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¦a———¦^IMMJg——»—¦¦—°"^^"^ ^ 1312 THE LEA...
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POLITICAL FORESHADOWLYGS.
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A great liberal demonstration took place...
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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¦A———¦^Immjg——»—¦¦—°"^^"^ ^ 1312 The Lea...
1312 THE LEADER . P ^ P- 506 . Dec / 3 , 1859 .
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Political Foreshadowlygs.
POLITICAL FORESHADOWLYGS .
A Great Liberal Demonstration Took Place...
A great liberal demonstration took place on Thursday evening at Liverpool in-the Philharmonic Hall , the object being the presentation of an address to General Thompson , and Messrs . Cobden and Bright . Neither General Thompson nor Mr . Cobden ¦ were present . ( The latter is detained in Pans by illness ) . * ' ¦ A letter from Mr . Cobden , -which was read , contains the following remarks upon the invasion rumours which are so prevalent : — " What means this periodical visitation , which , like the cholera or sonic other infectious disease , has , every two or three years since 1847 , caused the panic cry of a to landand which
JPrench invasion overspread Eng , at the present moment is heard again in tones as loud and menacing as ever ? Whence springs the idea of danger which pervudes the public mind at home ? I attribute it mainly to the want of intercommunication , and the consequent ignorance and prejudice which prevail respecting the character and designs of our nearest continental neighbour ? Here are two of the greatest nations , separated only by the narrowest strip of ocean , with their distinct and proud annals , their rival traditions , their differences in race , language , and religion , all tending to produce alienation . But , down almost to the present day , the Governments of the two countries
have devoted their energies to the task of preventing , as far as possible , any commercial intercourse between them . The baneful consequences are naturally such as we behold , let us hope that legislators will awaken to a sense Of the responsibility which attaches to those who thus array themselves against the obvious laws of the Creator . " Mr . Bright returned his thanks for the friendship and respect expressed towards him and the other two gentlemen in the address ; and after some laudatory remarks upon the objects of the Financial Reform Association , said : —" The landed gentry were generally the last to learn anything . They were the last to learn the justice and necessity of
the repeal of the corn laws , although no class had derived greater benefit from "that measure than themselves . He anticipated results almost as great and beneficial when -the programme of the Financial Association was carried into effect . He had lately teen much attacked by the press . He would detain them for a short time by reviewing a few of these newspaper articles , and he hoped to show them what bad political economy these professed leaders of public opinion sometimes indulged in . Mr . Bright then read passages from the Times , the Spectator , and the Economist , and proceeded to refute the assertions made . He next adverted to the consumption of . the people , in order to show the relative proportions of taxation . The revenue from the excise was about
£ 42 , 000 , 000 , and it had been thus divided by a competent official authority . The upper classes paid £ 7 , 350 , 000 j the middle classes , ^ 15 , 960 , 000 ; and the lower classes , . £ 18 , 690 , 000 . During the last twenty years the consumption of sugar , tea , coffee , corn , cattle , and tobacco , had very nearly doubled , and by whom , he would like to know , had this vast increase of commodities been consumed ? Unquestionably , by the middle and lower classes . At this hour 24 , 000 , 000 of people in this country live in houses of less rental than £ 10 per annum , and only 6 , 000 , 000 live in houses of a higher rental . tlian £ 10 . The conclusion , then , to be drawn from " all these facts was , that the revenue
produced by taxation upon the ordinary articles of consumption fulls heaviest upon the industrious classes . Ho lived in the midst of a manufacturing district :, and ho knew something of the life of the labouring man . Although this was a time of unusual prosperity , the life of a labouring man > vaa ono of peculiar hardship and difficulty . Labouring men have to maintain an incessant struggle ! to keep themselves from what they dread so much—the workhouse . Their life is precarious , und on the average , not of long duration . He appealed' to tho middle olassos of the country to band together to roily vo tho labouring classes from their heavy
bur-En gland . Do not mix yourselves up in continental politics . " After tracing the results of the Peniusular war and the restoration of the elder branch of the Bourbons . Mr . Roebuck said , " We next acknowledged the second branch of the Bourbon fsunily . They were driven out of France in 1848 ; they were received hi hospitable England ; they were sheltered by her mighty aegis ; when they put their foot upon the shores of England nobody could molest them . And what was the gratitude of these illustrious personages ? One of these illustrious exiles actually made a plan of the southern shores of England , pointing out where we could be attacked , and sent this plan to the Ministry of France , saying , that though an
exile in Jbngland , he -was still a child of France and would be willing and anxious to enter into the ranks of those who would carry French principles across the Channel . ( Sensation . ) That was told me by a gentleman now dead , whose name I don't think it right to mention , and who said that he saw that letter a twelvemonth before . He told me that circumstances had then occurred that would render it not a politic proceeding to mention it at that time . I did not mention it , nor have I mentioned it until the present moment . The present is the proper time , when we are are asked to take part in a European Congress , and entangle England in foreign
disputes , and risk again the blood and treasure of lingland to obtain gratitude like this . . SI . Montalembert may wish to keep the Pope upon his throne b } r English bayonets ; and other friends of'Italy may wish that we drove out the three dukes by English bayonets . We slioukl make enemies whatever course we took . We alone have a free press ; we alone have a government which represents the people ; we alone deserve the name of freemen . Shall we say that we at this time are afraid of anybody ? iNot a whit of it . Afraid we . are not ; but let no man dare to offend us . When they talk of invasion , that army that puts its foot upon England will never take its foot off the Enirlisli soil .
' On'Wednesday-Mr ; -Williams , M . P ., addressed the electors of Lambeth in his usual eloquent style , upoii the subject of his own indefatigable attendance and invaluable services in the House . After dilating upon the various abuses in the army and navy , and the disposition of the money voted for those forces , he said : — " This was the way the public money was wasted : He . was anxious to maintain our navy in a state of efficiency , but however many ships we might build we could never have an efficient navy without men , and they never would get qualified sailors for the navy in sufficient numbers until they put an end to flogging . That was the difficulty in manning the navy . Cease to
cut the flesh from the men ' s backs and they could at any moment count on 10 , 000 sailors from the north . But as it was , notwithstanding the bounty offered some time ago , only 1 , 500 men had entered under it . He had used his best exertions to put an end to this degrading practice , and with that view he had periodically moved for a return of the number of cases in the army und navy , and the number of lashes inflicted in eael ) . This had a good effect , for the Duke of Cambridge had within the last month issued a general order prohibiting flogging except for certain most atrocious crimes , which were therein enumerated . If the Lords of the Admiralty would take the same course , they
and spirits , they produce about £ 18 , 000 , 000 , and he would hot propose their abolition , at least not for the present . The largest proportions of these , which come from tobacco and spirits , are paid by the lower classes and we may fairly leave this proportion of the national revenue-to be paid by them , whilst the upper and middle classes ought willingly to burden themselves with the remaining taxation required by the Chancellor of the Exchequer . Mr . Bright then referred at considerable length to the legacy duty on personal property , the probate duty , and the succession tax of 1856 , which last he denounced as a shame and a disgrace . The poor , he said , were taxed excessively to spare the rich , and all classes
are taxed excessively to spare the proprietor of the soil . He wbuW give hLs explanation of this state of things in a few words . The Parliament which levies the taxation is a Parliament of the rich , and the majority 6 f the members belong to the landed proprietors . What is the remedy ? We-may either have an agitation extending over some years , rousing the country to indignation , and perhaps to the brink of insurrection , or we may have a measure of parliamentary reform which will change the character of the legislation . The mono ^ polists of power dread the extension of the franchise . The existence of the present cabinet , however , depends upon the courage and honesty with and unavoidable
which it deals with this important question : the very future of their party depends upon it . For himself , . though he was reviled by the masked conspirators who write the leading articles of the morning and weekly journals—( great cheering )—he should continue to demand what he considered to be a wise , just , and comprehensive measure of parliamentary reform . He warned the monopolists of power that , if they refused justice to the unrepresented twenty-four millions , they would assuredly be asked in a sterner voice , arid with a ruder hand than his , should their just demands be refused , which demands would ultimately be surrendered in terror and humiliation , for they only asked what reason and justice had long asked in vain . ¦ , At Bath on Tuesday Mr . Roebuck , M . P ., and Mr . Tite , M . P ., addressed a large assembly of the Liberal interest . Mr . Tite said : " With regard to bribery there was no remedy for it but the-ballot , for if a man does not know what he buys and pays for he will cease to bribe , With regard to a Congress ^ he believed the ministry were sincere ; and he was pleased to hear that Lord John ltussell stated at Aberdeen that he would join no congress that did not give the people of Italy the liberty to judge and act for themselves . On that principle he hoped and believed the cabinet would act , and act firmly and sincerely . " Mr . Roebuck said , " 1 ask you if we need fear a Reform Bill ? Taking the past effect for twenty -seven years of Lord John Russell ' s first Reform Bill , I ask
why need we fear to extend his liberality , smd to take into the bosom of the constitution tlio large masses of the working classes ? I mean to ask for , ami by loudly asking for we shall obtain , a . complete reform of the representation of this country ; and when I see around me the large mass of the working classes , and know their intelligence , and their hardheaded good sense , their honesty , and their upright ^ ness , I ask myself , What have I to fear ? But I am told that the working men have given evidence by their late conduct that they are totally unfit to elect their legislators . Is that so ? Is a mistake in political economy to' unfit a class to be repre * sented ? If so , how did it come that the landed
would get plenty of sailors . He held that flogging was subversive of , rather than conducive to , good discipline . To prove this , lie mentioned the fact that when Lord C . Paget commanded the Princess Royal in the Baltic ho maintained that ship in a most efficient state , of discipline without inflicting a single lash ; while Captain Giffiird , who Bucceedod to the same ship , according to the return which he had moved for , had hud iifry-two- men , flogged , and inflicted upon thorn 2 , 100 lashes . He next came to the Reform Bill , which vas to be the great measure of tho next session , lie < lid not expect the Government bill would bo such ns would give satisfaction to itho electors , of Lambeth , but ho hopod it would bo such as would satisfy Moderate- men generally . Ho referred to the leading provisions ot Lord John Russell ' s bill of 1854 , ovor tho loss of if
gentry of tho country were , until the year 1832 , the rulers of this country ? Almost at the sword ' s point we carried the Reform Bill . By rising up us ono man we carried tho reform of the corn laws . In epito of these landed gentry , these bad political eopnonaists , we had tho franchise . Well , then , I say , give to the people of England , give to the workingclasses , tho power to choose their representatives . Give them the franchise . Thoy have shown that thoy possess intelligence ; thoy have shown that they , possess honesty ; and those two things combined fit a man to oho 6 . se representatives . It is my belief that in the coming session of Parliament we shall not have reform . This is my candid opinion .
which his lordship shod tears , and declared that tho forthcoming bill wore lileo thnt , which was to add' to the powor of tho aristocracy , Jio wouuj opposo it . That bill did not propose to add at nil to the representative powers of tho motropolis , but divided tho scats it took from tho siuull boroug hs , amongst certain counties and some other boroughs , us Bradford , which for population , rated valuo , and rogistorqd electors , wore not to bo compared U > La mboth . In that bill also waa tho fiimouu minority clauses , giving to tho boroughs to wlildi it proposed to glvo a third mombor ono mombor for tho minority —a prinoipla which in absurdity could not bo surpassed . He hold that in any redistribution of souls tho presontparliamentary borough of Lambeth should bodlvidod Into threo , and tluitLainuuth parish should return two , Nowington ono , and Cnmborwoll ono . Ho dono-uncod the JW rating cluuso , conpk' < l with
thocon-I know that gentlemen differ from me . I hope that I may bo deceived , but I believe that tho prosont state of Europe is such thut moil who ara really not bent upon reform will take advantage of tho turmoil that will necessarily arise , and > vo shall have tho whole tlmo , or nearly tho whole time , taken up by dlfisonsions in foreign affairs . Wo have no desire to attack anybody . England is peaceful . Her conquoslo are not to bo made by tho sword , or by tho bullet . Her cpnquosts aro by her mind , by hor art , and by her soloncoa . I say this Is tho proud position of England ; and ho would be a dastard who would not . sucrifico his life , and tho lifo of all that Is doar to hint , in ordor to maintain hor greatness intact . I would say to England , and I woul < l say to England ' s rulers , " Oonsidor , first and foremost ; , the intorcsta ot
dons , and to abolish a system which weighs so heavily upon the groat mass of our fellow-countrymen . Well , then , how bost can wo meet tho difficulty ? Ho would propose a tax of 8 s . per jeiOO upon tho whole property in the country belonging to persons having XI 00 per annum or more . This would produce about £ 27 , 000 , 000 p er annum . If this tax wore , adopted , we could ubplish tho duties on sugar , tea , eoflco , lnsurance , ' carriqges , andagreat variety of articles , Such a measure . would immediately increase the trade of the nation , and spread hapninoss And contentment amongst the great industrious population , whilst at the same time tho tax would not weigh heavily- upon those classes who would nave to pay It . As regards the -dutJ 0 on tobacco
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), Dec. 3, 1859, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_03121859/page/4/
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