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0 Ef £ RAl ADDRESS OF THE BXECUTIYE COUNCIL TO THE PEOPLE , AND THE MEM BERS OF THE NATIONAL CHARTER ASSOCIATION . £ bothkb Chabmsts , —Hiving aswmbled in Lona ^ ,, according to our pnbHAed resolution , it becomes aa duty . ** the « mefa » on of our sitting , to address joa onOie state of onr Association sad the prospecte Cfoce oa . We h » T 6 considered it xteceanry , for tbe ^ aaBI sas tgaed elsewhere , to discontinue the Exeggite Journal . We have lamed aa address to our wiiren in Scotland , entreating them to remain united T j 1 jl u in our exertion * to gala that cause which intoiTB B tbe fake of both nation *; and-we bave instructed TOOt oar eoastztaeoU ai to tbe ftitmre measures to be Adopted for the increase asd benefit of the National ggrtar Association . We cannot separate without qiinf"C » geoeai address to tbe whole people .
Tbe Association , of which we form the Executive Committee , was projected by ^ ae people , who defined our Meets to be the obtaining of a foil and faithful repreaeo irtio& of the entile people of the United Kingdom , jj ftriet accordance with the princ i ple * , spirit , and mm . » tpff of tbe People ' s Charter . Is striving to obtain saeb » jtat sad glorious end , ve are enjoined to use none but peaceable and coaaUj ^ ionxl meana . How are we to succeed ? We must hare numbers ; because without numbers , ye rarer can become formidable . We mnst hare ^ nioii ; because , witboot that , we nerer can be feared ; j ^ d we must hare energetic co-operation amongst the m » ple 1 chosen leaders , because , without mutual confidence , we nerer ean be successful .
During our experience , as aa Executive , we hare every reason to be satisfied with tbe rapid increase of the Association , tbe decreasing apathy of the people , sad the widening spirit of inquiry which give * -rigour to the zDorement is all parts of tbe country . But we oynnot eTen , amidst our success , withdraw our attention from those factious squabbles which hare been equally disgraceful and injurious to our sacred cause . It is easy , nay pleasant , tat us to meet and give battle to our public opponents , and find weapons destructiTa eooagfc in reason and argument , bat when we receiTe tbe most serious injury f rom our own profaned brofteis , remonstrance and patience are exercised in Tain , sad no other course is so open or bo effectual as a direct ippaal from the Executive to tbe people who hare elected as . VTe now make such appeal , and call upon you to
ugwer from every corner of tbe land , whether we are to tolerate any longer the rain , the idiotic , and mis efaferroui party spirit which will , if unchecked , sear tbe fair prospect before us , and blast for years tbe tender jfcasom at a nation ^ topee . Working men , forbid it ^ etbers , if ye respect tbe cause of industry , if ye feel jjj wrongs and demand its rights , forsake the cause of sen , and cling to that of tbe Charter alone . You ilone h&Te tbe power to restore unanimity , and enforce ojjetiieDce . The time has now arriTed when hesitation on your part may be fatal , when dirision on your part -will assuredly call down the vengeance of a powerful tnd juwawi faction on the scattered and Breasting mass ; Bemember that dirisian is eTer the forerunner of persecution , and he who sows it in our ranks may u well sound a trumpet for the GoTernment to
Remember , toe , that when the day of denunciation BriTM , it is no longer safe for independence or honesty te remain as tbe prey of ii > s designing and the xnalidec * . . Nay , if once encouraged , like all other eril hktato , it gathers strength with its virulenoe , and 5 J » appetite for fresh victims keeps pace with its faoeity . Crash this spirit , fellow labourers , or it will crush jour cause . Put it down with a strong and actiTe land , or a reign of terror will arise when it will be
bo longer possible to serre you earnestly without being ¦ sspeeted , at passe in serving yon without being aessunced . It has indeed arriTed , and simultaneous denmci&tJona hare occurred in Scotland sad England . Eren one of our own body has been accused , and , as the evidence pioTed , he was falsely accused . The same result has taken place in other cases ; in fact , but one mult has ensued . From what Tn » Hgn « . nt spirit has all thii mischief originated ? Jealousy . That accursed bane , which has existed , is in actiTe being , and will spread to distract and destroy us .
You must seize it boldly wbererer it arises , and like a poisonous nettle , when crushed the hardest it will vexmd the least Tbe evil does not rest is localities ; every squabble finds its way to tbe public press , there to delight the enemy , and disgust our friends . We are firmly of opinion , that whaterer may be the intention of parties , the end of their squabbles would asnredly be the destruction of oar public men , and of our public interest , and wfellst we would support neither , unless their actions corresponded with their professions , they hare a right to tbe protection at tbe people , so long as they serre them .
To conclude our remarks reporting the obstacle wilhlly cast in out way , we may allude to the insane disesssians upon moral and physical force , legality and illegality , education crotchets , asd criticisms and de-SBDciations upon the supposed treachery of tbe past tad the present leaders , all of which expose our cause to the deferred ridicule and contempt of our delighted opponent * . Brothers , we are firmly convinced that we need only to appeal to tbe goed cense and reason of the working Bat , and if they do not resolutely , at all hazards , exterminate these Tain and reckless feuds , we offer you so earthly hope of success erer crowning the longttffitinned efforts which hare been made to emancipate tie gnfiering « nit desponding millions .
OCR PUBLIC OPPONENTS . We contemplate this part o ! our address with far less ninety and mneh mere firmness . The principal enemy and the most powerful is the present GoTerament , from whose mercy or justice we expect nothing ,- but from Those infatuated policy we anticipate much . It must be remembered that the last GoTernment had a strong tendency to protect and benefit the present electoral dan at the expeoce of the oon-electon—merely using tbe middle class as -willing oppressors of the working
dm But we haTe a goTernment now who will neither ijmp&tliise with nor respect the Bufferings of either middle or working men ; therefore it ia we pursue onr nxkTiating course and nail the Charter to the mast . We may rationally expect & va&t accession of strength erea from the middle class , "who , if they do not join us { rom principle will do so from compulsion . The middle dus cannot carry their measures -without public opinion , Qd , if ye are -wise and determined , they ought never tocsTe it unless they do justice to yon as well as thsm-¦ Sreg . I ! mutual service is required , then mutual benefit light to be secured and certain . THE CORN LAW HEPKA 1 ERS THE C 0 £ > " LAW BEPEALEBS
Call upon yon to aid them in their struggle . They have tie roffrage on their side ; yon hare not They promise yon a benefit . Why do they deny you the power to keep it ? The Corn La-ws-were causedby class legislation . "What * 2 i abolish the cause ? Universal Suffrage , -which -will i » ie snj good which may flow from repeal equally cm-renal , and if h is not so it -will be -worthless to you , alihon ^ h beneficial to your masters . If tie latter idea is correct , the only qnestion yon tare to discuss- is , Whether the abolition of the Corn La-rj or the Charter will be must beneficial to all ?" Heet , then , on that question ; discuss it with them ™ rfyi ane let argument and r 2 ason prevail OTer eTery opposition , in the justice of onr cause consists our fcrmgQi , and if onr principles be truth itself , we need to other auxiliary thin the reasoning faculty of man .
I * t us be fair and consistent towards them , and treats -will speedily she- * T 5-i . etb . eT the Government may o may not force them into our ranks . Should sneb » erect take place , we -will at least haTe the Tories Epon onr side , until the Hst > eaa Corpus Act is enspenGed . Some slight opposition has been experienced from the ocoinitj . We do not admire the prudence of the eoDW pursued by either opponents ; but we trust tkat JfPH& eBt will prerail oTfcr factious opposition in eTery Gj Kasiion -which iaay take place .
mea > s to be used . The Barest way of adTsneing the cause is by adding a » cumbers of tbe association ; and ettry lecturer ^^ mate it part of Lis duty to register names and ° ty < xe of cards , at the conclusion of each lecture . J ^^ sm always giy e courage to tbe timid and create ™ Psct amongst our tnemies , and where thousands t ^ h ! - ° ^ Ee ^ t * 16 association , it becomes impossible for P « tj local tyrants to meet the -victims of the patriotic Seniember that our peaceful declarations ensure us ^ Peraecuti-jn dictated by fear , and in too many ^ nances , fanned by a hatred to our principles . . n e -would recommend the General Council to direct >*« particular attention to the organisation of the «« nc ; s , snd tiie appointment of fit and qualified ¦ croraa , who should in eTery instance be b&llotted for , Tui W £ re offic * ra rf & * association . "tlegates should be appointed by public meetings , " S ? ** Places in a District Council before which * " tasntss relatiTe to that district should be decided .
THB TBA . DES . THB TBA . DES . Those important bodies of men should be aronsed to L * " * olduty to themstlTes , and whererer it isprac""fcie » Trades' Chartist Association ibould be formed . " e recommend the Chartist Association to be dis-™* ^ m the Trad * . Union . We place great dependence on the faith of a body of « e » whose interests axe identical as their pursuits are «® 2 « . Each man is known to his neighbour , and ! ¦ * neighbour ! interest is the same as that of his fel-«» . Such bodies of men cannot be led far astray , and Hae Beform BUI struggle was one to place the mid-« e eiass in power , so ours may be aaid to be one which ™* u elerate the trades to their proper position , and s"ethem a weapon of offence and defence far more enraang than the limited expedient of unenfranchised "Biowsts .
it shcmid be impressed on these important bodies *™ ao teuie . an ^ CTgr long protecte < 1 m W eU re . ^^ f' ^ iess the members cf each body are poli-
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Sodal benefits seldom remain long untouched , unless there is some political power to arrest the plunderer in bis danger , and the law of the rich in its usurpation . The trades hare leag aimed at the guardianship of their separate rights . They haT © blocked up and barricaded the gate by which the master ioraded them , with many excellent expedients ; but they h » Tenerer yet attempted to do the same to the political gate through which tbe GoTernment entered to tax their Vrwcied earaings as repeatedly s * they haTB accumulated . Unions an bat temporary securities against the aTartoe of masters , but offer no protection for the oppreadTe enactments of an irresponsible horde of rulers . It must hare become apparent to all the trades , that something more than a mere Union for the protection of wages is wanted , because at , the best they only shackle the hand of the master , whilst they leaTe unchecked aad free the arm of the tax gatherer .
The trades haTe hitherto been mere creators of funds for tbe benefit of rulers ; and whilst they suspiciously watched the weekly payments of the master they paid no attention to the weekly theft of the tax gatherer . Tbe qnestion for the trades is one easy of comprehension . Whether would it be better to haTe two protections or one—social power without political , « r Wth combined ? Tbe suffrage would strengthen instead of weakening the Unions , because tbe want of it on their parts , and the possession of it on the part of their masters , gvve rise to the laws of combination , correspondence , and conspiracy , all directed against men who simply demanded » just wage for their labour .
The master class hare discovered that with the law and law's punishment * on their side , they cannot triumph otbt their slave class ; and do the trades suppose that the chains of tbe law will not be drawn tighter , and re-forged stronger ? If they belieTe the contrary , they will disooTer their mistake when robbed of the power to remedy or resist . Xet one general appeal be made to them , and their affirmathre answer would shake the GoTernment to its centre , and supply the absence of a middle class , a thousand times more powerful than ours . VTe haTe now conTeyed to you oux united opinion and adrice . Brethren , let it be well considered ; and , ii correct , let these , our instructions , be immediately adopted .
We are the serrants of the Association , and we expect the people to treat us as such ; but , as the serrants of the Association , we feel it to be our duty at all times to speak freely , to act firmly , and to fall back upon the people when our own power is insufficient to effect these objects which are necessary for the welfare of our constituents , and the success of our cause . We await your decision . Your faithful RepresentatiTes , B . K . Philp . M 0 BGA . N Williams . John Campbell . James Leach . P . M . M'Douall ?
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TO TTAMTgR STAKSFELD , ESQ . " All classes of men , under the present Limited influence of Christianity , will prey upon all other classes , just as much as they tan and dare ; for , tbe frailty of human nature tells me , that were the man of act orer or tbe werki&g classes in their ( the aristocracy's ) places , they would , alas ! go and do likewise . " HAMER STAStFELD Sib ., —I b&Te chosen the aboT «> extract from your lecture on " Monopoly and Machinery" as a motto to fM « letter to you ; for to my mind , it contains a full and complete answer to the whole of the question you haTe stated , and an argument against which there is no appeal , in favour of the necessity , as well &s the right , of eTery man who is to be called upon to obey s law , or to be subject to the influence of such law , to haTe a voice in the making of that law .
- I &m not aware that there is the least dispute about the utility of machinery . I never conversed with any one , to whom tbe subject "vraa explained , who eTer quarrelled with machinery , as machinery , but with the distribution of its products ; with the " party working underhand , and obtaining all , and © Ten more ihan all , the advantages which machinery has rendered . " The question therefore resolves itself to this : how are we to prevent " the power working underhand from obtaining-more than all tbe advantages from machinery" ? Then is such a la-rntaui in your use of the word monopoly , that one feels almost at & loss as to what you would particularly apply it But from the whole , I
come to the conclusion that yon mean by the word monopoly—the corn laws . If such be your meaning , and if you really expect that their abolition would be the panacea for all our evils , you are certainly the most mistaken of men . What , expect that the abolition of a single law would give us , " if not indemnity for the past , " at least " security for the future , " after your acknowledgment in the motto , " that all elasses will prey upon each other just as much as they can and dare I" What is to prerent tbe aristocracy preying npoxt us as much in future aa they can ? Nothing but this dare ; and that [ dare is , with their present power , only tbe fear of our not being able to continue to labour .
Suppose that tbe corn laws were abolished to-morrow , and Buppose that that abolition bad a tendency to produce all you dream or say . Suppese that it caused us to haTe tbe command of tbe markets of tbe world ,-suppose that it caused Englishmen to hare the supreme happiness of labouring sixteen hours eTery day without intermission ; suppose that it had a tendency to cause us to haTe prosperity for ages , as I once beard you say it would ; suppose all thie ; what will there be to prevent " the party working underhand from obtaining even more t >« m all the advantages" which would accrue from the measure ? Hare yon not admitted in tbe words of my motto , " that all classes will prey upon each other just as much as they dare ? " Come , Mr . Stansfeld , do tell us -what is to preTent their preying upon us in future ?
I ask , again , what is to preTent " the power working underhand" from obtaining eTen more than all tbe adTantages" ? What is to preTent their taxing or laying a rent ( for tax appears to be an harmless thing -with jon ) upon all mines or minerals within the bowels of the earth , equiTalent to their loss by the repeal of tbe com laws ? What is to preTent their making the full Talue of their estates out of the new taxes ? Can no new commissions be created ? no new churches , or colleges , or governorships , no retiring upon splendid
pensions as a re-ward for past services , to make way for new aspirants to serve their country ? Is there no way left for coming at * even mort ; than all the advantages yen would derive from the measure ? Is there no contraction of the currency to make you giTe them double the quantity you giTe tbem now for the taxes ? Aye , that there is , and a thousand-and- one ways besides , to enable that " class of men who have the power of making laws to prey upon all other classes just as much as they dare " , and to reap " eTen more than all the advantages" of all your skill and labour into the bargain .
Then again , what is it but the monopoly of making the laws which have caused all the other monopolies of which you comp lain ? In fact , they are bnt offshoots from the master monopoly ; and until that master monopoly be destroyed , botb root and branch , there never can be any security for the peace and happiness of this country . " Besides , Sir , are yon not inconsistent upon your own principles , tfeat you do not endeavour with all your might to destroy the master monopoly , after your admission " that all classes -will prey upon all other classes just as much as they can and dare , " What , after this , can yon expect to be the fate of this country , without every man
¦ w ho is subject to a law , or its tendency , have a voice in the making of that law ? Either you wish the people to be " jTrfj / ed ' upon , or yon do not If you wish them to be preyed upon , you will take no steps to destroy the power of the preyers . If you wish them not to be " preyed " upon , after your admission " that all classes will prey npon all other classes just as much as they can and dare , " you will from this time , mate evtry effort in yoar power to prevent any cla&s from preying upon tfce other by endeavouring to cause every man to have a Toice in the making of tbe la-srB he is called upon to obey . The dilemma is unavoidable . Take your choice , and from this day we shall know -what to expect from
you . But yon -will ask "how is Universal Suffrage to be obtained ? " I will answer tbe question , by asking yon how yon propose to obtain the repeal of the corn laws ? Yon will answer , by an union of the middle and working classes , and by their making a long pull and a strong pull and a pull altogether , as they say at sea . What hopes . have you that such a union , and such a tmll as you describei would have the desired effect ? Because , yon will Eay , the Beferm Bill of 1831 , was carried by such an union ; and because the aristocracy , besotted as they are , durst not resist tbe firmly expressed will of a whole people , for fear of consequences following -which would deprive them of all powtr . Just en . And would not such a union , and such a pull , obtain
the suffrage ? Durst they despiBe the expressed -will of a -whole people when they demanded the justice of the suffrage , any more than when they demanded the repeal of the earn laws ? Not they . Then , if you be sincere , come forward at once and seek to obtain ttl&t ¦ which will destroy all present monopolies , anfi prevent all future ones . If you and your class decline this , yon only more f uUy convince the world that yon -wish to be of that " class of men which preys upon all other classes just as much as they can and dare ; " and that your only aim is to be that " party working underneath and obtaining all , and even more tfaan all , the advantages which would result from the measure . " Hoping that you will choose the nobler part , I remain , yours respectfully , James Pekny . MiUbridge , Nov . 17 , 1841 .
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TO IHK ED 1 T 0 B OF THE NORTHERN STAR . Sib ., —If you will have the kindness to insert the following in your widely circulated and valuable journal , you will much oblige Your humble but suffering Servant , Geokge Black , of Nottingham . A few weeks ago , an article appeared in the Star , headed , " Save us from onr friends . " Sir , in writing this , you might intend it for ay good , and the good of the cause generally . You very likely did not intend to injure my character ; but so it is . I will not say
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"Save me from my friends ; " bat this I will s » y , 0 , that we were all united as friends ! I have my friends ; I have my foes . So has every man that ia taking an active part in this movement Sir , I find it as I thought I should . Some look upon me with suspicion , tome call me spy or traitor ; others wish me to appeal to my friends that know mo ; and I hope you will allow me that privilege-A word oi two to those who lake me to be a . deeeitful or treacherous person—as there are some who are not backward at making uaeof theii influence to destroy me . I tell you that you haTe already done me a
serious injury ; and I tell yen candidly 1 bad rather any person would take away my life than my character Allow me to say I would not have made the sacrifices I have made , if I had intended to deceive my country My friends at Nottingham will remember that it was on account of my principles that I was tamed oat of tbe Baptist church ; aad amongst that body of people I had a great number of friends , whom I loved as I loved my life . But I appeal to . those who have known the most of me whether I haTe made it appear erident that the principles embodied in the People's Charter have been more dear to me than life itself .
If bad intended to turn traitor , why not at tbe second Convention * If I intended to sell tbs cause , myself , and family , why not to the Whiga at the late elections ? If altogether a selfish person , why did 1 go to London at all ? It was not because I was tbe most competent person in Nottingham ; but because there was danger , and nobody else would go . Did I not lose the ten frames ? or , in other words , were fbey not taken from ma ? Before I bad been at London one week , the work was taken from these frames ; and who will contradict me when I say those frames were bringing me in seren shillings per week , besides what I could earn myself ? Was I not thrown out of work on account of my principles , and many a time not having more than one meal a-day , my wife and family
starving ? Thanks to those kind friends who lent me their assistance to raise a few stockings and gloves , fee . fee . ; and many thanks to the kind friends who have thought well to encourage me , by purchasing goods of me . And now 1 have been going about the country between sixteen and seventeen months—in which time I have gone OTer&bOut BiX thousand miles—often one hundred and fifty in five days . I will leave it for others to judge whether I haTe been a sufferer in the cause or not . Can I siy " Britons neTer shall be slaves ? " I see no other prospect than a very scanty liTing ; or , in other words , a dragging out of a miserable existence , and my children after me . All the hope I have is in the People ' s Charter becoming tbe law of the land ; and must I , shall I , haTe I turned traitor ? Those who think no better of me than this I heartily wish I could bring them to sit a little while with tbe disconsolate
sod often hopeless Mrs . Jones , and from thence to Mrs . Williams and children ; and from thence to Mrs . Frost and family ; and from thence to those poor widows whose husbands lost their lires at Newport These were to bare been pensioned off ; but , instead of this , I often find them starring for want , both mothers and children . Had yon a little of tbe company of these sufferers , if you be . people of any feeling , I think you could not turn trait on , whatever you think of me . Every man may have his price , and I have mine ; and I heartily wish I could get my price for every principle within my breast With tbe Charter , and a Republican Government , every poor man in Great Britain and Ireland should have his five-acre cottage , and something to stock it with . O to be united as friends ! I remain , Your humble but injured Servant , Geohge Black .
P . 8 . —I now appeal to those Associations where I am best known . —Have you any cause to say you have ever heard me utter a sentence intending to injure the cause ? Speak of me as you have found me . I now from the following places demand justice , and crave no favour : —Nottingham , Arnold , Calverton , Basford , Sutton-in-Ashfleld , Merthyr Tydvil , Pontypool , Newport , and Cardiff Merthyr Tydvil , Nov . 14 , 1841 .
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TO MR . CHARLES WALKER , SECRETARY OF THE ROCHDALE REFORM ASSOCIATION . Dear Sir , —When I was elected the Representative of Rochdale—I took that trust upon me—subject to the engagement contained in my address—viz : " annually to submit my Parliamentary conduct to the test of the decision of my Constituents . '' In conformity with that declaration , I now take leave to submit to them , through you , a short detail of the most prominent points of public policy , with reference to which I had occasion to ast during the late short Session . In my address I told you— " that I would not go to Parliament to support the objects of any Party , or Ministry , or any Leader—but to sustain , to the best of my judgment , by my honest votes , tbe combined interests of all Classes of the Community . "
I shall Telex to tbe first occasion on which I felt myself called on practically to demons irate my sincerity in that principle of action . Neither the Speech from the Throne , nor the Address in reply , as moved by the lat « Ministry , contained a single allusion to any amendment of the Reform Act , or any extension of the Rights of the People . In the debate which took place on tbe Address , the subject was studiously abstained from by those Speakers in connection with the late Ministry , although alluded to
by some of tbe more Radical Members . I did expect that some of those Honourable Members who expressed these opinions , would have given notice ef an amendment to test the different parties on their disposition to consider the extension of Popular Rights . I delayed taking any step myself , in that expectation , till after the debate had been protracted to the fourth night . Finding that no intention of that nature was intimated , I then gave notiee , that I would move , on the bringing np the Report of the Address , an amendment in the following words : —
"That we further respectfully represent to your Majesty , that , in our opinion , the distress which your Msj&sty deplores , is mainly attributable to the circumstances of your whole people not being fully and fairly represented in this House , and that we feel it will be our duty to consider the means of so extending and regulating the suffrage , and adopting such improvements in the system of voting , aa will confer on the working classes that just weight in the representative body whicb is necessary to secure a due consideration of their interests , and which their present patient endurance of suffering gives them the strongest tills to claim . "
I moved this amendment agreeably to my notice . Thirtynine members , besides the tellers , ( making altogether forty one , ) divided in favour of it But you are aware that the motion was objected to by some of the Liberal members , who leftthe House and did not vote , although they expressed themselves favourable to tbe principles of the amendment ; I , therefore , think it right to allude to the reasons assigned by them for this course . The objections may be collected from the speeches of the Hon . Members for Sheffield and Bath ( Mr . Ward and Mr . Roebuck ) , the former member said , that " he could not but regard it as an insult offered to the popular interests in this House to bring forward a question of this magnitude at a moment when there is no Minister present—at a moment too , when , in fact , there is
no Ministry in existence . " Now , it appeared to me , that I -would be violating the declaration in my address , which I ha / e quoted , if I had abstained from bringing forward this question for tbe reasons stated by the Hon . Member . I do not conceive that it is the duty of the representatires of the people to waive the declaration of their rights , because the Minister in office did not think fit to attend , or because one Minister v » i » about to make bis exit , and another to assume his post I do not conceive that those representatives of the people who advocate the exttntion of popular rights , are to avow an humble subserviency to the ministerial tactics , or to put those rights in abeyance , unless aided by the countenance of ministerial authority . The honourable member for
Bath ( Mr . Roebuck ) said that it was disrespectful to the majority represented by the Right Hon . Baronet ( Sir Robert Peel ) , and that it was not giving Lim a fair trial . It was to me a very new doctrine to learn that such deference as this was to be paid to a majority ; and with reference to the fair trial claimed for the Right Hon . Baronet , I am as willing to give him that fair trial as the honourable member for Bath ; but , i would ask , was it not acting with the greatest possible fairness to call upon the House to declare its opinion en this qnestion be / ore the Right Hon . Baronet assumed office ? Was it not the best mode of instructing the minister ? Was it not the best mode of guiding the sovereign in the selectien of ministers , that the House of Commons should declare to the sovereign their opinions on great constitutional questions ? A powerful minority had divided against the
Conservative amendment to the Address—a minority which , if disposed to act for the People ' s Rights , must ultimately extort more or less concession from any ministry . I ask , was it not proper to test the principles of that minority ? To ascertain whether they Were impelled by an honest zcn ) for those rights , or actuated by the less dignified object of retaining place and power for a party . Was it not right that the people should understand whether those members of the late ministry , who would be now looked up to as leaders of the Lew opposition , persevered or did not persevere , in tbe declaration of the finality of tbe Keform Act ? I admit it might not be convenient for the purposes of party tint this test should be applied . But I submit to my constituents , that in the course adopted , I acted strictly and faithfully in conformity with my declarations to them .
Another objection raised to my proceeding on this occasion , by the Honcnrable Member for Sheffield , was , ttat " fto Jive men in the House had been consulted . " 1 do not understand ray duty as a Member of Parliament if I am to be precluded from acting on my own responsibility . ' If I am to bet compelled to place myself under tbe control of any clique of Members , whether larger or smaller ! If a Member , acting on his own responsibility , mates a motion deserving of suppert , is bis proposition to be quisbed because he had not consulted certain individuals ? Why should it not be opposed or approved on its merits ? I admit that if an organisation were effected among the Liberal representatives for tbe support of popular questions , it might be useful , and indeed necessary , that individual Members should sub-
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mit to the general arrangement , as far as might be pos- ' sible without dereliction of principle : but , I think individual Members ought not to be bound by Uw regulations or opinions of any section of Members , farther than tbek own judgment determines to be right I have stated these points for the consideration of my constituents , because I consider it is desirable that the representative , and tie constituent body he wprawnts , should bay * » common feeling oa tbe course of conduct to be pursued on other occasions of a similar nature , which it is very probable may efton occur . »
Tbe next important question , was the Amendment on the motion of Supply , moved by Mr . FieJden , to the effect , that it was the duty of the House to enquire into the distresses of the people , and the remedies , before any supply should be made . On this amendment , I felt It to be mydutyto diTide with the Honourable Member for Oldham , and baTing done so on this occasion , I conceived it was only consistent with the spirit of that resolution to press her Majesty ' s Government again , on the necessity of immediate enquiry , and therefore on the next Motion of Supply , having stated examples of the distressed condition of Rochdale , I again divided the House against voting the Supplies , till the condition of the country should be Investigated .
In opposing the supplies , I had no wish or intention to exhibit a factious opposition to her Majesty ' s Government ; but I amof opinion that the wholesome practice should be asserted , of looking to the condition of the people , and the means of paying taxes , before the items of expenditure should be determined on . The means of the country should be first ; ascertained , and then the expenditure should be made , as far as possible , to correspond with these means . There are many grants which might properly be voted under a prosperous revenue , which might be withheld or reduced in adversity ; and , therefore , I consider that the estimates should not be voted as a matter of form , but that they should be discussed with due consideration to the pewers of the country to discharge them .
The last question which I desire to refer to , is tbe Poor Law Continuance BilL Mr . Fielden gave notice , at an early period , that at some stage of thir Bill he would divide the House against it intoto . In this I concurred with him ; but being perfectly satisfied that oar opposition would be unsuccessful , I thought tbe next test course would be to endeavour to reduce those powers of the Commissioners which were most productive of practical eviL My constituents are aware of the amendments which I moved , in both of which I was defeated , and I divided with Mr . Fielden against tbe Bill on the third reading . I need not dwell on this subject , as my opinions on the Poor Law have been stated on so many previous occasions .
The Corn Law question was not brought forward in a substantive form during tbe late Session of Parliament—a course of proceeding which , I must say , I regret . Sir Robert Peel was pressed on various occasions to declare his intentions on that question ;—but I am of opinion , the fairest and most effectual mode of eliciting his opinions , as well as those of the House of Commons generally , would have been to have brought them to the test of a distinct proposition , and a division on that proposition : —but an objection was raised to this coarse—it was said , the anti-Corn Law party ate divided—the one portion for a fixed duty , the other for total repeal , and an exhibition of weakness would be the result;—on tbe ether band , I think it might be fairly argued , if these two sections cannot agree , is it
reasonable or fair to press tbe Minister ? The argument , I think , is unanswerable . In m > opinion tbe question never can be advanced till a deoided course ol action be taken—protection or no protection—monopoly or no monopoly . The anti-Corn Law League are bound to the principle of tota extinction—I , ask then , can they have any moral weight with tbe country if they shrink from the bold advocacy of that principle in Parliament ? Can they create that confidence which is the only source of success , if they consent to permit that principle to be put in abeyance ^ in order to acquire a fallacious appearance of strength , by a union with the fixedduty men ? It appears to me that the supporters of an eight shilling fixed-duty , have no pretensions to rank with bread tax repealers : —they are really and substantially monopolists as well as their opponents ; they differ chiefly about the most expedient mode of securing that monopoly . It is a delusion upon tbe
country to frame evoaive motions for the purpose of catching such useless Totes . It is better for the people to understand what real support the anti-corn monopoly principle can muster in the House , and then the moral power of the nation will be more speedily and effectually roused to increase it Such are my opinions on this snbject But it may be asked , why I did not act upon them in the late session , by moving myself on this question ? I answer , because I considered it rested more properly in other hands—I mean those of Hon . Members more directly connected with the anti-Con Law League ; and I , therefore , felt I should not be justified in taking on myself the responsibility of any step which had not their concurrence ; this was a case in whicb , as I conceive , an individual member was properly called on to defer to the opinions of other members , especially gentlemen representing the Tiews of so influential a body aa the anti-Corn Law League .
It is * right I should state to you that I disagree from many Members in tbe allegation , that questions affecting the rights of , the people should not be pushed to the teat of a division , unless a large minority could be rallied : —I consider that if the question be one whicb is in itself proper to be raised , it will suffer less by a small division than by waiving tbe question , or by debating it without dividing . Under existing circumstances , questions affecting tbe advancement of popular liberty can only be carried by the excitement of a moral power out of doors;—and I bold that this moral power cannot be raised by any Parliamentary proceedings , unless the leaders in Parliament prove their own
sincerity by Maying the moral courage to face a great opposing majority . When the people see a few members struggling under adverse circumstances for their rights , attention is drawn to them , their propositions are discussed out of doors , and , if worthy of support , an enthusiasm is excited in their favour . I think that the practice of what may be termed flash motions , has been carried to a great and injurious extent in former Parliaments . After hours spent in speeches , we have often found the result , " Motion by leave withdrawn . " I think this practice tends to bring the Parliament into contempt with the country , and leads to no useful result .
There is one other subject to whicb I wish to draw the attention of my constituents , not strictly forming a portion of my parliamentary conduct in the late session , but at the same time intimately connected with it . In my address , I state as follows : " With reference to Ireland , I claim for that portion of the United Kingdom , equal rights , privileges , and franchises with Britain , and l desire to incorporate the interests of the two Countries by the communication of mutual advantages , through the means of just and impartial principles of united legislation . " There were no
measures introduced in the last session which had particular reference to separate Irish Legislation ; but since the recess of Parliament , I have deemed it right to publish my opinions on the present system of agitation carried on by Mr . O'Connell , in Ireland , with the professed object of repealing the Union . As I think it proper that every part of my public conduct should be made known to my constituents , I enclose herewith , copies of the letters I published on that subject—which , being placed in your hands , any of my Constituents who de-sire it , may have an oppoitunity of referring to .
It is my intention , previous to the next session of Parliament , to appear personally before those whom I have tbe honour to represent , namely , the constituency of the Borough of Uochdftle , —and tken to inform myself more fully of their wants and their wishes , and to receive such observations as they may think fit to make , upon the communication which I now take leave to address to tUeiu . I am , dear Sir , Your sincere friend , Wm . Sharman Ckawfobd . Cratvfordsburn , Bangor , Ireland , Nov . 13 th , 1841 .
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TO THE CHARTISTS OF SOUTHAMPTON . Beother Chartists , —A National Petition bas been drawn up , and approved of by the Executive , and they have also decided , that in order , that that Petition should be duly respected en its presentation in Parliament , it should be backed by a General Convention of the industrious classes . This , then , being decided on , it is incumbent on you , as well aa every Chartist throughout the British empire , to be active and industrious , in getting as many signatures to it as possible .
Will yeu , then , Chartists of Southampton , remain apathetically indifferent to the call of your fellow countrymen , and cowardly shrink from performing your share of duty in the effort of a glorious redemption of your class from political slavery 1 I know many of you are ( and I cannot but sympathise with you ) shackled by the despotism of your masters , or in other respects trammelled by domestic tyranny . Yet for all this if you are inclined to do that which the distressed state of your country requires you should do , you can doit , and fn a manner witheut injuring either yourselves or families . No rational man -would expect you to do that But where there is a will there ia a way in every case . So there ia in this . Because if you cannot assist , by any other means , you can in a pecuniary way . By such you can secure from other quarters that aid Wbiob you require , without endangering yourselves .
let , notwithstanding this persecution which you suffer , ean you independently lift your beads aloof , and not feel the indignity of your situation ? Can you supinely lie down under such vile oppression , and not make an effort to release yourselves ? No , rather claim tbe rights of freemen , and stand In the image of your Maker fearlessly advocating tbe truth , and under every circumstance determined to maintain it , than stain your souls with such foul degradation by submiting to it . Having lately come from Bath to Southampton , I am without a doubt a stranger to many of you , and known but to a few . It might be thought presumptuous in me in thus addressing you . Nevertheless , I cannot be inactive , and suffer the cause to remain in the state which r unhappily find it in this place .
I therefore appeal to yeu to arouse and do your duty . The time is come when every solitary Chartist must be at hia post , not quarrelling about tbe superiority of this
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or that plan , but unitedly struggling to obtain their rights . The plan as laid down by the Executive is a good one . Pursue it with enargy and spirit ; it must ultimately succeed . In the first place , you must obtain a place to meet in , for it is only by meeting and public discussions that you can create that unity of sentiment so deairabla to a just and firm onion . TkisI hope will be done shortly , and that we may have in this place as many signatures to the National Petition as any place , in proportion to its inhabitants . Sincerely hoping you will attend to this , I remain , yours , S . Babilett .
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certainty or safety number it with the things that were . That it entirely depends on having a privileged class ; while it exists , that class must exist in some shape ; and if it ia to be discontinued , the more numerous that class , sod the more they receive , is will be better for those who work . It signifies very little bow they reeetre their incomes , m all monopottea are unjust . Still , if we are to understand from the agitated slate of the public min ^ , that the peeple are wearied of a state of things where justice has no part , in God's name , are they prepared with a substitute ? If so , and if it is satisfactory and sufficiently understood , down with the present system ; but if not , be aware of pulling down that , however detestable , on which our very
existence depends , if you would not , see all buried in Itsruinsj if you are inclined to fall back to the state you were in before , the Com Laws , National Debt , and the circumstances therewith connected existed , prepare to do so ; draw the preamble of an act for parcelling out the land in small allotments ; have it passed , and retire under its provisions , and take your living from the soil , the mere serfs of the landowners as you then were , then farewell improvement and all our sanguine hopes ; and along with these liberty , and justice , farewell . I have the honour to be , Sir , your obedient servant , Charles Duwcan . ( To be continued in our next . )
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TO FEARGUS O'CONNOR , ESQ . " My Lords and Gentlemen , believe me , that nobuman being , baa a more thorough contempt for a mere politician , than I have , whether he be Whig , Tory , Radical , or Chartist , except be has some great social object in view . Lock up the land to-morrow , and I would not give you twopence for the Charter next day , because yon would have deprived it of its jewel . "F . O'Connor to the Landlords of Ireland , third letter . " My maxim , to day is the same , which I laid down for you in 1831— 'A fair day ' s wage for a fair day ' s work- * Give that , and use your political power for the conversion of machinery into man ' s holiday instead of being man ' s curse . "—F . O'Connor to the Landlords of Ireland , second letter .
Sib , —The great error of allreftrmers , has ever been their endeavours to conciliate those whose only sense of right ia their own personal aggrandisement To meet this , they have one and all shunned the true position , and , consequently , all by which they ever could command consideration or respect They who contend for either more or leas than justice awards , are reprehensible ; they whose arbiter that principle is , can alone bejustined . Principles are eternal , and know no change : to compromise is to desert them , and to leave any part covered is t # betray them . To reject or agree to dispense with any right or privilege that justice entitles us to , is to reject the goodness of God . Nature does nothing in vain , neither does a principle of justice demand more than is really necessary . No followers of justice can give ground or make conditions of any kind farther than is dictated by principle . Monopoly , or not monopoly , is the grand distinction between justice , and injustice ; and they who would benefit the human race , must understand it as regardless of all consequences . Sir , are you prepared to test Chartism by principle ? If so , now ia tbe time to submit its tenets to arbitration , so as to disentangle what is really Chartism from the Malthusian Whig axioms that have all along been mixed up with it . This much is necessary to make it consistent and Intelligible ; and without which it eannet be consolidated , nor brought within the range prescribed by justice ; and this must be the case before it succeed . Then why defer enquiry ? since what must be , shall be as well do so now as then . I know it is no agreeable task for a friend to strike within tbe limits of a concentrated move ; nor would I , were it not to avert the certain ruin that must result from following delusion . As truth leads to truth , so error to error ; therefore the sooner all e r jrs are expunged the better .
" Repeal the Corn Laws ; have high wages , plenty te eat , and plenty to do . " So say the Whigs . " Down with all monopolies , repeal all unjust taxation , and have a fair day ' s wage for a fair day ' s work . " 8 » say the Chartists . These statements are similar in their nature , and I hesitate not to say that those who assert either nave as yet much to learn concerning the nature of tbe consitution we live under . Be it known to all , servitude and monopoly are co-existent—twin brothers . Destroy the one and yon annihilate tbe other . I know a system can be promulgated where monopoly can be
dispensed with ; but men in that case will not live by servitude ; nor have either Chartists or Wbigs considered tbe nature of that system . I will not follew either party through the labyrinth of nonsensical twaddle by which they support their views en these matters , but shall rest contented with one plain statement , namely , I object to a repeal of these monopolies ; not because I consider them just , or in any shape a necessary part of legislation , but because the people have not properly considered the results that will follow , nor are prepared to meet them .
It has been said , repeal the Corn Laws , and the balance will be in favour of the money holders ; or expunge tbe national debt , and the balance will be in favour of tbe landholders , which propositions are quite good ; repeal either monopoly , and the remaining monopolists will be the employers of those who live by labour ; do away with both , and to whom shall the labourer go -with his only commodity ? It is quite clear that neither of these can purchase his labour , as nene , of either party , bring money into tbe world , so can neither have it but by monopoly ; in some shape , destroy these , and it is of no use to look for employment in that quarter . Under such circumstances , what shall become of those whose only dependence is labour ? I know though all existing monopolies were repealed ,
others might be substituted ; say that every one above six feet high should be entitled to a few hundred thousands per annum , or that all above twelve stone weight should be similarly privileged ; then these would become aristocrats , and employ labourers , and be looked up to , and become influential , the same as the aristocracy now is , and men would busy themselves to attain those qualifications , the Bame as is done at present , only differing according to the diffarent nature of tbe monopoly ; under snch regulations , the system of governing now pursued might go on quite as much in accordance with the spirit of justice , as at present , and any other similar scheme may be adopted , aad the same results will follow . Bat this much know all —without a privileged class in some shape , the present
Constitution cannot exist . It is a system of servitude , and those who employ servants must , in the first pluca , be provided with the means of paying Umi , along with the appropriation of tbe means whereby men can live otherwise , which must be enforced before a system like ours can be brought into operation ; but being understood and faithfully maintained , the system , as a system , of master and servant , may be turned as you will in all other respects ; but if the present method of carrying on that system is done away , and nothing of a similar nature substituted , then down the system must come . And I ask the question seriously , ore the people prepared to undergo the very material change that DiuBt follow , and if not , is it either prudent or safe to destroy the present order of things ?
Those who would have a proper view of the effects of machinery on our legislative system , shouJd compare the positions of parties among us at this day with what they were 100 years ago . We know the great change since then is attributed to the revolutions of France and America . Repeal the monopolies these created , such as the National Debt and the Corn Laws , all of which might haTe been gene into independent of either , and we shall find the only part they had in the matter was , that they furnished a pretext for creating these . Why did mechanical skill slumber in the arms of our artisans before then ' —Where were our numerous ships and fair cities ?—Why were merchandise so cheap and wages so low?—Why did our population not increase ? all for the very palpable reason , —we had no field for the display of our
energies ; the monopoly of land then existed , and no more of any note ; and tbe great body of the people liTed the feudal slaves of those who held it , until other monopolies were created which gave others , not landholders , the opportunity of calling forth those energies , the influence of whicb bas created tbe present state of things . At a rough calculation the ascent has been since 17 8 0 ; since t hen the revenue has doubled and quadrupled ; the price of land , and all connected therewith , population , demand for labour , and mechanical skill , haTe risen in a corresponding ratio ; and were it not for the introduction of machinery , by raising the revenue ten times higher than now , all kinds of property would rise also , and the result would b j au increased demand for labour , higher wages , increase of population , &c &c . ; this to any extent ( keeping the exception in view ) , as of ten as the means were applied .
That whose blighting influence will damn the present order of things is machinery , as its effect is to paralyze manual labour ; in this it not only threatens the annihilation of the great body of workmen , but likewise those who employ it . Machinery consumes not , and by supplying the place of those who do , must curtail the demand for articles of commerce ; add to this the extinction of all monopolies , and who are the consumers ? These may manufacture for each other , but farther than this they have no mart , though partly seen , this is but slightly felt , as yet : let the preparations now going on be completed , and we shall know more of it However
many idlers , and whatever the rate of wages now are , we shall then have more of the one and less of the other . The manufacturer will not derive large profits from his epsculation among the working part of the community ; and what are his prospects on the other site * It he chooses to give the aristocracy money in the shape of monopoly , and then snecumb , and cringe , and become a tool in their handsthen they may be induced to become his customers , or , at least , the customers of that part of the mercantile world who can outdo the rest in these particulars , and even this when they hold their monopolies , and no
longer . : From thesetsonsiderations , there is enough to stimulate all the active part of mankind , to look out for a system whereby they may mutually benefit each other . Strange that these should use means to straiten each other ' s paths , for the mare purpose of maintaining a parcel of drones , an * eventually give their substance to these merely to prodore a market for their produce ; yet , however extraordintrf , such is the meaning and intent ;; and all that can J ^ e obtained by the present system . ., ¦ :
.. . . As these things are necessary or not , that system may be justified or not ; one thing lam sure of , none will say it is just ; nose will say that harmony or peace are its results ; and from hearing the statement ^ of ail parties , I see little to recommend it to consideration of any kind , in preference to any system , having therast shadow of justice or benevolence to recommend . Still this much is necessary to be known concerning t& unnatural , delusive , unequitable , cruel system of servitude and slavery , before we can with any degwe of
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PUBLIC MEETING AT PAISLEY . BBEWSTER DEFEATED AT ONE OF HIS OWN MEETINGS . On Wednesday evening , tbe 17 th inst ., a pablic meeting . of the inhabitants of Paisley was held in the Old Low Church , called at the instance of the above Rev .-Gentleman , for the purpose of hearing him deliver a lecture on the best means of obtaining the Charter . The price of admission to hear the lecture was one half-penny , which gave very great offence to the majority of the working
elasses , thousands of whom are out of work at present ; and , when the Rev . Gentleman entered , which was about an hour after the time which ho had appointed , he was met by a most indignant volley ot hisses , amid cries of " Ye made it a bawbee of admission to prevent ns from getting in . " After order was restored , Mr . Robert Cochbane , a true blue Brewsterite , proposed Mr . Wood as chairman ; and Mr . Wm . Houston proposed Mr . James Paterson , who , on taking the chair , was received with tremendous " cheeis .
The Chairman having read the bill for calling the meeting , Mr . Brewster , in his usual way of rowing the seeds of dissension , instead of proceeding with his lecture , said that he was afraid that some physical force men bad got in amongst his Committee , and had altered a word in the bill , or perhaps it might have been & physical force printer who had done it . ( Much hissing , and cries of " get on with your lecture . " ) The Rev . Gentleman then proceeded with his lecture , the opening part of which was to the effect that we , as Chartists , ought not to oppose any class of Reformers , whether they were going for a repeal of the Corn Laws , or for any other measure of reform , but let us steadily
persevere for nothing less th&n the Charter . It soon became evident however , that the Rev . Gentleman was labouring m deep water , caused , as we supposed , by his adherents not being able to carry their Chairman , for he soon left off reading his lecture , and , in a very forcible manner , appealed to the feelings of the unemployed , a great number of whom vrere present , stating to them what was the law of nature ^ n regard to the poor , if the proper authorities did not provide for them , although he would not advise them to follow the said Jaw . But all this would not do , for when a remark was made by any of these unfortunate but ill-fed individuals not to the taste of the Rev . Gentleman , he immediately turned round , and , in the most ungentlemanly manner .
charged them with being wrong m their garrets or upper stories , alias the brain , and denounced them as spies and traitors ; and in one instance he became to exasperated that he drew himself up Jjke a fiend of darkness , and pointing to a certain portion of the audience , said , in a voice of hysteric passion , "These are the hungry wretches whom * 1 have fed , who have come here to-night to oppose me . " At the conclusion of this sentence such horrific murmurs of just and strong indignation took place as would have appalled any other than the living bronze statue who soon beforo them . Still
the Rev . Gentleman proceeded , and launched out into a tirade of abuse against a certain portion of tbo Chartist leaders , and when he alluded to Mr . O'Connor , it was always followed by three cheers for him . The meeting now became so uproarious that he was obliged to cot his lecture short . At the conclusion of whiob , to onr utter astonishment , Mr . Robert Cochbane rose and moved a resolution to the effect , That the thanks of this meeting be given to the Lecturer for his able lecture ; -coupled with a vote of censure on some of the Chartist leaders , who had not gone along with Mr . Breweter in all his crotchets .
John Caupbeix , Esq . one of the members of the Town Council of Paisley , moved the following amendment , " That this meeting has no confidence in the Rev . Patrick Brewster as a Chartist . " ( Tremendous applause . ) The Chairman having put the motion and the amendment , gave it as his opinion that the amendment was carried by a most decided majority . Mr . Brew 6 ter , as usual , protested against the decision of the Chairman ; and tbe Chairman , to humour him , said he would put the vote again , and called on Mr . Wo , Campbell and the Her . Mr . Kennedy to act with him in deciding on the vote . The vote having again been put , the Chairman adhered to his former opinion .
Tho Rev . Mr . Kennedy said that he had some difficulty in deciding , but he rather thought that the majority was in favour of Mr . Brewster . Mr . Wm . Campbell said he had no difficulty whatever in giving his opinion , and that was , that the amendment was carried by three to two . Mr . Kennedy said ihat he was of opinion that one of tho objects for which the meeting was called , had still been overlooked , viz ., that something should be done to heal the division that existed among the Chartists , for which reasons , he would submit a few resolutions . The resolutions of Mr . Kennedy , three in number , were the eame in substance , as the rules and regulations of the Lanarkshire and Renfrewshire Political Unions *
At this stage of the proceedings , Mr . Polin read the rules of the Renfrewshire Universal Suffrage Association , and said that he saw no use for Mr . Kennedy ' s resolutions , as thoy were just about the same as those he had now read , and that the said resolutions had been acted on since February last , by the only politioal union in existence in Paisley . Mr . Brewsteb said that there was a very great difference between the resolutions read by Mr . Kennedy and those read . by Mr . Folin , and that he ( Mr . Brewster ) intended to move an amendment , but , if Mr , Polin would withdraw his resolutions so that they might all be unanimous on the resolutions of Mr . Kennedy , ho would not press the
amendment , which he intended to move . Mr . Polin at once agreed to the suggestion of Mr . Brewster ; when , tell it not on the Calton Hillpublish it not in Birmingham — whisper it not in the ear of the Lord Mayor of Dublin , that the Rev . Gentleman at once recanted , and said , " Well , we will have one quarter of an hour of it yet , '' and forward he came . After a speech of fifteen minutes , he concluded with his amendment of " Under no circumstances whatever as an association , will we resort to arms . " Now , said the Reverend Gentleman , do you not see the force of such a resolution ; if you are attacked , dissolve your union , and then you are ready for your enemies , seeing that you are in an organised state .
After a considerable pause , the Chairman asked if the amendment of Mr . Brewster was seconded . ( Cries of" no , no ") Mr . Brewster then leaned over the side of the pulpit , aud asked some of his committee , if none of them would second his amendment , when one of them said that , upon principle , he could do no such thinj ? . . . , . Mr . Brewsteb . then , in an imploring manner , requested the Chairman to put it to the meeting , if no one would second his amendment . , The Chairman replied that he had asked the meeting three different times , but that he would do i « a fourth . .
Having done so , an individual in the gallery said , not that he approved of the amendment , but tnat they might get the proceedings brought to a close , he would second it . n The amendment was then put , when all the hands which we saw held up were only six , each individual holding up both hands , the principal acted upon during the whole of the votes that were taken . A forest of hands was then held np for the resolutions of Mr , Kennedy , which appeared to ns to be an unanimous vote , with the exception of the three who voted for the amendment . « , « ' ' Three cheers were then given for Mr . O'Connor , and three groans for Mr . Brewster . A unanimous vote of thanks was then given to the Chairman for his impartial conduct in the chair , when the meeting broke up about two o ' clock in the morning . The above is merely an outline of the meeting , we would have given the speeches at length , built would have occupied too much space in your valuable paver ^ From a Correspondent .
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W W V V — — •* < r-r——^^^— " . . - The three poor law unions comprising the manufacturing population of the boroughs of Manchester and Salford , with their immediate neighbourhood , contain altogether no less than 354 , 142 individuals . —Liverpool Standard .
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THE NOBTHEBN STAB .
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Northern Star (1837-1852), Nov. 27, 1841, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct963/page/7/
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