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5S& The leader and Saturday Anali/st. [J...
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THE MOVEMENT ABROAD. THE state of Europe...
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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Distliust And Refofim. Lord John Russell...
lie declares that , in speaking of a " further measure of Beform , he referred exclusively , to the distribution of seats . " At Birmingham he demonstrated that the Bill before the country would let in very few of the working-classes , and now he affirms that the only further measure he contemplates is a re-distribution of seats . The honourable gentleman is fully entitled to hold Tory views if he pleases , but we would suggest the propriety of his holding them honestly , and not endeavouring' to make the working-classes a stalking-horse , for his own ambition . He opposed all legislation to rescue them from factory slavery ; he condemned the Volunteer movement , which a man generously relying upon the working-classes would have made national , and not exclusive ; and he now tells those whom his adopted schemes will exclude from the franchise , that his further anxiety will be
confined to a re-distribution of seats—a measure which , taken m connexion with a narrow limitation of the suffrage , would simply transfer so much political power from the land-owning to the mill-owning part of the community . At Liverpool , he frightened the rich by preposterous schemes of taxation ; and at Birmingham , and in the House of Commons , he adds to the political distrust of the poor by demonstrating that it is simply the advancement of his own order , and not the general good , that occupies his thoughts .
5s& The Leader And Saturday Anali/St. [J...
5 S & The leader and Saturday Anali / st . [ June 9 , 1860 .
The Movement Abroad. The State Of Europe...
THE MOVEMENT ABROAD . THE state of Europe question each day assumes greater importance , and every one is convinced of the impending disturbance of that uneasy condition which the despotic Authorities are pleased to term " ' peace . " The reactionary parties in the English Parliament look with satisfaction at the probability of their being able to stifle the cry for "¦ Reform by a still louder appeal to those fears which the occurrence of war can so readily excite . Day by day our funds- fluctuate according to the movements of the Paris Bourse , while every statement bfthe Monitettr and every word that falls or is supposed to Tall from the military chief who sits enthroned at Paris , is watched with as much anxiety as if he were the sole arbiter of the destinies of the
world , instead of "being -a-mart-of subtle shifts and expedients , watching the turn of events as anxiously as any speculator in the most ticklish market , and regulating bis adventures according to the opportunities of the moment rather thah * by any predetermined scheme . The great difference between the Emperor Napoleon III . and the common-place monarchs and advisers by whom European states are governed , is , that he has a keener insight into the character of his ~ people and the necessities of his time . They endeavour to maintain their thrones by idle efforts to check the motion of public affairs;— be sees that a quiescent EuTcrperor a qvti ^ cent-France-is ^ n 4 inpQssibilit ^ - ^ nd ^ eeks ^ Yith ^
skill and success to prevent the outbreak of revolution , by directing energies that cannot be neutralized into a channel more consistent with his own interests and plans . England , so for as its Court and Government are concerned , still clings to the benighted notion of keeping things quiet by throwing weight alternately in one scale or the other , without the slightest regard to the inherent justice of the occasion , and without any perception of the palpable absurdity of attempting to preserve an equilibrium by the opposition of repulsive powers . Burin g the [ Russian war , ' the'Prince Consokt declared the British constitution to be
on its trial . It was tried and found wanting , for the irrefragable argument of events demonstrated that an unreformed Parliament was no check upon official jobbery and folly ; exposure only led to a miserable minimum of improyement , and the irresponsible distributors of honours and patronage rewarded with blue ribbons , titles , and places ., every conspicuous offender whose political or military delinquencies had caused the death of our soldiers , or brought discredit upon our anus . Again the Prince Consokt might tell us that our constitution is on its trial , and again we should see proof of the absolute necessity of causing it to undergo a thorough repair . .
Every hour proves that we want a national policy to lessen the chances of our being involved in war , and to show to other Powers in what direction they muy move with the certninty of avoiding collision with ourselves . Our old women of Downing Street are no match . for .. the man of the Tuileries . He will not arid cannot be quiet while the world moves on , and itlio imbecility of our cabinets thrusts upon him the necessity of being prepared with alliances against us in case neither our friendship nor our neutrality can be secured . It is absurd to offer our support for the idle purpose of sustaining principles that nre outgro \ yn , or dynastic arrangements that are only compatible with chronic disorder and alarm . It is not easy to unravel the
web of European incidents or destinies , but it is eosy to trace certain concatenations that irresistibly bind together the fortunes of different peoples and states . A little more success of the noble
efforts of Garibaldi must lead to outbreaks on the mainland of Neapolitan territory , while a successful insurrection there could not possibly leave the Pope in possession of what how remains of his- ill-governed states , defended by hireling cutthroats" from foreign lands . A rising right and left of the Austrian positions , would leave Francis Joseph but two alternatives—either to retire altogether from Italy , or try once more the chances of war , and no one can doubt that a movement in Hungary would follow or accompany a renewal of the Italian campaign .
It is evident from Count Cavour ' s speech , upon which we commented last week , that the Sardinian Court reckons upon further aid from France if any emergency should arise to render it necessary ; and however anxious Louis Napoleon maybe for peace , he dare not permit his work in Italy to be overthrown by a restoration of Austrian authority and prestige . To do so would be to make the second empire a failure , and to confess himself beaten by those Hapsburgs who betrayed his uncle , and have been the traditional enemies of France . Matters are still further entangled by the meddling of llussia with Turkey , contrary tothe provisions of the Treaty of Paris , and by the doubt still
entertained whether the German Powers would be content toleave Austria to her fate . The South German princes are known to be against the emancipation of either Italy or Hungary , and the Prussian Courtis afraid to take its stand upon the principles of popular right . With such complications , what can the French Emperor do but prejwe for the possibility of having to encounter a coalition , into which England might be dragged while her rulers are itnfaithful and her people- asleep r The doubt cast by England over the liberal efforts of Europe are closely connected with the compulsory hesitation of Cavour ; and our private letters affirm that even the expedition of Garibaldi has been imperilled by the obstacles which the Sardinian Court has unwillingly , and perforce , placed in the wav of
hisreceiving the aid best adapted to Ms plans . If Austria should renew the war , lis _ now seems most probable , it is to be ~ feared that the French Emperor could not rely upon the approbation of Lord John JiusSELL—the most liberal of our statFsmen- ^ -it he should carry out his '¦ or i g inal intention of assisting the Hungarians to achieve their emancipation , and he . would be . certain of virulent opposition if Lords Malmesbury or Clarendon conducted our affairs . Neither Whigs nor Tories are prepared for any efforts towards the reconstruction of Europe ,, and whether they have to deal with Constantinople , the Principalities of the Danube , the States of Italy , or the divided , fragments of Germany , their ideas are all ' taken from the past , and they pore over the Treaty of Vienna when they ought to be reading the signs of the times .
The merchant hesitates in his speculations , and the course ol our manufacturin g prosperity is constantly 'disturbed , because England has forgotten the fact that she is strong enougiT ~ tO control the events that most chiefly concern her , and able to offer a free vent , to the disruptive-energies of France , ' without imperilling one single interest she need care to ' preserve :-The astute descendant of the First Napoleon eimnot fail to know that an alliance with "Russia could only be a temporary and . dangerous expedient . There is a great gulf between the Courts of Paris and St . Petersburg , that might be provisionally bridged over , but which no power can fill up . The French Empire boasts of its seven million votes ; the Russian
Empire haughtily condemns any Government that rests upon the suffrages of the people . Napoleon and Alexander may both be despots , but while the latter repeats old falsehoods about -an imaginary divine right , the former moves in the name of his nation , arid ' must gratify some broad popular desires to prevent his power from drifting away . The French Sovereign must piny off the army against the Jesuit priests , the democracy against the numerous and wealthy adherents of the family of Lours Philippe , and it would be a greater triumph for him to secure the support of England in the new settlement of Europe , than to obtain some transient advantages in a collision that could only end in his defeat .
In Italy , m Hungary , m Germany , the wisest of . the liberal leaders only claim from England a just expression of opinion , and the certainty that she will not interfere to prevent changes which , although they might be objectionable in some minor particulars , Would , oii the whole , bring about ii greater conformity between national aspirations and territorial Arrangements . Every one knows that England would not tight with the avowed purpose of restoring Austrian shivery , in Italy , or of . compelling the Hungarians to remain under the illegalities and atrocities of Hapsbukg misrule ; but the Continent docs not know whether the people of this country would permit Lord Paj . meiiston to sanction n second Hussion intervention , and repeat his former conduct of writing to Vienna letters of congratulation when the aid of barbarian forces hud enabled Francis Joseph to drown the
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), June 9, 1860, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_09061860/page/4/
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