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874 QZtfC 3t£a8r£tV [Saturday,
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The news from Germany is again of an ala...
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o SATURDAY, DECEMBER 7, 1850.
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There i3 nothing so revolutionary, becau...
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STATE OF THE GERMAN QUESTION. Last week ...
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CAN ENGLAND AID FOREIGN PATRIOTS ? The L...
Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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Transcript
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
Additionally, when viewing full transcripts, extracted text may not be in the same order as the original document.
For Some Days Past A Huge Effigy Of The ...
where he will remain in retirement till after his installation , which is to be gone through in the strictest possible privacy . —Times . The committee appointed by the Society of Arts , to obtain a reform of the patent law , held their second meeting , at the society ' s house , in the Adelphx , yesterday . The Bight Honourable T . Milner Gibson , M . P ., was in the chair , and the other members of the committee present were Professors Forbes , Boyle , Lyon Playfair ,
Bennet Woodcroft , and Edward Solly ; Mr . H . Cole , Captain Ibbetson , Mr . Highton , Mr . Brace , Mr . Newall ( of Gateshead ) , and Mr . Prosser ( of Birmingham ) . The committee have decided on issuing an extended statement of the evils of the present system , and of the principles w hich should guide legislation , and in preparing which we understand they have been assisted by a large mass of documentary information from members of the working classes and others , sufferers from the existing
evils . William Stewart Sheridan , formerly a clerk in the Inland Bevenue-office , but now an inmate of Limehouse Workhouse , wasjbrought up at Bow-street Police-office yesterday , charged with sending a threatening letter to Lord John Bussell . It appears that Sheridan was examined at the Police Court , Worship-street , in the month of December , 1847 , on a charge of having administered poison to his aged mother , to avail himself of the amount fr the effects of which
of an assurance upon her life , om she died . After a lengthened trial at the Central Criminal Court he was acquitted of the charge , it appearing in evidence she was of very intemperate habits , the result of which might have been her death . The Board of Excise , however , dismissed him from his situation , and since that time he had been memorializing the Treasury , and taking other steps of the usual kind to obtain redress . All these having been unsuccessful , he had addressed the following letter to Lord John Bussell : —
" To the Bight Honourable Lord John Russell , & c . —It is evident that some misfortunes are so wrapped in mystery as to lead to a belief in destiny . The world seems a complete contradiction . Might overcomes right . There is no redress for grievances . The oppressed are mocked ; and , when they remonstrate , they are hunted down . Spies let upon them because they seek for justice . A conspiracy is formed to overthrow a man . He is marked out for persecution . Some pretext is made to attack him . A false charg-e is made , and the bread is taken out of his mouth . After a long- service , Mr . Sheridan has been deprived of his situation on unjust grounds . In fact , he is the victim of persecution . How often have wrongs led to fatal results 1 History confirms it . The appeal is made to his Lordship in the hope that something may be done for Mr . Sheridan , who is sinking with depression . It no notice is taken of this , serious consequences may ensue . —No . 2 , Ernest-street , Stepney , Nov . ID , 1850 . "
The prisoner confessed that he had written the letter , but denied that any threat against Lord John Bussell was conveyed in it . The " serious consequences " went to imply that , if driven to despair , he might destroy himself . Mr . Jardine was not quite sure of that , and , even if it were so , it was the duty of the magistrate to interfere . He , therefore , ordered him to find bail , himself in £ 100 , and two sureties in £ 50 each , that he would be of good behaviour to all her Majesty ' s subjects , and particularly towards Lord John Bussell , for the next six months .
874 Qztfc 3t£A8r£Tv [Saturday,
874 QZtfC 3 t £ a 8 r £ tV [ Saturday ,
The News From Germany Is Again Of An Ala...
The news from Germany is again of an alarming character . The Berlin correspondent of the Daily News , in a letter dated Nov . 26 , says : — " The Austrian note communicated by telegraph this morning is of a very threatening character . The evacuation of Hesse Cassel is again required . Prussia is asked whether she will oppose further impediments to the proceedings of the army of the Bundestag in the electorate . An answer to this question is required to-morrow morning , and , unless the answer be satisfactory , the Austrian ambassador has received instructions to demand his passports and to leave Berlin forthwith . The Austrian note contains guarantees to Prussia that , if the electorate be evacuated , the military roads shall at all times be open to her . Many alarming rumours have been in circulation . II err von Prokesch Osten was reported to have
already demanded his passports and to have left Berlin . The same was said of the Bavarian ambassador . Her von Prokesch Osten has sent to his tradesmen , requiring them to forward their bills instantly , as he did not know how much longer his stay in Berlin might last . At the embassy everything has been prepared for instant departure , and report says that a train has been ordered to carry the Austrian envoy to Oderburg . The Krcuz ZaUtDKj says that the ambassador of another great power will leave Berlin at the same time with the Austrian . I suppose that Baron Budberg , the representative of ltussia , is alluded to . I am informed that the Government has concluded the preliminary negotiations necessary for procuring a loan in London to the amount of £ 10 , 000 , 000 . The interest oifeved is five per cent ., and the terms on which the London capitalists are willing to conclude arc
nmety-. " The military preparations of this country will be complete in a week ' s time from this date ; the several armies will be concentrated on the different points assigned them , and will be ready for immediate action . It is reported that an army of 115 , 000 men is to be conctiiitraied in and around Berlin . " The chief masses of the Austrian troops arc directed towards Bohemia , Moravia , and Silesia ; the greater portion of these bodies left Vienna some days ago , but
letters from that city inform us that large military transports continue at intervals to pass through the Austrian metropolis , and that the private traffic on the northern railway , which was entirely suspended for some days , has onl y been partially resumed . The two corps withdrawn li-om Italy number (!/> , 000 men . Eighteen battalions of recruits from the frontier regiments are on their march to Venice and Lombardy . The whole of the fortresses and fortified towns arc to be provisioned for four months . "
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There I3 Nothing So Revolutionary, Becau...
There i 3 nothing so revolutionary , because there is nothing so unnatural and convulsive , as the strain to keep things fixed when all the world is by the very law of its creation in eternal progress . —Db . Arnold .
State Of The German Question. Last Week ...
STATE OF THE GERMAN QUESTION . Last week Europe seemed to be on the eve of a general war . The two greatest powers of the German Confederation had called forth all their military strength , and only wanted the signal of battle to begin that process of marching and countermarching , of trampling down cornfields and destroying villages , by which , for five thousand years or more , nations have been accustomed to decide their controversies .
The matters ostensibly in dispute were unsubstantial enough . First of all there was the question of a reconstruction of the Federal Germanic Constitution . The events of 1848 had pronounced a just sentence of incompetency on that product of old despotic diplomacy , the Constitution of 1815 , according to which all affairs affecting the
relations or the common interests of the thirtyeight combined states were decided by a Central Diet or committee of plenipotentiaries representing the Governments of the several states , the larger ones singly and the smaller collectively , and presided over by Austria . The King of Prussia , whose idea of his own mission is that he is the man born to create a new form of federal union
for Germany , took the opportunity to volunteer a fundamental modification of this old constitution , having for its most obvious feature an encrease of the influence of Prussia . Austria , on the other hand , though not formally denying the necessity of a modification , was true to her retrogressive instincts in wishing it to be as insignificant as possible . Such was the main question . Other sources of animosity , however , were the questions of Hoistein and Hesse-Cassel . Prussia , forced by the European powers to acquiesce in the intervention of a Federal army in the affairs of Holstein , should such intervention be necessary , yet refused to allow a
passage to any such army through her territories . And , lastly , the Central Diet having listened to the application made to it by the checkmated Elector of Hesse-Cassel for the interference of Federal troops in the struggle between him and his subjects , Prussia , in the midst of whose dominions Hesse , with a cluster of other small states , stands geographically interposed , protested against a military movement which would thus affect her territorially , and , availing herself of her acknowledged right of military way from one portion of her dominions to another through Hesse , fortified this protest by marching troops of her own into that principality and occupying certain positions in it .
Such were the ostensible forms of a dispute that lay really deeper , a dispute between the tendencies of northern and southern Germany ; between semiliberal , active , energetic Prussia , and slow , inactive , paternal Austria . Other interests and passions , however , besides those of the two opposed Governments , marshalled themselves in the train of the dispute , resolved to turn to account the fight that
was to be going on at any rate . In Prussia , a democracy , eager , and all but universal , lent its enthusiasm for the promotion of a war of which it made sure of commanding the direction and reaping the fruits ; and , on the other hand , in Austria , the Liberalism of Vienna , and the nationalities of Italy and Hungary , expecting a compulsory call to serve with arms the cause of a detested
Government , consoled themselves by seeing therein a possibility of shooting off each in its own direction at the first crisis of the war , and so leaving despotism deplorably in the lurch . Out of Germany , too , the interest was intense . Russia , concealed behind Austria ' back , looked forward to a struggle which was cither to procure for her policy a new vstridc westward , or to drive it back to its proper Muscovite area ; and France and England were anxious in proportion to the strength of their respective prepossessions and to their feeling of the difficulty of remaining neutral .
So matters stood last week . All attempts at a settlement were reported to have failed . Austria had given her ultimatum , with a breathing time of forty-eight hours ere the thunder of her cannons should commence ; and Prussia , it was said , still stood firm . But there were shrewd suspicions that matters would not be allowed to go to
extremity . The King of Prussia ' s propensity to bluster was known ; and it was surmised that , eager as he may have at first been for the fray , the sight of the riant and tumultuous Democracy which he had mustered behind him , had caused him to think better of his intention . And as for Austria , Italy and Hungary were two strong reasons why she should wish to be pacific .
These anticipations have been verified . There is , it appears , to be no European war—at least , none is to grow out of this particular emergency . At the very climax of the dispute , and when all the world was looking to see the Ambassador of Austria shake war out of his sleeve , it was arranged by telegraph that the Prime Ministers of Prussia and Austria , leaving Berlin and Vienna simultaneously , should meet for personal conference at Olmutz , a town situated on the line of railroad between the two capitals . At the same moment ,
the dispute was greatly simplified by the offer of the Elector of Hesse-Cassel , doubtless not made without advice , to deal with his subjects himself , and thus permit both armies to evacuate his territory without a compromise on either side . This left the negotiators at Olmutz less to do ; and , accordingly , though the precise tenor of their arrangements has not yet transpired , it has been authoritatively announced that their conclusions on the Holstein and other questions were such as to establish a certain promise of peace . The Russian , Ambassador was present at the consultation .
So ends the affair for the present : it remains to be seen , however , whether an impulse to war so powerfully set in motion , can be arrested by the fiat of governors ; and especially whether the King of Prussia shall succeed in bidding back the roused Democracy of his people . The private enjoyment of his pedantic " mission" as constitution-maker for Germany may have possibly been reserved for Frederic William by the skill of his Minister Manteuffel ; but it is not likely that a pacification , the
terms of which have been devised by two statesmen of the stationary school in concert with a Russian ambassador , will prove satisfactory to Prussian liberalism . As one great motive of the parties to peace has been the fear of the development war might give to certain " subversive theories "—so they name Democracy and Socialism—all over Europe , there is little doubt that this fear has helped to determine the character of the stipulations .
Can England Aid Foreign Patriots ? The L...
CAN ENGLAND AID FOREIGN PATRIOTS ? The Liberal party in Europe has a vast preponderance in numbers and intelligence , but it is weak because it is not united . When thrones were threatened in the first acts of the French Revolution , Kings and Kaisers banded together to support their principles and to crush their foes ; a common interest produced a common resistance ; the Royalists were all outraged by the promulgation of Revolutionary ideas , and they took up arms out
to avenge the insult . Were the Liberals less - raged by the insolence of Austria and Russia in the Hungarian struggle ? Did not every Liberal cheek burn with indignation at the recital of Hungarian wrongs ? Were not orators copious and journalists sarcastic ? Were not " meetings" held , and Austria anathematized by perspiring crowds—did not Notting Hill declare its readiness to ' rise as one man" in the cause of Hungary ? And all in vain ! The flush subsided ; the orators had " said their say "; the journalists continued their sarcasms ; Notting Hill , haying paid its score , returned to the domestic circle with an air of very
considerable importance indeed , as if Europe was to be shaken to the centre by that night ' s expression of opinion j and Jones as he drew on his nightcap thought how Haynau would grow pale and Nicholas tremble on his throne when to-morrow s Times brought them the report ! What prevented the Liberals from acting as the
Royalists acted ? Why , the sneaking philosophy of " non-intervention " ! We are to see horrible injustice transacted before our eyes , knowing that a word from us will prevent it ; but we abstain , because , to make good our words , would be " expensive . " So we remember that " each nation should settle its own affairs . " You walk through
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), Dec. 7, 1850, page 10, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_07121850/page/10/
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