did tbe thirty-three miles in three hoars and a-half . When ! arrived all was consternation , and I "discovered that the meeting . had been postponed till the following night . The drums and bellman were instantly set to work to convene the meeting for that evening , and at eight o ' clock the Athersmm was literally wedged . It is the largest public building in Carlisle ; and although many poor

      handloom weavers , oat of employment , were admitted free , yet between five and six pounds , at a penny a-head , was received at the door . James Arthur was called to the chair , and briefly introduced me to the meeting . The pressure in every point was so great that we could not secure order for fully half an hoar . The passages were full and the street outside was lined . I made two speeches —the one upon general topics , which appeared to give general satisfaction , and the other , in reply to a very complimentary address that was presented to me by the working people . After the business was over and three hearty cheers were given for Duncombe , I proceeded with the work of enlistment and added 330 to the noble army of Chartists . That

      work being completed , the hearty fellows of Carlisle formed a procession , and with their band playing and flags waving in the night breeze they escorted me to my hotel ; and thus terminated a tour which I would not undertake again for any 6 am of money . From the 3 rd of October to the 1 st of November I have addressed the people in the following places : London and Manchester five times ; Huddersfield , Bradford , and Halifax once ; Newcastle seven times ; Seghill once ; South ShieldB three times ; Sanderland once ; Sheddons Hill twice ; Edinburgh twice ; Leith once ; Dundee twice ; Montrose once ; Arbroath once ; Aberdeen three times ; Glasgow once ; Dumfries twice ; and Carlisle once . I have travelled within that period very near fifteen

      hundred miles . I have enrolled nearly seven thousand members , thus putting nearly sixty pounds into the Chartist exchequer . Let the reader ponder for a moment upon the importance of those several places , the principal towns in England and Scotland let him reflect upon the means that have been resorted to to destroy my character and my influence ; and let him then learn , not from myself , but from the several localities , what my reception was , and the amount of service that I have rendered to the cause ; and he may take all as an answer to the blundering Parry , the cantankerous and jealous Lovett , and the whole tribe of disappointed " pedlars , " whose packs I have emptied of Chartist wares . I had not visited some of those places for four years , and during that period ,

      every engine has been at work to destroy my influence with the working classes ; and yet , with the single ; exception of tbe honest Mr . Mathers ( not Mavors , as printed in the Northern Star ) , of South Shields , not one of my revile rs had the manliness to meet me personally . | From all that I have seen within this period , I have come to the conclusion that all parties desirous of change , whether organic or administrative , must join in the demand for Chartist principles . I argue thus : from August 1842 . to the present time , all adverse parties have had unchecked sway ; while the disasters of the Strike paralysed the Chartist body , even as a defensive force . The Anti-Corn-Law League , with immense funds at its baok—the

      Complete Suffragists , with impunity for their protection—the Whigs , with legitimacy for their safeguard—have , all , one and all , separately and collectedly , endeavoured to recruit their ranks from bur scattered forces ; while , notwithstanding the several disheartening Circumstances by which we were surrounded , I venture to assert that not one dozen-ChartiBts have gone over to any section of the enemy . This is something , and not a little either . It is something that the Chartists should have held their ground for bo long a period of inactivity ; and it is something more , that the whole body should have been prepared , as if by magic , to throw off their lethargy , and once more rally round the sacred standard as soon as it was reared . The impression upon my mind is , that much of the fifty thousand pounds' League money bas been spent in an

      endeavour to crush Chartism by oue means or other , tnat it has failed to do bo , however , wi ll be discovered in the fact , that while the yultores hover over their prey in small vilUges , they are afraid to venture into any one of the large townB . Hence we find them at Haddiogton , within a few miles of Edinburgh , rejoicing in a meeting of five or six hundred , while they dare not enter Edinburgh . So in Lancashire ; we find them valiant in Lancaster , while they dare not enter Manchester , or one of the large towns in that important county ; The observer , naturally asks , why the operations of the League are not exclusively confined to those districts where , the promised advantage of "high wages , cheap bread , and plenty to do , " would be most anxiously contended for , and most efficiently supported 1 The answer is , that ? if machinery has centralized poverty , it has

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      also centralized pnblio opinion J and the poor , forlorn operatives , to whom so maefe is * promised by the accomplishment of ( Free Trade , bare had many a bitter taste of the comparatively liM 3 © power which their Free Trade patrons already possess , and they know full well wn » t the result to ttram of the increased power of their patrons would be . Henceforth they will be compel ? ed to cosfine their exertions to bribery at elections ; a process which , while land confers the franchise , they will find wearisome and unproductive . When beaten there , however , they never will join the working men for their rights , aa they would much prefer the shackles remaining upoa trade ] to the political fetters-being taken off the working classes By a shrewd coarse .

      however , we can render this babble party wholly inaoxious , by convincing the shopkeepers , who-are now their principal supporters * that machinery , the god of the League ,- is the dewJ of the ehopkeepsr . Wherever I have gone I have smsessfully inculcated that feeling upon the minds of the shop-keeping class ; and I believe it { but requires-a good following up to draw the shopkeeping class from the Free Traders . As for the : Complete Suffrage party , I need apt mention them . The position which a few individuals assumed as a party was not likely to be long maintained , Mr . Duncombe scattered them ; and ] CyCbnnell bas blown them into air . Surely , if a few Orangeowa of the North of Ireland were worth a- big dtum r the preferred

      service of Joseph should have been received with some , little noise ; however , £ KConneH assures them that they have ne power , that they never will have power , and that therefore their professed co-operation is not worthy Irish acceptance . As for the Whigs , that new fangled party consisto of freetraders , Complete Suffragists ,, and Whig placehunters , from whom nothing , sot even- opposition to Toryism , can be expected ; and therefore we pro * pose to leave them upon the bleak side of the Treasury , until they are prepared to- practically carry out tbe maxim " that the people are the only source of poiitioal power , * ' by guaranteeing to the whole people twenty representatives of their opinions in the House of Commons . To this point we must next

      direct our attention ; and when we have ascertained through the agency of Mr . Duncombe , th&t weean rely upon an honest fulfilment of those conditions , the whole people , who caimot now appoint one policeman , would find little difficulty in effecting a dissolution of Parliament , j I have made this next step one of the leading features in my recent addresses and I find that it ; haa been most favourably received . In fact this is the proper mode of directing that public opinion which has been created and organized ; and to this object we should incessantly direct our attention , so that the thief sha ll not again bteal upon us in the dark . If we tarn oar attention to the triumphs gained by the working classes in the recent Municipal struggles , all will immediately

      discover the fact which I have so long endeavoured -to impress upon their minds , that the people richly deserve every grievance of which they complain , because the removal of one and all is in their own power , and may be easily accomplished by a > onion of their own order . It must be borne in mind that for years I have laboured to teach the working classes that Municipal power were the small wheels which , if properly arranged , wonld cause an alteration in the large wheels of Government . It is of all things necessary that corporate power should be opposed to the existing ministry ; and it is my opinion , that if the Municipal machinery was well worked , it would open an easy road ( to the accomplishment of the People's Charter . To this end then I trust

      that public opinion will be well directed—that is , to the enforcement of twenty Chartist members into the next House of Commons , and the proper management of Muniopal machinery as a principal means of effecting that end . \ The whole of the press-gang , both Whig and Tory , are making a dreadful noise about Mr . Duncombe ' s declaration of Charter Reform . It is not wonderful that the Tories should do so ; but why the Free Trade portion of the press should feel any annoyance , astonishes me , and I'll tell you Why . Because the Free Traders have made a mighty boast of their triumph in the City of London in the return of Mr . Pattison . But as Ij am sure that th » t gentleman would much rather owe his seat to the unsought

      interference of a friend than to the tricks of the , trade , it may not be amiss to tell him to whom he really does owe his triumph . These , then , are the facts of the oase . The Chartists bad resolved upon making a powerful anti-Whig and anti-Tory demonstration at the recent nomination , and had determined upon going to the poll with a candidate pledged to the whole principles of the Charter . With those intentions , a very influential Committee waited upon Mr . Dnncombe , for the purpose of con-6 utling him upon the matter . Mr . Duncombe told them that they themselves could not : select a candidate who would go farther than Mr . Pattison in support of every liberal measure , and that he was sure he would vote for the Six Points of the

      People ' s Charter . The perfect reliance which the working men have ( in Mr . Duncombe made that explanation perfectly satisfactory , and the Chartists set to work in their several localities to canvas for Mr . Pattison . The reeult was that they did not propose a candidate . ; that he got the show of hands , as well as a majority of votes ; while , had it not been for Mr . Duncombe , I have no hesitation in Baying that Baring would have beaten him by a large majority . Pattison ' s majority was 165 ; consequently if 83 out of the whole number that polled for him . 1 had voted for Bating , Baring would have been returned ; and I believe , neither Whig or Tory will dispute the fact , that the Chartists could have ensured a show of hands and have

      polled between three and four hnndred votes for their man ; therefore Mr . Pattison may consider himself in a muoh more honourable position than that of creature of the League : " he is the M People ' s" member . I was in the House with Mr . Pattison ; and there was ! not half a dozen members so thoroughly democratic ; and I pledge myself , as Mr . Duncombe pledged ' himself ,-that he will vote for every point of the People ' s Charter ; for separation of Church and State !; and for all other moral and religious measures . ] I have acquired much knowledge from my present tour . I have witnessed a firm and decided resolution on the part of the working classes to have their Charter ; and although I admit , and freely , that the Charter may be considered a poverty question , yet ,

      notwithstanding the : fact that trade has experienced a general improvement thonghout the two countries , yet contrary to the j received opinion of our opponents , that improvement ha-3 not damped the ardour , or lessened the enthusiasm , of the Chartist body . If I may judge from the exhibitions that I have seen , We ( bave a right to anticipate a glorious representations" pnblio opinion in our next Convention ; and if ever there was a time when it behoved the friends of freedom in this country to look sharp after their few remaining privileges , for rights they have none , now is the time . I tell them that neither Sidmouth nor Castlereagh , were greater enemies to popular liberty , than Wellington and Graham . I tell them that never ; did the English bench furnish

      more Jeffries at the disposal of the . Crown than at present . I tell them that never was a more dangerous officer entrusted with the administration of tbe law than the present Solicitor-General . He is a powerful man ; and if he has one ambition stronger than another , it is to convince his masters that he is more powerful than the law . It is his glory , to make right wrong , and wrong right . The Attorney-General has a heart to feel , and a mind that wonld contioal him even in the exercise of his political professional duties . ) The Solicitor-General has no feeling . There never was a more thorough political maohine . The magistrates , whenever -the

      struggle comes between the people and their oppressors will , without exception , be upon the side of tyranny . Now alljthese are fearful odds against a party , whose powerjoonsists of numbers and union ; however , with a perfect union of numbers we ean beat them all . We are not to attach mu « h importance to the present j apparent calm , as ifc would not suit the tactics of our present rulers to carry on war againBt the Irish , the Welsh , the Scotah , and the English at one and the same time ; bat only wait until Ireland and jWales are thoroughly crushed , and then England and Scotland will have their due share ot Tory consideration .

      While I thus point out the materials of which the machinery of o ppression is composed , let me not be understood as recommending wiy ^ tae slightest , relaxation of Chart ist agitation , or any abatement in our just demands ; on the contrary , upon oar perseverance , boldness , and prudence , in a great measure depends not only tHe fate of our own principles , but also of our own country ; and I have vanity enough to believe that my exertions on behalf of British liberty give me a claim , upon British sscpott . Upon this rahjeet , however , His my intention to

      address a series of letters to Mr . O'Connell * ia the Northern Star , the first of which will be found in the present number ; and therefore I siaH abstain from farther mention of it in this place * The success of my tour has very naturally set all the vermin to work . Other unions , and more unions , are taking place between old squabblers , who . not long sinot would have bitten each others noses , off ; but if I fail in my endeavours to create a union of the working classes , I have at all events , tha satisfaction to knots that the most deadly and . inveterate enemies ml shake hands over ] all their own different and

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      i ? ^ tri ^ ff ^ " ^ i ^^ ^ r ^ L ^ i ^ ^ ^^ / fou& ^ Lsfi ^ & t&x ^ ^ - triL- * fap £ cM > ;; unite to destroy Feargos 0 yO-inWand 1 tbe Norther Star . But to those repti . 38 one and all , I wool merely say , that it they ha fd not had a surfeit from , the past , they shall have it from the future . It i for you mow to say whether or not you consider ifc worth your while to maintain the poaitton that I Have once more gained for you in the largest towns in England and Scotland ; and whether you the working classes are , or are not , prepared to assert yoar rights . I have given you a practical proof of

      what one man can do ; and each . who exerts himself can make himself comparatively useful in his own . locality . Let us only haveagood managing comi . -uittee in each district ; andl will venture to say that if seven men in each town can be found to work honestly , ninety-nine in every hundred of the work * ing classes will be found to work energetically under them : for I have invariably fonad that Chartism wv's most prosperous , and bickering most rare , i * those towns where the business was transacted by aCrao « il of honest men . Surely , then , the great prize at ; a , take is worth the only sacrifice that ' s needed—in * , lesty in a few , to ensure zeal and co-operation from t&k many .

      Ithi « k the people will have learned , from the address of ibo Executive in this week ' s Star , that that body have resolved upon limiting their expenditortf to- tbwBfiwi . ' ? possible amount , and of xenderin % service for f&k '' * " wages ; aod now I caJl upon ^ all why are deterarfc ^ to give Chartism a fair trial , to rally once- more . round the sacred standard . Ana as a consolation ft ? . those who have expressed a hope that iaaotivity may L uduce me to abandon the cause , I tell them * for thei r satisfaction , that its accomplishment alons shall drive me from the ranks ; and therefore I out the-bu t leg from under the stool of faction . :

      I now trust tlrafrevevy locality will send its mite to me as Treasurer ^ to- I'arry oat the objects that we have in-view ; and be * r m mind that it is every man ' s cause , and thensfow should enlist every man ' s consideration ; Ha * it ba . been for ; the necessity imposed upon'me towateh over the proceedings m the Qaeen ' s Beneh , instead of Mr . Roberts , who ismore profitably engaged' © it srwise , I should have » continued my- tour tfarengb i Lancashire ,, according to-my original intention * ;; b « . the truth : is—firstly , that Mr . Roberts declared ! thi t one of to should be present , and F thought bis-tin a oowld bo-more pro

      fitably spent in Newcastle f and s second !* ,, I could nose have gone on without sose ; rest , as I believe in * the aunala of aeitationno maaevei * went through more * fatigue than I have done daring &he last month . In' conclusion , Chare only to offer this brief summary of a short tour-to the perusal of those xanekwormi who growl- in * baok parlours , and loee iheir rest in devising , means- bow to-destroy my iafliencev I will give them & recipe , and the only one ? LETTHEMJGO AND BO MORE . I remain ,. Your faithful friend and servant , ffsABCtrs O'Connor .-

      The Executive^ To' The Chartis1? Body.

      THE EXECUTIVE ^ TO' THE CHARTIS 1 ? BODY .

      Fbiends , —At foot you- will' 2 nd the opinion of Mr . Bodkin relative to the enrolment of the plan of ' Organization , and from it you * will leara that whiler Counsel abstains from giving- any opinion upon the ' question of legality , he thinks , that the Plan is deficient in some of those points- which constitute » - society as contemplated by certain Acts of Parliament . Under these circumstances ,, it becomes oar duty , as yoar appointed officers , to state the coarse ' which it is oar intention to pursue . The two main points to which we shall direct oar attention are ,. firstly , the creation of such * an > enrolled force as

      will insure a full and fair representation of Chartists * principles in the Convention about to be held in April next ; . and , secondly , to- observe the most rigid economy in . the expenditure of the national funds . In order to effect the- firsfe purpose , we shall proceed , for the present , underae much of the plan of Organization , as requires no- legal proteotioni to enrol members of tbe General Association , whoselegal affairs will be transacted by couneilmen , nominated by the Beveral districts , and which nomination will require thaconfifmation of the Executive . We shall abstain , for the present , from-the establishment of branches and from the issuing , of Charters , and must direct our undivided attention to-the political

      portion . of the plan ; and by those- means we hope to create a matured public opinion to whioh the forthcoming Convention may give a proper direction * By that time the several questions upon * whioh parties may be now at issue will have been fairly discussed , and that body will be in aeituation to give full effect to what shall appear to be the then public opinion . In order to , ' carry oat our second project and as our labours in council will be considerably diminished by the non-enrolment of our Organization , we propose to appoint two from- oar number

      as lecturers to- districts requiring , their servicestheir salaries to be paid out of the Executive Fund * and-the proceeds arising from their exertions , to be wholly applied to the local purpoBea of the several places where they shall lecture . With this view we have appointed Mr . M'Grath as lecturer for Cheahirer and Mr . Clark for Somersetshire ; after which they will proceed , to Cornwall and Northamptonshire thus saving those counties the expence of district lecturers , while we trust their services will place funds at the disposal of the localities to- enable theoi to transact their local business . .

      Mr . M'Grath will be at Northampton on Monday the 20 th ; at Birmingham On Tuesday the 21 st : at Wolverhampton on Wednesday the 22 nd ; and at Stockport on Thursday the 23 rdV where it is tobe expected the council Will have / pointed out hisroute for Cheshire . The inhabitants requiring theattendance of the Executive missionaries will merely have to pay their travelling expenses from towa to town , and therefore it is of all things important that the route should be jadieioasly arranged . Mr . Clarke will be in Bristol oa Monday the 20 th ; when w » trust the Council will [ have » made proper arrangements to render

      his services available . The * missionaries will be supplied fwith cards of membership , and wilL thus save the several localities the expense of postage . Having thus submitted to yoa what our intentions are , oar position Being considerably altered by the non-enrolment of pur Organization , we trust , as-8 omo latitude must be allowed , that the eonrse wa have chalked oat , ander existing circumstances * , will meet with the approbation and support of the Chartist public ; while we have a right to complain , of the active and underhand agency being used by parties who have already done sufficient to create confusion in our ranks , being , now directed to the frustration of oar best endeavours .

      However , as our duties are twofold , it being not less incumbent upon as to meet oar enemies than to support our friends , we trust , by a perseverance ia that line which will insure for us theapproval of " the Chartist body , to be able to beat down all party / and sectional opposition . By the above plan , it . will be seen , that your Executive only costs the » - country' £ 3 10 ? . per week , while the som of jflS ^ originally voted to two other officers , will now be » -f expended in the most profitable manner to wbidi ^ the public funds can be applied . By this exposition ^ it will be seen that the only portion of the politiaaf plan , which we do not propose to bring into oper * . tion for the present , is the appointment of brancha » .

      and the issuing of Charters * And rnasmuehi f J the election of a Convention , to > be heHea ' uj April , was unanimously decided upon , * we as your officers , do not consider " that w q can be more " profitably employed than in e * deavouring to make that Convention as efficient a rr jpre . sentation of the public mind as possible . Thr . subjoined opinion was given upon- thei Pisa of Or vganization , without a single sentence ,, word , « letter being altered in that document £ and wa _ ? je the more anxious to lay this fact before yo % , » j consequence of artful trick s ters endeavouring . t » stamp a heavy sin upon very slight grofflad&r-fe > . th »( P ffectthai the Executive proposed having the Plan en * t \\ e& ^ jh the omission of the principles , whereas- ti * ' , facts are simply and briefly as follow . A Committee consisting of thethreftlWJ . owing per-HobsonWheelerand

      sons , Messrs . , * . Mu .-rison , were appointed to See to the enrolment off 1 . he Plan a power with which the Executive hadi a othin * to do . The first act of-the Execative ^ upon Mr Tidd Pratt ' s refusal , was to consult Mr . O ? Gonar < r , who , after having made-two fruitless aitemgfa to dmmim an intemew with Mr . Tidd , Prait ^ ^ S ^ whole document , without the slight * alteretion , for the opinion of counsel . We are well pleased to . learn ^ fiw u nearly all Darte of the country , that the course pursued by the Executive , with reference to Me . tj ^ pWt and which was plainly and simply at * ' jed in our address ot last week , meets ^ witb j ^ he . ai . probation of thol who gtw us credit for endeasw , rin r , t n > . „_ mjTi Pratt . ashewouldwminglsen * , apul P W Here follows the ^ opinioa at' ^ ilx . Bodkin •—

      ( C 08 « . ) OPINION ; OB M 7 i , BOBKIN Without entering upon , ** , enquiry as to thel » w fulaesa of thia ^ aoci ^ on , T anTof opSo ^ SS peeing and consWeriofttaM accompanying ^ KraS li-is not such asociets a * t 8 conteSted hf 1 h « S * . Mssr ^^ ssiSti Wm . h . Bo » kw . As lasers axe- W t aJwajB jj-m we hav 6 Mll S piT ^^ 8 safest L dechiJn of Mr . * . . ? , ? * % ?^* . % > more especially with a view of f 01 ^^* 8 ^ " * nd otiierwiBeV for the direction oT the tobxMiB Jt'Conventton , should their labours be o «* m to Wft question of future OrganiaatJoiu

      H . P . Ross , T , CtABKB , P . M'Grath , F . O'CoNNOB , Treasurer , T . M . WmssLBR , Secretary * Newcastle . —Messrs . Danielle and Thomason ToaX / 0 ^ held very succesaful meetings In Newcastle , SoilQu-, Shields , Segbill , and at the . Mickley CoUlery . N i . ¦ ¦ -fT ; * . - &m < . ^ 0 y& ^ # Si wm

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      Y 0 L > VL 3 ^ 0 . 313 , SATUKDAY , yOYEMBER lly 1843 . ™^^ S ^^ Sr " . \ . "' ' ; ^ ¦— . , ,. ' ¦ . ... ' ¦ ' ' i " ¦ ' ' ¦ - - .. - ' . ' - - * T "? ¦¦ . ,.- ' . ... ' ¦'¦ . —

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      ( Cilflrl # Sir ^ F il ^^ TTili ^^^ i ^ ^ fe ? ¥ ^ 1 f % ^ i&wpiP ^^ nQ % j ^^ m cPip f AND LEEDS GENEEAI ADIEKTISEU . ! .. ¦ ¦ ^ [ j . i .. ¦ ¦' :. '¦¦ ¦¦ ... ¦ "' . '• ' . ' . , |

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), Nov. 11, 1843, page 1, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct827/page/1/