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THE NORTHERN STAR. SATURDAY. MARCH 6. 1841.
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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MESSRS . COLLINS AND O'NEIL , AND THE BIRMINGHAM CHARTISTS . JCSET ' - ' . i OT THE FRIE . N » S AXD MEMBERS 0 ? THE tHRlSTlAN CHAfiTTST CHURCH , BIRMINGHAM , 3-u COSSIDES THE STATEMKSTS THAT APfi . ( SED 15 THE KOfiTHESS STAB OE THE L 7 ~ a peb ., 1841 . A iii- ^ ting , consisting of 234 of the membere and friend * ;» f the Christian Clurtist Church , was held tn the chapeL Mr . Hill , tea ., tu voted to ths 4 oair . > 1 r . Toll read the statements in " the Star , and the h&irroau called upon Mr . Styles to read an &n » wei to them that had been drawn up by the Committee , ¦ whieh now remained to be adopted , or rejected by the uucling . Mr . 8 tyle * then read the following addrees , and also a letter from Mr . Yincent , subj oined : —
BtaU-unt of Facts in Answer to an Article that f . i . 'ared in the Northern Star of February L . - - -A , 1841 . Iu THX MOTOR OF THE NORTHERK STAB . Sir , —We consider it our duty to eonfc » diei * n noD ^ T-- ' 31 article in the Star , containing several jdlecr < i ; -ctB » cd insinuations against the leaders of the Chii- -j = D Chartist Church generally , aad Messrs- Collins sod i > v il in particular . In y .: ur introductory remarks , you intimate that you bare r-c ^ ired letters comp ' . &ining of an unfriendly j roirit i ^^ ifested towards the associated body of Chan ; :- - . ' , by the leader * of the Christian Chartist Churji .. We reply , that never in one tf oar meetings
have we alluded to them , much less Bpoken unfriendly -at tk-ru . When they attended our netting " , they Tere hr&rd with the same attention and friendliness with ^ ii . ch any of our own members were treated ; smd ' . * -. y , to show that the slaleinent was utterly falsr , ^;] their intimation * ( though handed in irregularly ) hsv ? •• - _ B gives from the pnlpit and desk -srith the jreaic ^" . frankness , with the exception of tht » one aftermen " . i r . cd , fur reason * that we shall immediately cpluir-Th ^ -uty grouad of difference that has eTer existed is , thv . most of the members of the Church are not in tit ? - National Charter Association , it being , in their Opinion . , in its old constitution , ) illegal .
The anonymous communication that follows , bfrgn with : iitf non-announcement of th # soirt « . The facts < £ ttc case are not correctly stated , they are these : — Tfc ^ Lr intimations had generally been handed in irregra ^ r . y ; instead of handing them to the Cutnnuttce , befor- rue meeting commenced , they were -sent in , in the middle , or near the close of the lecture or sermon . In ti .: < . usumce , Mr . Barrett had been sitting in the Chair ; ; vr a quarter of an hour btfore the meeting comnieiicc-d ; the Committee were , &s usual , bitting" in the Yo ' . ry at tte s&aie time ; the parties saw each other ; -iuricg this time no intimation ¦ was pressnted ; bat , u > ual , near the close » f Mr . Hawke ' a lecture , it was h-iUJed to the Chairman .
It "fai eo . giTen out ; Mr . Barrett rose , and asied wtiy i : " ^ as not ? Mr . OKcil , the Chairman , asked him two qnestions . First—Why ¦ was it not banded in to the Committee ? Sfcond—What authority he had for £ *_^ ui > that Mr . Yincent would be present ? adding , thai ir he answered these questions , it should , as asail , h ~ gi ^ en out . The first was not answered ; and , after much equivocation , it appeared that the oomin ; of Mr . ViseenlAiis without authority , they not harirg received an answer from him .
Mr . O'XeQ said that the impression made upon his mind hy the announcement of the soiree read by him on Sabbath last , as well as upon the minds of -all who heard iv . -was that the gentlemen mentioned ¦ were to be preseL" . ; so much so that he was perfectly astonishedat hearia ? nn the day af : er , from 2 dr . Collins , that Mr . Tinctni was not to bethere . He immediately saw that a £ aii * use had been made of Mr . Vincent ' s name ; he felt tcrrr that he had been the means of-aiding the spread uf the falsehood , and he therefore would not do it now .
To sfcow , however , thai he was perfectly willing to inJamatts anything founded on trntn , from whoever it Oune , lie would give out thsir second announcement ( for there were twoj , viz ., that Mr . Daan Taylor would preach nut Sunday , at L 3 wrence-street , adding full particulars as to time , subject , and admitBion money , That -Mr . OXeil advised those present not to ptu > ebise licifets is a base falsehood , and tiat any steps have btxQ ttifcn to mate ths soiree a , failure , is equally «¦* Tte insinuation against Mr . Collins is a malevolent attempt to Burrjucd with suspicion a character which they have not facts sufficient to injure . Mr . TineenVs letter , sent by him upon seeing the slandei in the 6 £ or , is sufficient to disprove it . Ths last statement i * not only utterly false , in its first part , but
thxoug : . a : its style k such as to evince clearly a di 3 bo-IicaJ aiisiety to follow out the above unfonndetl suspitfon . The oniy meeting publicly held in Birmingham far Frost's restoration , was the one alluded to ua Holloway Hevi , on the first of January . There was none other for Mr . Collins to attend- As to Mr . CulHns ' s interest in behalf of the exiled patriots , let his two last journeys to Loughborough and Bilston speak . It is stated , as if to produce an impression of carelessness , that Mr . Collins and Anhur 0 \ Neil came on to the ground half an hour after the time for wlach the mett-Ing "waa advertised . It is well known that demonstrations xarej ^ commence at the tune injimateu ; Lbe chxrge ie altogether paltry , and the fact is that very few were an the groimd when they arrived , and the business did not commence till more tham half an hour after they arrived . Tne unanimous election of Mr . Collins
to the chair , and the enthusiastic approbation with which be was received , clearly ehow that " the people" knew not of any " paM ounces" to forgive ; it is a gratuitous Elander . His conduct , as haircnaa , met with the highest approbation , and when the business of the meeting was ended , one of the Froet Committee proposed a vote of thaTifr ^ which was pased with enthusiastic applause . > o thought of injuring Mr . Frust has ever been attached to Mr . Collins , and wliy li * parties , iiuir complaining , did- not on the pot disseat from thst which they say Wis an irrepalable injury to Mr . Frost ' s character , is fofthem t ¦> explain . Vs'hy they stood by "without giving their veto against Mr . Collins is pa £ sing strange , and more so onsiJ-rizg the fact 6 f the vote of thanks proposed and carr . td by them . Seconded by Mr . Hill and carried unanimously .
T-ERBAIIH COPT OT HR , Vi : < CEXT ' S IXTXEB 10 J 0 H 5 COLLINS . i , ( xreenland Grove , Craven-street , 1 st March , 1841 . Mt DIab CoLLiSS , —I have read a paragraph in the northern Star , to the effect that ysa had advised sie not to vi ? it Birmingham- I do not ¦ wish mistakes to go abroad . I wrote my reasons to the members of the Committee at Birmingham who did me the honour f inviting me . 1 do not suppose yon knew anything at the ma'ter . Ton could not have done so when in London , because I had not then received the i&T . tatien . I am sorry that my name should be used in matters With which 1 have nothing to do . Prior arrangements ¦ nd my owd private affairs prevented my Lceepzing the kind invitation of the Birmingham friends . You are \ uiie at liberty to make what use of this letter you please .
The charge against you , so far as my visit to Birmingham is concerned , is not true . You had EOthicg to do in thenutt-r . My owu reasons have been given in my own haadwriting . Regretting that any dispute should exist in oar own ranks , and hoping tbat Buch disputes j uy be speedily settled , so that oar gioriunj cause may properly progress , I am , dear Collins , Faithfully your ' a , Hx > -ry Vincest . It was afterwards resolved unanimously : —
" That fee thanks and approbation of this meeting bfi presented to Messrs . Csilins and O'Xeil , for their intelligent , and persevering defence , and advocacy of the cause of Chartism , requesting them to go onwards in ttie holy canst which they have espoused . "
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TBE ANTT-CORN LAW AGITATION-SIGKAL DEFEAT OF THE " LEAGUERS . " On Monday evenirg these worthies met with a complete overtiirow . The meeting was held at the Crown ted Anchor , and accoriling to the placards and handbili 3 ( which were by no means widely circulated , probably from prudential reasons ; it was intended to be " Annual General Meeting of the Metropolitan , Central , and I > i £ trict Branches of the Anti-Corn Law Association . " A . t an early hour , one of the lirge rooms of the tavern was crowded by persons , chitfly of the workinj class . From the appearance of those " persons , and the lentimenU occasionally uttered by them before the proceedings commenced , it » oon became evident that the ¦ mooth-tongued political economists , who have so kindly taken the interests and welfare of the " labouring daaats" into their especial protection , would not be permitted quietly to have it all their own way , and the result ihowed tVat these anticipations were ¦
wellfounded . At about half-past seven o ' clock , Mr . Warburton , M . P- ( who wju announced to take the chair . ) ¦ rtezvd the room , accompanied by & great number of the " leaguers ; " amongst whom were observed Mr YilHers , M-P ., Mr . Hawes , M . P ., Mr . J . A , Rotbnck , Dr . Bowring , Mr . Alcock sex M . P . for Ludlow and exwsdidate for East Surrey , ) and a posie of those wellpaid . mad consequently disinterested gentlemen who amunthemselTes by going about the country as lecturers IT * opposition w »» oflt-red to 3 ft "Warborton taking the tfsair , sad % luomtsnaiy' gleam of * elf-eati * f » ctjon was apparent on the faces of the Honourable Gentleman's
wppwieri , who had evidently apprehended an oppo-MtiOB in Unix * by the appointment of another tfiairman Bat this pleasant feeling was dtstined to be soon dunged into one of deep mortification . The Qainnan , however , with the eye of a " . wary , eool , Id soldier , " at once saw the position and strength of ttie enemy , and consequently appeared by no means as if h § were sitting in an easy chair . In the outset of his peeing address Mr . Warburton , by way of de ' pre-• aiing the introduction of any other topic than that of the Corn Laws , read the rales of the As » ociati « n at tfce taw rk wa » originally formed , which , after & few of tfe « Mtul cUptopisms about these same laws being
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" inimical to the welfare and interests of the labouring classes , " ic . ( a postulate , by the bye , which the majority of the meeting , by their criee of " no , no , " seemed to think was not demonstrable either by argument or by proof ; , ended with a declaration that their attention was to be confined to the one » ole object—to wit , " the repeal of the accursed bread tax , " fcnd that they were not to entertain , nor permit to be entertained , any other subject whatever at any of their meetings , or at the meetings of the Committee . ( Here there were loud cries of " Oh , oh , " and laughter from the Chartists . )
Having reminded the meeting what the subject mi which they had met to discuss , the Hon . Gentleman concluded his few observations by imploring order and a fair hearing for the gentlemen who would address them ; and after the report should be read , and tht > resolutions proposed , it would be competent for any gentleman in the meeting —( lond cheers from the ChartisU , and the Hon . Gentleman quickly saw bis mistake )—for those who were members—( " Ah , ah , " and " It wont do , Warburton "}—lor any other gentleman ( this re-eorrectiun of himself appeased the angry Chartists ) to address the meeting .
The Secretary ( Mr . Sydney Smith , it was understood then read the report- it stated that the association bad had enormous difficulties to encounter since its first meeting on the 3 rd of August last , arising first from the apathy of the middle classes ; and secondly from the hostility of the political portion of the working classes—( cheers )—both ot which cacse * , however , were fast disappearing , particularly the latter —( loud eries of ' No , no , never , ")—for the working classes had now become moit active in their co-operation with the association . iHere there were still stronger expressions of dissent ) The report then went onto fUte that the exertions of the lecturers had been attended with super-eminent success , and that they kad been vxll received in every part of ike kingdom ! ( This was rather too barefaced for even those who were sot Chartifts , and , therefore , this veracious rtatement was received with great laughter from all parts of the room . )
After a few unmeaning generalities , ths report alluded to what it called a new feature in their proceedings , namely , the publication and disieaduation of upwards of 20 , 000 copie * of the evidence taken before a committee of the Honse of Commons , for the purpose of edifying the agricultural labeurers , and affording an abundant supply of waste paper to the butter and bacon shops thronghont the country . The committee then referred to 'be fact , that a manifesto against Vhe Com Laws had been signed by upwards of 150 influential members of the House of Commons , from which they argued much good when the subject should again be brought before that branch of the legislature . Several parts of the report elicited mach disapprobation from the meeting ; particularly those passages in which it was asserted , that the " total repeal of the Corn Laws ¦ srouid conduce to the welfare of the land , " the correctness of which piece of Anli-Corn-Law dogmatism was vehemently disputed . The report having been read ,
A Mr . Harrison moved , and the well-known Mr . PfiOL'T seconded , a resolution that it should be received , printed , and circulated—and now came the " tug uf war . " A Chartist na » ed Wall , got upon the table , and was received with uproarious shouts of applause . The " leaguers , " one and all , looked dismayed . Wall observed , that the question for the working classes to consider was , whether their wages were to be lowered or not . jCheera-i The sole reason why the manufacturers had coma forward was , because they knew that owing to high wages they were not able to compete with the foreign manufacturer—( cheers )—and hence it was that
they were desirous of reducing the wages of the labourimg cla& 3 by a repeal of the Corn Laws . ( Cheers . ) He contended , therefore , that they w « re n « t agitating for but against the people —( cheers );—in fact , they had no other end in view but that of personal aggrandise ment . ( Loud cheers . ) He then moved , by way of amendment , in opposition t « the report , to the effect that they could not expect , however , the Repeal of the Corn Laws until the people were fairly represented , tc ., and ailvising the presentation of a National Petitioa to the Queen , praying her Majesty ' s interference oTi tbe sTiYijfecV of a recognition of the principlea of the People ' s Charter .
Another Chartist , named BOGGIS , seconded the motion in a speech which was really sensible , moderate , and much to the purpose . It abounded with plain common * 6 nse truths , which were so unpilatable to the l earners , tbat they had the tad taste to ptsrmit their « . 'a < -5 w « rs . of waom there were not a few in the room ) to end * avour to cUmour down the speaker . From this point of the proceedings all was confusion and noise . T&e Chartists observed the interruptions , and , on the les ta'ionii principle , seemed determined that nona of the other side should be heard . In vain did Mr . Roebuck ¦ and Dr . Bowring avow themselves to be Chartists : they obtained not from the offended audience tbe " charity of their silence , " and , after several fruitless attempts to gain a hearing , they retired io the back-ground discomfited and chagrined . Mr . ViLLi £ SS was a little more successful , for he was listened to with . soine degree of attention .
Several Chartists then addressed the meeting , and at length tbe amendment was put and carried by an immense majority , amidst the most tumultuous cheering . The lion . Chairman and his supporters seeing that the " game wasup ^ 'forthis time , at least , then retired , leaving the remaining cosiness in siaiu quo . There was a long string ti resolatioDs to be submitted to the meeting , but the leaguers" appeared to think , and wisely , too , tbat they had quite enough for the nonce . Chagrin aud mortification were visibly depicted on the countenances of the Chiirinau and those around him at the signal defeat they had sustained at this the very commencement of their London campaign for liil . It seems to be clear that they have nothing else to expect &t any future meeting they may venture to hold in the metropolis ; and therefore one would be inclined to whisper in their ear , in a friendly way , " discretion is the better part of valour . "—Morning Herald .
The Northern Star. Saturday. March 6. 1841.
THE NORTHERN STAR . SATURDAY . MARCH 6 . 1841 .
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THE . NATIONAL CHARTER ASSOCIATION OF GREAT BRITAIN . THE AMENDED SCHEME OF ORGANIZATION . Ahosg the many good things which O'Conkell has said , we remember one saying of his : that " the next best thing to being ri ^ bt yourself is to put your enemy completely in the ¦ wrong . " We fu ' . ly accord with this doctrine ; and hence we have ever been most anxious that the operations of the people should ¦ be conducted peacefully and legally : JcnowiBg that if their moral strength was
well marshalled , and their numbers well organised , they were invincible and irresistible ; —able to carry any measure of a wholesome and sanatory tendency , without violating any of those forms and appearances of Jaw with which the harpies hare feaced round the carcase of corruption , in the hope of feasting undisturbedly thereon . There is no power in any Etats Euccessfnlly to resist the righteous demands of a people , united in pnrpo 3 e and opinion , and so organised as to enable them to express their opinion and to prosecute their purpose as one man . Of this the factions are most perfectly aware ; and
hence their highest dread has ever been the organisation of the people , and their greatest care t « provide against its existence . It is only by a well digested plan of organisation , generally understood and acted on , that the pawer of the people can be efficiently rrade manifest . The isolated struggles ol individuals , or knots of individuals , or separate societies or localities , even though all directed to the = ame end , are but like water thrown by bucketfulls out of a mighty river against the walls of & citadel , which expends its force in impotence , producing a splash and nothing more ; while a national
organisation , enabling the whole people to move at the same time , and in the same-direction , bending their energies against the same point , is like the mighty rushing of the whole torrent , against which ne obstacle can stand . The vast importance of this subject ha 3 been always seen , both by the people ' ^ friends and by their enemies ; and hence , from the time when the House of Commons was first sought to be emancipated from the direct controul of the crown , and placed in its due position as an independent branch of the legislature , to the present moment » period of about 250 years , an incessant struggle has been going on , between those who wished to organise , and those who wished to destroy , tbe expression of the peopls ' g will for right . This struggle
has been carried on with more or less of spirit , as the parties anxifua for right , tnd understanding it , hvre been more or lees numerous , talented , or inflaential . It would be easy to run over the entire history ; bni it would comport neither with our space nor purpose to do bo . Suffice it that the lynxeyed jealousy of faction , watched every movement ; and , having in their handB the power of lawmaking , met every organised movement with new and more close restrictions ; till it was thought that effectual provision had been made against any possibility oF any national organisation existing , other than snch as might accord with the designs and purposes of the dominant class . The Iawb , now in force , in reference to political societies and national organisation , are comprised in
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two most sweeping and comprehensive statutes , the 39 Geo . Ill , chap . 71 , passed in July 1799 , and the 57 Geo . III . c . 19 , passed in March 1817 , and so well are the meshes of these two insidious and infamous statutes spread oat , that it was doubtless deemed to be impossible for any " national " organisation to escape them . And bo it would be , in the absence of a national organ of com * mnnicaiion . When the scoundrels hatched this
infernal piece of villany , they did not calculate upon a Northern Star rising in the political and social hemisphere , and shedding its rays over th « entire surface of the Empire . That advantage the people will now feel , as , by means of it , they may be enabled to make the plan of organisation now offered them , as thoroughly efficient as it is perfectly legal ; and thus baffle all the arts of all the enemies of freedom . In c&tting attention io the plan of organisation propounded by the national meeting of delegates , and to the mode of working it , we begin with placing before our readers so much of the provisions of the law upon the Bubjectj as were capable of being brought to bear upon tha former plan .
Freemasons , Quakers , and all societies of a purely religious or charitable character , and in which no other subject shall , under any circumstances , be discussed , are specially exempted from the operation of the acts above named ; and with such exception only , by the u nited force of these acts , every society the members of which , or any member whereof shall either verbally , or in writing , subscribe , or assent to , any test or declaration , not required by law , is an unlawful combination and confederation . See
the carefulness with which villany has drawn the net strings . ' Not content with prohibiting such oaths , tests , or declarations as might be against the law , tbe words not required by law extend the prohibition to ail voluntary declarations of whatever character ; even a declared determination , by the members of any society , to uphold the law , might by this clause be construed as illegal . This mado the very outset of the former systom of organisation illegal . The £ ih paragraph , on " The conditions of membership , " being as follows : —
" 5 . All persons will become members of this Association on condition of signing a declaration , signifying their agreement with its objects , principles , and constitution , when they shall be presented with cards ot membership , which shall be renewed quarterly , and for which they shall each pay the sum of twopence . " Now thiB signing a declaration was quite unnecessary : every man desirous of being a member of the Association , of course , agrees with its objects , principles , and constitution . The " signing " is no
protection against spies or traitors , whom the good sense and vigilance of the members will as easily detect without the " signing " as with it . In the new pian of organisation , it is , therefore , omitted . Every Chartist is supposed , necessarily , in virtue of his being a Chartist , to desire the objects , to hold the principles , and to approve the constitution of tha Association- This is the first great improvement of the amended plan ; by which the fangs of the legal harpies are removed from one limb of their prey .
The next has relation to the abolition of the classes , ward divisions , and local officers aud councils . By the Acts before named , every Society composed of different branches or divisi * n $ , acting IN ANY Ma . n . neb separately or distinctly from each other , or of which any part shall have any distinct President , Secretary , freasurer , delegate , or other ojficer , Or A . \ r person acting as such , elected or appointed by « r for such part , or to act in any office for such part , shall be deemed and holden to be an unlawful combination and confederacy . This , of course , brought all the classes , all the Town Councils , all the ward divisions , officers , aud Councils , all the local Treasurers and Secretaries , and all the Riding
and Couuty Councils , within the meshes of the law . Because in all these cases the several parts of the Association acted separately and distinctly from each other , having reference to their own local arrangements only , and without any reference to , or any overt cognizance thereof by the whole Society . The Council for Bradford , for instance , wa 3 a distinct Council for that locality . It was elected by the members resident in Bradford only , and its functions were clearly referable to a part of the Associa tion , separate and distinct from the other parts . In like manner , the Treasurer and Secretary for Bradford were officers only for that part of the Association , and not for the whole ; and so on of all the other local officers .
Having declared the cases in which political societies shall be deemed unlawful combinations and confederacies , these Acts provide : —Tliai any member of any such society , and every person toho shall directly or indirectly maintain correspondence or intercourse tcilh any such society , or with any division , branch , tommiUee , or other select body , president , treasurer , secretary , delegate , or other officer or member thereof , &s such ; or irho ihalt by contribution of money or olhertcise , aid , abet , or support such society , or any member thereof , as such , shcul incur certain penalties . The penalties are of two kinds . " 1 . By summary process on information before ONE Justice of the Peace , on conviction , a fine of twenty pound ' s , or three month ' s imprisonment in the common gaol . 2 . BY INDICTMENT , ON
CONVICTION , TRANSPORTATION FOR SEVEN YEARS . " Thus was it doubtless hoped to render anything like a national organization for political purposes utterly impossible , without subjecting all the parties therein concerned , to the full penalties of this master-piece of class-legislative villany and cowardice . Indeed , oar own opinion wa 9 , after having carefully and often looked through the acts , that there was no possible tnoda of escaping their provisions , otherwise than by taking advantage of some one er other of the forms and names
incidental to some one or other of the special exemptions therein provided . And , as we most conscientiously believe the Christian religion to inculcate all the doctrines of truth and righteousness , persona ! , social , and political ; as in fact we hold politics to be part and parcel of Christianity , and inseparable therefrom , being mixed up with , springing out of , and sustaining all its principles and doctrines , we were desirous to have seen , for the first time 6 ince the age of the Apostles , a tme Citholic and Christian church , acknowledging , in all the fulness of their comprehensive import
the precepts of that religion wnich being hitherto talked of , but neither understood nor practised , has been , and is now being made , the most fearfully effective tool that ever tyranny employed for the destruction of man ' s liberty , aud of all clear recognition of the principles of moral right . We hold the principles of Chartism to be religious principles , aud every Chartist society to be constquently a religions society ; and we were desirous to sec them so declare themselves , and leave to the vila herd ot despots the option of openly und manifestly trampling under foot their own laws , or of crushing
along with Chartism , Meihcuiem in all its Varieties of aspect , the association of the Baptist churches , the Society of Friends or Quakers , the confederated unions of Unitarians , the n ? w ! y-organised aud admitted association of " Rational Religionists , " and every other religious society whose creed , forms , discipline , or worship , should involve declarations of principle not required by law , ox the several soeietitB of which should correspond with each other , or appoint deputies to meet each other , qt in any other way transgress the almost
all-comprehensive provisions of these two acts . This -was our opinion : it has been our opiuion long—in fact , throughout the whola movement : we were sorry to be unsupported in it by O'Connor , for whom , and for whose opinions every true Chartist must have respect , amounting almost to veneration ; but we permit not even the respect due to him to shackle us in the entertainment and the expression of our own honest sentiments . We ask , however , for no deference : we are quite contested to have our opinions estimated by the people , and to accept for them just
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so much influence a 3 they are thought worthy of . The National Delegates refused to shrink from the direct avowal of their political objects and purposes ; claimingtberighttoconaidertheirprinoiplesto bethose of religion , they would not take advantage / of that right to place themselves in any other position than the bold and manly one of meeting the enemy in front . Their voice eaid , almost unanimously , Let us go right on—legally , if it may be—illegally , if the law be such as that we cannot comply with it—but list US AT ALL KTBNW GO RIGHT ON . " In the Spirit of this determination they sat down , with the law before them , but without any assistance from its
paid myBtifiers , to exercise the shrewd judgment of plain working men , the clear heads of teetotal Chartists , and the earnest anxiety for the " following of peace with all men" of Christian Chartists , in the ooacootion of ft plan of national organisation Which , while it conducted the people ' s operations on a straightforward and avowed basis , should , at the same time , render strict submission to all , even the moat tyrannous ,-requirements of the concentrated essence of tyranny , which lay before them in the two Acts of Parliament bo oft reverted to above They have succeeded , we believe , to the very letter ; and right glad are we to congratulate them and the people upon that success .
The entrapment of the local Councils has been wisely provided against , by the amalgation of all those into one body , as a General Council of the whole Association , provided for in No . 7 , of the new plan . The entrapment of the local officers has been in like manner provided agamst , by making them not local , but general officers , acting respectively , not for a part , but for the whole , of the Association . While their eleotion , not merely by the members resident in their own locality , but by all the members of tha Association , guards effectually against the wily trap of a part of the society acting separately and distinctly from the other parts .
The Bradford Councillors are to be now considered , and indeed are , not local Councillors for Bradford only , but members of the General Council , by whom the whole Government of the whole Association is conducted , and whose residences happen to be at Bradford ; the Bradford Treasurers and Secretaries are , in like manner , not Treasurers and Secretaries for that locality alone , but Sub-Treasurers and Sub-Secretaries , acting under
the direction of the General Treasurer , and General Secretary , and performing Buch duties as may be necessary to assist them in c « nduoting the affairs of the whole Association . Thus , every officer acts as an officer , not for any part separately or distinctly , but for the whole . Thus , every mesh of this most elaborately and cautiously constructed legal net , has been avoided by the wisdom of the delegates .
Of course , aud of necessity , the plan , to be legal , is exceedingly general , and it may be somewhat undefined , ia its details . We observe some of its provisions which are liable to abuse , and which may , unless precluded by the prudence of the people , give rise to some inconvenience in its working ; but on comparing these most carefully with the tortuous enactments of which its concoctors had to steer clear , we are fully satisfied that no
other way , or , at least , no other way so good , could have been adopted for securing the double object of the delegates , the active operation of the people , and the eviting of all collision with the law ; and we know too much of the people not to feel satisfied , that when these points are fairly laid before them and explained , their watchfulness aud prudence will come in to the assistance of their leaders , and take care that that shall uot be crippled in operation which has been devised so well and wisely .
We have studied the plan most carefully ; we think we understand it ; aud wo have no doubt of being able to shew the people that , though its form is apparently more general , aud its details Ie 3 s bracing , than the original , but illegal , plan of organisation , it may be made in working to superadd to the immense advantage of being perfectly oonsonant with the law , every practical advantage possessed or provided for by the old plau . For thia purpose , as we have been requested by the delegates to call to it tke attention of tho people in a series of articles , we shall return to it , probably more than ence . We shall take up ita several
clauses , and shew the people how we understand them—how we think they should be applied in operation—what meaus we advise tor the avoidance of auy inconvenience which might otherwise arise , from any necessary laxity of expression forced on its authority by the tyrannous mandate of the law ; we shall show them how , ' far as we understand thiB document , they may , by a careful and universal adherence to its provisions , ^ o on , certainly , safely , legally , successfully , and triumphantly , in the prosecution of those great principles , to which the benevolent and just of all classes are pledged and bound by their adhesion to the rules and principles of moral right .
Thus shall we put our enemies completely in the wrong , by fencing ourselves rouud with the provisions , uot merely of moral , social , and religious but of legal right ; taking all these upon their own showing . The National Charter Association of Great Britain , may then bid defiance to the Government . It shall stand ; it shall prosper ; it shall flourish ; in despite of all their power , and in despite of all their sophistry , or they shall do one of two things—they shall make a special law
for its extinction , as was done with the London Corresponding Society—( tho very law now in amended operation , by which it was hoped to extinguish all political societies for ever)—or they shall at once throw off the mask , which , we have uo doubt they will do as soon as they may deem it expedient , and , trampling under foot all semblance of respect for the laws of their own making , try the temper of the people by a further experiment of undisguised brute force .
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LORD MORPETH'S IRISH FORTIFICATION , OR " KEEP-OUT-THE-FRENCH" BILL . We said , last week , that a denial of administrative improvement may lead to an increased demand for organic change ; but little did we think that individual folly could so speedily lead to party absurdity as has been proved by the debate , during four mortal nights , upon Lord MoRPETn ' s"keep-outthe-French" Bill .
We did not wait for the result , or even for the commencement of the grand tight , to approve what we thought just , and reprobate what we thought unjust in the measure . We did not take our cue upon the subject from the collective wisdom , but , as we shall presently Bhow , we urged every siugle point which has been made matter of controversy , pro and con , before the battle commenced . Let as again repeat the object of the Bill .
It is , then , no other than to lure Ireland into passive slavery , while the Whigs fill themselves and feed the Irish patriots , so long as a balance-ofpower-party of the latter can confer the means upon the former . This compact was entered into long since , but the great difficulty in its observance , upon the part of the patriots , arose out of the general disgust to Whigs and Whiggery . However , rogues are seldom at a loss for tools when a principle ia agreed upon , and as it was impossible to appear satisfied with positive and substantial tyranny , the aid of an unsubstantial and ghostly enemy gave to the substantial tyrants that negative support to whioh their own acts imposed a positive barrier .
The magician , in exhibiting his phantasmagoria , very prudently shows the pigmies first , and , as imagination heightens and demand for novelty increases , he meads his hand , until , at length , he introduces his giants and mon&ters . So with the Irish patriots . The ° keep out" cry commenced with the buggabooism of Old Cumberland , and dread ol him , added to some idle stories relative to the conformation of the Queen , gavo risa to the cry of " Keep Cumberland out , " By degrees
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however , the constant apparition ot old blue beard on the wall , magnified familiarity into contempt and the magioian , for that figure , substituted another , and with another change of note , " keep out the Tories . " Familiarity having deprived this apparition of Ub terrors also , and the experimental tours to the North of England and the North of Irer land having failed in giving freshness or increased hideousness to the monster on the wall , it is at length , replaced by a panoramic view of France , and the note is changed to " keep out the French . " Thus making each new apparition danoe to anew and appropriate tune .
Now , all we require to perfect the panorama is a good sea view , with Daniel in the foreground , with « loan of Neptune's tridenf , surrounded by his dupes > and singing to the tune of" Paddy Burns wai a man deemed of mighty great knowledge , Sir ; Behind a great fuxae ditch , in the bog , he kept hi * college , Sir , " the following words : — Daniel by the water side , and Russell on his knee , A roaring out together , " KEEP OUT THE SEA . " We have ventured this paraphrase upon the two lines in the original , which run thus : — " Master by the fire-side , and Shaneen on bis knee , A roaring out together great A B C . "
Having eaid so muoh upon the magical performance of the jugglers , let us now turn to some consideration of the realities which were seen on the wall through the awkward guise of Whiggery , and also how , and by whom , and for what purpose , and with what hope of success , the Mokpetch measure was really introduced . We find this Bill brought into the House of Commons , —mind , the people ' s House , not the House of
Peers , —by the son of the Earl of Carlisle , Lord Morpeth : we find the leader of the Opposition and first speaker , to be the son of the Earl of Derby Lord Stanley ; and we find the debate closed by the son of a Duke , and the brother of a Duke—Bedford , Lord John RusstLt . This remark will have no effect upon the House of Commons , nor yet upon the " Establishment , " but it will have its due weight with those for whom we write .
We are led to believe that the purpose of this Bill is to extend the franchise ; aud the statistical accounts read in proof of the progressive decline of Irish constituencies would strengthen this belief ; while the hope of its success was said to depend upon the decision upon the second reading . To discuss the real purpose and probability of success , is now our intention . The ostensible
purpose of the Bill is to do away with perjury , by allowing disinterested officers to attach the value to property which shall confer a vote , instead of leaving its value to the oath of the holder ; thereby removing all questions of doubt as to sufficiency . This is the principle of the Bill , while the Irish and the English people foolishly suppose that the enfranchising of every holding , rated at £ 5 to the poor rates , is the principle .
Hear Lord Morpeth upon the subject , who is the first speaker of any importance upon the government side ; he says , "The question of amount belonged , more properly , to the committee than to the second reading . " Now this at once takes the popular principle of a £ 5 franchise out of the bill , and makes it a bill for defining the Irish franchise which has yet to be settled ia committee , and which has been forestalled in the debate .
The principal speakers upon the ministerial side were Lord Morpeth , Lord Howick , Mr . Macaulay Mr . Chas . Bull&k , and Lord Johx Russell , the rest were all froth . Sheil fought a shake ia the main with Sir James Gbauah , whom he generally selects aa an antagonist , perhaps to insure a safe butt for a little personal ribaldry ; and Daniel spoke his Repeal speech , his Corporation speech , his anti-Tithe speech , and his Appropriation speech over again . Upon the Tory side the speakers were Lord Stanley , Sir W . Follett , Sir J . Gbaham , and Sir R . Peel ; the rest of the * Tory pack merely filled up the cry .
We have stated Lord Morpeth ' s opinion as to the £ 5 rating , which he admits may amount to an £ 8 rent ; now , it will be borne ia mind , that we established it , before the debate , at £ 7 Its . Lord Howick said " the question was not whether the House would adopt the amouat of £ 5 , or any other particular detail , but whether it would adopt the assessment to the poor rates as a test of franchise ; and , probably , the whole object might be attained by requiring that the voter should be rated for a certain amount beyond that for which he might be rated iu the shape of rent ; that is , for a bona fide surplus belonging to himself . " Hence , then , it
appears that instead of the stumbling block of a fourteen years' tenure , which is already in the way , the Committee may introduce the double title of a bit of fee simple , which alone can belong to a man ' s self , and % certain amount paid as rent to a landlord . Now we imagine that twopence fee , and sixpence , or any amount , of rent , would be tantamount to the general disfranchisement of Ireland , as no farmer has a foe simple property to auy amount . But tho Noble Lord went further , and said , " that the importance of settling tha question was enhanced by the doubtful state of our foreign affairs . "
Lord Howick once before Baid that it would be time enough to listen to complaint when fires took place . Ho might just as well have said go it Chartists , " but theChartists were too wise . However , aswe shall presently shew , the invitation hasjiow become t oo general and pressing to be longer declined . Mr . Pigott , the Attorney-General for Ireland , argued that the amount of rating , which should carry the franchise wiih it , was matter for consideration in the Committee .
Mr . Macaulat , who , we undisguisedly admit , is far in advance of every member in the House if he had back , eaid that he could not consider the question ajout the amount of £ 5 as anything but a question of detail . He certainly made a most aiashmg speech , in which he mangled the whole of the present system of representation , without mercy ; Hia , and Mr . C . Bclleji ' s , were the gems of the debate upon the Whig side . Buller concluded his speech thus : — " He did not apprehend sctual rebellion during the life of Mr . O'Connell , who had taught the great lesson that the most effective insurrection was that which never broke out , but was always to be apprehended . " Go it again , Chartists ! growl away good do « s !
The next , and last Bpeaker , upoa the Whig Bide , was Finality Jack ; and he admits that the amount is no part of the principle of the Bill , but mere matter of detail furthu Committee . But what further doesheaay ! Why , hear this ; he says "it was not fair to twit the Wnigs with surrendering to threat of outbreak , wheu the Tories yielded emancipation to a . like apprehension . He wad not a BBLit . rEn in the theory that the Irish would , under exasperation , transfer their allegiance ; but it made much difference in the strength of our neguciations with foreign powers , whether we were supposed by them to be a uuited or a distracted people . " So that all that is required to make Russkll surrender to fear is to make him a believ « r ! Surely we can do that for him 11
What say you to all that , brother ChartistB ! Are your eyes now opened toihe motive of the "Establishment , " ia making you appear a weak , a disunited , a cowardly , and a contemptible party in the opinion of foreign uaaons f Mr . Slankt , who also spoke , and voted for the second reading , hinted that he thought the £ 60 standard , as in England , would be a very fair amount of principle to introduce in committee .
So much then for the juggle of a £ 5 franchise , wh / ch , in committee , will be augmented to a £ 59 or £ 60 holding for a term of fourteen years , and a few restrictions in addition to those already in existence , and then the real object of the Bill will have been achieved , by an additional hurrah for a thine that
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— ; ; ; —— —^ 3 ^ sever was intended— " the Whig £ 5 franohise . and u mistake at all at all . " Let us now turn for ft moment to the Tory optyj . sitfon , which was vigorously led by Lord Stahu , who spat fire for three whole hours , « overbg ire ! land and everthin / j Irish , with his lava . He cej . tainly made a powerful speech , one which a Whit cotemporwy designates aa a heavy shock to tlh « enemy without being of service to his own party ** This , to us , appears rather paradoxical ; howevw apart from the Irish venom of the poisonous vipm * we find the following bit of English principle * * contained in the Reform Bill , and which , no doolj * the noble spii-fire would gladly apply to Ireland to insure hex people ' s independence ; he says : —
"In England , he wa » happy to say , a contnrjjku Of things existed . There , it was very general ]? ajj j Btood ,. the tenant , in his jwlitical acts , was gtfdfedw his landlord— ( Ministerial cheera )—there no tunr&fiBn net * existed on the part of the- landlord to givemA leases as should carry with them the elective franchiit In England , such wm the good undentanding on thk subject , tbat it was always easy to calculate the reinu of a county election as soon as it was known how th » great landholders intended to vote . ( Cheering from » » Liberal * . ) " *
Everyone was aware of this before ; but there k something very shocking in the open and unblushmo avowal of guilt ; and ao all those who were perfectjr cognizant of the fact , and many who actually owed to it a liberty to be there , set up a most witherin g shout of virtuous indignation ; just as a dock foil of criminals at the Old Bailey would , if any jj ^ sheuld have the presumption to call them rogues . Here we beg , once more , to introduce our oft told tale : " So long as one man's properly constitute another man ' s neglect to vote , so long wuTvote iial property belong to one and the same person . "
It will be borne in mind , that in intro ducing tbk subject to our readers some weeks ago , we stated that Mokpeth's Bill was not » voluntary act of grace towards Ireland ; that "it was merely intended as a match for Stanley ' s , lest the Nobls Lord's nag should have a walk over . " That w » were right , in this opinion , as well as upon tha amount of bona fide value , which a £ 5 rating woutl be required to represent , is proved by the Nobi Lord ( Morbeth ' s ) own admission . In apologising for the imperfect documents which he submitted to the House in support of his Bill , he said that h » had been hurried in his preliminary arrangement * in order to have tke start of the Noble Lord , Siix let , in the race .
In fact , the most unblushing and barefaced admissions have been made on both sides , and n » suppose the parties , iff the outset , agreed like thoet school boys who rely upon their expertneas , and in order to prevent disputes , agree before they com . mence a game at marbles , that " cheating is fair . * The Noble Lord Stanley so pummelled the question for three whole hours , that from Monday night
till Thursday he left not a word of new spleen &r a single soul who followed him ; indeed , so much ao that the Right Hon . Ex-Leader , who , upon this occasion , was the vary bell of the Fox's tail , condescended , contrary to his custom , to deal largely In personalities , partly , no doubt , owing to ha change of situation . In fact , take the speeches of Stanley , Macaulat , and Bulleb out of the debate , and it was
" One weafc , washy , everlasting flood " Having so far disposed of the Whi g aud Tory parts , wa now come to our own triumph ; and hew again let it be understood , that mask the question of the franchise as you will , after argument , the mind must come back to the only jus t principle , Universal Suffrage ; and the justice of which we now undertake to prove was not only admitted , but w *« declared only to wait upon force to establish ft . Hear our proof .
There have been three great obstacles to Universal Suffrage pleaded by the enemy , namely , want of pro * perty , want of knowledge , and want of independence , added to which we- may throw in the finality of the Reform Bill , upon the only principle co * tained in the Bill , and contended for by Lord Jogs Russell . . To say that finality could be applied to any other part of the measure than the franchise is to talk nonsense ; else would it be tantamount to a supefcedeas against all organic change , or legislation of any sort , differing materially from the old manufacture .
The finality , then , must be applied to the principle , otherwise it meant nothing ; and add to this , RusSell ' s declaration , that the object of the Rtform Bill was to represent property ; and , with theso two , couple his vote and speech , and what become of finality aud representation of property ! We now take George Henry Ward , M . P . for Sheffield , as the writing advocate for knowledge , his declaration being , that the people of England are not sufficiently informed to make the possession
of tlie Suffrage a safe trust in their keeping . Now , for the hundredth time we ask the Hon . Gentleman to point ouj the branch in whioh they are deficient and , for the first time , we ask in what the operatives of Manchester , and the artisans of Sheffield , ai « inferior in political or other knowledge to the Irish classes , who would be apt to be rated to £ 5 on tbl poor rates } Will he answer this ! or can h « answer this , and show that they are inferior ? Wt dare him ; we challenge him ; we defy him .
And now comes the old offender—the stickler for all these ingredients as requisites for an English voter ' s qualification—independence as to property ^ and as to action , and the possession of knowledge to direct the voter in its use : such persona only , have the Editors of the Leeds Mercury declared , maybe " reasonably deemed" fit for the franchise . Now we admit that it would be folly to call our neighbour to account for consistency of six months ' duration ; the honest hauntings of the tender conscience of one of the two Editors may be pleaded in justification of change , as in the case of the ballot .
But wo have yet unSled before us , within the bills of mortality , yet unburif d , —and no declaration of change , no confession of error , no Editorial qualms , or retractation ; we say we have now twenty columns of unfiled mortal matter , all written long within the half year , to Marshall , Stanspeld , & Co ., and we ask our friends now to reconcile tke then objections to enfranchising th . « Irish " bogtrotters" ( that was the term ) with the shy , sly , and laudatory little articles upon Mohpbth ' s Bill , and the old Fox ' s vote thereon . Will he , too , tell as
that he only voted for the grand principle of " defining the franchise , " and will he vote with the Tories in committee against the £ 5 standard ? Will he , who thought the Reform BUI "filial" upon the question of franchise alone , tell ub that he has been consistent 2 Will he , who said that he would only extend the franchise in England to such £ 10 agricultural voters as , upon enquiry , may be found ' of sufficient independence to make an honest use of it , now tell us that those rated to one half the amount in Ireland are better qualified ,
without more information than Lord Morpeth gave , and confessed to be very imperfect , and with which our member was more than satisfied ? Will any one tell us , or dare to tell us , that the n ? an in Ireland whom the- £ 5 franchise , or a 5 a . franchise , would let into the sanctuary of the constitution , would be made a worse man by it , or that the constitution would be the worse for having his aid instead of his hatred and opposition ! And will any man dare to tell us that an Englishman is not equally entitled U his right with an Irishman !
The readers of newspapers in England are as ose to seventeen " of the whole population ; or one te three of the adult male population , the one reading it for the other two . They take innumerable tracts , and exchange papers , and read all sides of every question ; . they have their debating clubs and thei various association clubs , which l « ad to k nowled ge of practical business . They are all politicians ; they can all manage their own affairs .
In Ireland the readers of newspapers are scarcelj one in two hup . drcdof the whole population / Not one in five hundred ,, who would be enfranchised by the new Bill , ever Bees a newspaper ; such of the worfc-
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), March 6, 1841, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct845/page/4/
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