On this page
-
Text (5)
-
1004 THE L E APE B,, .[No. 4Q3. Sept. 3,...
-
rn -Jc< g< ° . ij u si tl ir ci t< ci li...
-
' 1 5 T 2 " 8 e 1 RIOTS ^ IN JAMAICA. Fr...
-
0 n '" r- e •t s, ie it d a t. is I- ie ...
-
AN ADDRESS FROM THE PATRIOTIC PARTY AT V...
Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
-
-
Transcript
-
Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
Additionally, when viewing full transcripts, extracted text may not be in the same order as the original document.
News From Javast.—"The Last China Mail, ...
-umpire , arid designated first France and then Utissia . The American consul had not sent in his * answer when the author of the discovery , who was morally certain of the result , gave up . his claim on the soil , and solicited authorisation to work the mine and share the profit with the Japanese Government The offer was at once accepted . Everyone speaks ltiglily of the Emperor ' s moderation in this case . MEXICO : THE JUAREZ GOVERNMENT- A telegram from Washington says that Signor I-erdo . the Juarez envoy , has arrived there , and has l > een entertained by the President and Secretary of State . His visit will , doubtless , have the effect of facilitating the negociation of a treaty satisfactory to both countries . rn Letters from the Juarez or constitutional go- -J--v-ernment allude with great satisfaction to the fa- c < -vbur with which the decree for the nationalisation g < ¦ of the church property is everywhere received , even ° in -the City of Mexico , and especially is the visit of ij Captain Aldham , commander of her Majesty ' s naval u threes , to the ' President , mentioned with gratification , as on that occasion he announced that by order si x > f the British Government he would not enforce the tl measures heretofore contemplated for the redress of ir < complaints , nor do anything to embarrass the admi- ci nlstration . General Degollado is at San Luis de t < Potosi . and has , it is supposed , about 9 , 000 troops ci -under his command , preparing to march on the city li of Mexico . Arms and ammunition are constantly be- w ing received by the liberalists . d Senor Mata , who has -just arrived from New tl York , lias concluded a contract for materials of war , tl which will , without unnecessary delay , be forwarded n to Mexico . ¦ ' ' ™ Mr . Otway , the British Minister , was , at last ac- n counts * in the city of Mexico , the despatch for his si recall not having been received . There is such a information in New York as justifies the asser- s tion that the vacancy thus occasioned will be I Tilled by a successor friendly to the Juarez Go- o vemment . , ¦ ' ' ¦ * __ ¦ c by to of
1004 The L E Ape B,, .[No. 4q3. Sept. 3,...
1004 THE L E APE B ,, . [ No . 4 Q 3 . Sept . 3 , 1859-
Rn -Jc< G< ° . Ij U Si Tl Ir Ci T< Ci Li...
. DE MORNY ON THE ENGLISH PRESS . The following strictures on the journals of this country , and exposition of imperial policy with regard to England , are contained in a speech delivered the Count de Mprny , as President of the French Legislature , to the Conseil General of the Puy de Dome . He said : — " You have participated , gentlemen , in the enthusiasm excited by our victories , you have shared in the unanimous gratitude of France for the great moderation of the Emperor . But you find it difficult to understand how his Majesty ' s evident desire prevent a European conflagration can have caused in England the newspaper articles , the Parliamentary speeches , and the warlike preparations of which so much has been said . You know , without doubt , by means of what logic the English explain their apprehensions . They say , Our press is free ; the French press is not so : therefore insults have not the same importance in one as in the other . That is quite an error . There are in France no means of preventing a journal from publishing what seems to it right ; the Government is only armed against the press with the power of warning and ^ of suspension , which are repressive measures . The English add j ¦ ' The Emperor retains at the bottom his heart the desire to avenge . Waterloo and St . Helena ; he only concluded peace with the Emperor of Russia in order to make him an ally ; he has been generous to the Emperor of Austria only to make a friend of him also ; and with that double alliance he intends to attack England . ' I do not think it inopportune to tell you what I think on that subject . We live at a period when the . hatreds of castes and families have succumbed from the increased mildness of manners , and at which national hatred and prejudice have been effaced by civilisation . The new generations have something else to do than to avenge the past ; they are too enlightened to . act on any other motive than the interest of the present and the future . The Emperor and the present generation of Frenchmen are not of those of whom it can be said , ¦ ' They have learned nothing and forgotten nothing . * As for the generous proceedings between the three Emperors , to ascribe them to the speculative object indicated above , is it not to reduce to the proportions of a paltry theatrical intrigue the regulation of the great interests of Europe , and to degrade the elevated sentiments which God has placed in the heart of a sovereign for the ^ welfare of humanity ? Assuredly , I am better able than any other to appreciate the loyal fidelity of the Emperor and his pacific intentions : for when he did me the honour to send me to Russia to draw closer the relations between the two empires , the part of my instructions which dominated every other was this—Do not allow any encroachment to bo made on the English alliance ; and , far from endeavouring to divide the great Powers , on the contrary point out that if they had the good sense to unite and come to an understanding , all the paltry difficulties which arise in Europe may be solved peaceably . " Need I recall to your memory the incidents which preceded the war with Austria , in order to prove that the Emperor Napoleon , while desiring to fVee Italy , and to disengage the frontier of Franco from Austrian pressure , would havo preferred attaining that object by a congress rather than by a war ? Tho number and the state of our army at the moment when the ultimatum of Austria was issued prove this . And if the statesmen of England who now consider that enough has not been done for the Italians had consen ted before the war to express the sympathies which they now manifest , it is to bo prosumed that the affairs of Italy would havo been regulated by diplomacy . I repeat that nfter all the Emperor has done and said , to suspect him of preparing in the dark , wtyhout any other motive than ancient enmity , an enterprise which would throw into confusion the gravest interests in the world , and would be tho most fatal blow to civilisation , is to doubt his word and his heart as a sovereign and a man . " . , After expressing the opinion that perhaps the attempts which have been made by certain newspapers and speakers in England to oxoito distrust of , France were only inspired by tho detiiro of the one to increase their circulation , and of the othct \
to gain popularity , Count de Morny went on to say = — r , " Time , and the determination of the Emperor tolead France into the occupations and "labours of peace will , I doubt not , triumph over chimerical fears . That , gentlemen , is a sort of war which we must wage with England . Let us resolutely terminate our . means of conveyance and of circulation ; let us put them in communication with our coalpits ; let us reduce the cost price of all raw materials and of all our manufactured articles ; let us imitate the English in what we are deficient ; let us gain strength from the spirit of association with-. out continually requiring the support of the Govern ^ ment ; let us endeavour to conquer , and by prudent use preserve , the liberties which make a man absolute master of his own welfare , and which have no other limits than the wrong done to others . Yes , let us make on England a manufacturing and commercial war—a conflict of progress and'civilisation , loyal , avbwable , and which will be advantageous to all . That is what the Emperor desires ; let us second his efforts . Already is the amnesty a work of pacification , which is the prelude of the system into which we are about to enter . Let us hope that it will be so understood by everybody , especially by those who are the object of it . " . This fustian of M , de Morny ' s has met with a severe rebuke in an able article by M . Peyrat in the Presse . M . Peyrat first notices the Count's sneer at Lord Lyndhurst . whom he ( M . Peyrat ) speaks of in terms of respectful admiration . He refers to abusive articles in the French papers against England , and particularly to the celebrated address of the French colonels . He allows that the armaments of England are justifiable and even necessary in the face of recent events ; and concludes by advocating a contest in the arts of peace between the the two nations .
' 1 5 T 2 " 8 E 1 Riots ^ In Jamaica. Fr...
' 5 T 2 " e 1 RIOTS ^ IN JAMAICA . From Jamaica we learn that the district of Tre- t lawney has been the scene of very serious riots , t which , but for the promptness of the magistracy , g ' and the mariner in which their efforts were seconded c 1 \ v tbe Tssppctablo portion of the inhabitants , who t organised themselves into a body of special con- j stables for the protection of life and property , we g have no reason to doubt that Falmouth—the second e commercial town in the island—would have been £ laid waste , and its prosperous inhabitants reduced j to beggary , by a mob which had no reasonable ' cause for the insubordination which they displayed . r The weakness of the police force , and the absence j of the military—for , according to recent arrange- , jnents by the Imperial Government , the military t stations at the outports have been abandoned— { allowed little or no check to the lawlessness of the mob ; the torch of the incendiary was brought into requisition , abandoned women , in the heat of intemperance , commenced the demolition of public buildings , and the dwellings of private individuals * vho had been unpopular with the lower classes were ulso threatened with destruction . For a whole day and a night the greatest confusion prevailed , the mob becoming the more boundless in their intemperance ns the alarm of the peaceable inhabitants increased , and order was not restored without the sacrifice of human life and the wounding of several persons who were engaged in the melee .
0 N '" R- E •T S, Ie It D A T. Is I- Ie ...
0 n " r- e t s , ie it d a t . is I- ie to i- ir- y 4-' o n I- iu LOUIS BLANC AND THE CONST [ TUTIONNEL . The ConstUuiionnel having published a long article against the letter , of M . Louis Blanc , lately given in the London papers , without publishing the documen t , M . Blanc has sent it tho following letter : — . ' , '"' ¦ ) " London , August 25 . " Sir , — -You have thought fit to blame the determination I havo adoptod with regard to" the amnesty ; I cannot say that blamo on your part has occasioned mo either annoyance or surprise , You quote in support of your vituperation the opinion of the Morning Chronicle , a paper without the slightest weight on this side of tho Channel , and 3 cnown throughout England as the organ of a Government which is not the English Government . X am not sorry you havo ouch on ally . But porhaps you will deem it just that the public should bo allowed to become acquainted with tho subject of the discussion , tho better to form an opinion of the value Mi tho comments upon it . Therefore I have tfyo hpnour to , send you , with a request that it may appear--in your columns , a letter in which I set forth my sirlewB on tho amnesty , and which the Times nn 4 ' nlmoBt « U the English papers hrtv < 3 published . To deprive you of any pretoxt for refusing , I have taken . i « 5 « ro to ntriko ' out flvo or six words which your political touchiness might be alarmed at . I only ask you
fc w Ti fa B oi be r € j s for fair play ; is it asking too much in that country which you pretend is free ?—I am , & c , f' Louis Blanc . " The Constititlionnel publishes the letter , and even restores the passages omitted by the writer , pre - facing it with an indignant repudiation of Louis Blanc ' s imputations of political touchiness and want of liberty . Thereis . no accounting for tastes . The Cbnstitutionnel , says a contemporary , has always been in the habi t of kissing the rod ,-but that is no reason why it should lay do \ vn the rule , that nothing is so pleasant as the prospect of incessant scourging .
An Address From The Patriotic Party At V...
AN ADDRESS FROM THE PATRIOTIC PARTY AT VENICE TO THE GOVERNMENTS OF TURIN ,- & c . Your Excellency , —Europe knows our hopes , our misfortunes and dur rights : rights that are secular ^ but nevertheless full of life . We need not appeal , to public records to prove them , nor would any one attempt to establish a denial of their existence upon the eternal inviolability of political treaties , for thoir sacred keeping will be best illustrated . by . the principalities ot Neufohatel , the Danube , Belgium and Lombardy ; and Austria we need only remind of Cracow . . Napoleon III ., in his memorable proclamation oi Milan , when alluding to our desire for independence so long expressed , and unhappily so often disappointed , asserted two truths at once : the sancity ot our right , and our consciousness of it . Then , in reference to the sympathy of Europe for our cause , lie recognised the universal suffrage-of the public conscience in all that Europe possesses of spirited and generous feeling . The peace lately signed cannot in any way niter the real signification of those words which promised us that " Italy should bo free to tlicit would be fruitless to recapitulate nil . the hopes that the war aroused in the hearts of the Venetians and the Lombards , the more sq in the A e . netmiis , because their rights , even in accordance with the strictest diplomacy , were the more sacred ; however , the very hope repressed their impetuosity , and the character given to the war , which was . to have been a regular and dynastic one , was calculated to provenr any popular movement on their part . After the occurrences of 1848 and 1841 ) , and uitcv ten years of oppression that a foreign Government could not otherwise maintain than by an overpowering military force , it is scurcely necessary to demonstrate ! our will . History shows us muijy more warlike nations than Italy hua bvcu lor tne lust throe centuries , who nevertheless have yroiine i , and still do groan under oppression , without be my ; considered cither timorous or happy . All Unit mi : Venetians could do , without the limits " */ that excluded any national insurrection was to tiuu up arms under the bunner of Piedmont , and tins they have done . The number of volunteers \ viu » greater than might have beon supposed , particuii y considering the difficulties that had to bo surmount *! in escaping frqro a homo which had boooiuo t t land of exile s to bravo the dangers of u lilgiit *»» counted as nothing ; but to consign friends , Hither ni mother , to the vindictive suspicions arising noiu ' honourable and sacred confederation was drew » The few thousand soldiors that Vonotla offemi > n tliis way to the Italian army are a flufuclont »»" i probation of . tl ^ o nation's . will : our armod doimtiw , representing the country at large , throughout « u » i grades of society , lYom the humlilo villagor to tto ) milllonniaro and the count whoso ancestors bUoni * ? to history . It is ueodleeB to read their names at tne
-
-
Citation
-
Leader (1850-1860), Sept. 3, 1859, page 8, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_03091859/page/8/
-