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NOTICES TO GOttnESPONDENETS , Wo cannot ...
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SATUEDAT, ATTGrUST 9, 1856.
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^ There is nothing so revolutionary, bec...
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CONSERVATISM INTERPRETED: Since Mr. Disb...
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FOREIGN POLICY. Nearly, twenty years ago...
Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
Additionally, when viewing full transcripts, extracted text may not be in the same order as the original document.
Jksmjmm'^&^'H Erb Bi- Bjeha Tfrttejto $9...
jksmjmM' ^&^ 'h ErB Bi- BJEhA TfrTteJto $ 96
Notices To Gottnespondenets , Wo Cannot ...
NOTICES TO GOttnESPONDENETS , Wo cannot undertake to return rejected communications . Wo notice can be taken of anonymous ^ communications Whatever ia intended fon insertion must be authenticated by the name and address of the writer ; not necessarily for publication , bat as a Ruaorantee of his good-faith . It is impossible to acknowledge the mass of letters we receive . Their insertion is often delayed , owing to a press of matter ? and when omitted it Is frequently from reasons quite independent of the merits of the communication .
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Satuedat, Attgrust 9, 1856.
SATUEDAT , ATTGrUST 9 , 1856 .
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— Ifinblu MutnL
^ There Is Nothing So Revolutionary, Bec...
^ There is nothing so revolutionary , because there is nothing ; so unnatural and . convulsive , as the strain to keep things fixed when all the world is by the very law of its creationi-n eternal progress . —De . Aehoi < D . ^
Conservatism Interpreted: Since Mr. Disb...
CONSERVATISM INTERPRETED : Since Mr . Disbaeli reviewed the session to a thin and inattentive House , various facts hare transpired with reference to the Tory " party" which demonstrate the accuracy of the reports we have published on its state and prospects . A large number of the veritable country gentlemen no longer recognize Mr . Disbaeli and the Earl of Derby as their parliamentary leaders . The Earl of Dehbt has almost ceased to be a politician , and has lost influence by his neglect ; Mr . Disbaeli , though aa pretentious as ever , has fallen so
low in the estimation of Parliament , that he never commands a large audience , and seldom a general cheer . His faculties for debate appear to have been worn out by his personal conflict with Sir Robert Peel . He never attained the character of a statesman ; but he did reach that of a successful satirist ; and now he is still a satirist , only without the success . When he pronounced his drearj ' address , from notes , on the history of the session , a very small number of members were scattered about the benches of the
House of Commons . So little interest was excited , that Lord Palmer ston ' s reply was heard by scarcely forty individuals . The " Whigs cheered Mr . Disbaeli derisively , but scarcely one counter-cheer was given from the Tory side , except when the downcast leader ceased . He then received the cheer of habit and courtesy . In addition to this circumstance are others
even more significant . Mr . Disbaeli ' s leadership is distinctly and fiercely repudiated by the most influential and widely circulating Tory journals . They say that " the leaders of the great Conservative party have ceased to inspire that confidence which is indispensable to parliamentary action . There is , consequently , a want of combination and concert
which , wheu an important occasion arises , results in confusion , and defeat . " And these words are in the columns which once declared Mr . Disbaeli consummate as an orator , and perfect as a tactician ! The fact , however , is undeniable . Who were tho sixty members who refused to follow Mr . Dishakli in the Kars debate ? Who wore thoy who warned him that it would bo wise to make no
demonstration with reference to America ? Has he not been told , plainly , since his presumptuous speech on the acts of the session , that tho Conservative Opposition did not ropresont tho plan of policy he had undertaken to describe ? To declaro that tho Established Church of England and Ireland should be maintained , that political innovations should bo oppowed , and that tho rights of foreign govemmontH elxould bo respected , ia to declare a policy of
the disruption of the party ? Has Mr . Disraeli been constant in his attendance ? Has he been -watchful , active , enthusiastic ? Has he been the practical leader of the Opposition , or have not some of his former colleagues been entrusted with affairs of parliamentary business once confided to him ? These are questions which probe the Tory party ; men who see the working of " private politics" London will be able to say how far Mr . Diseaeli ' s friends can satisfactorily reply to them . It is , indeed , sufficient to hear the criticisms passed in political circles to learn the true state of " Conservatism . "
platitudes ; but upon every definite , question that has been discussed this session in the Legislature , the Tories have been divided . Were they agreed on the subject of the Maynooth grant ? the Appellate Jurisdiction Bill ? the Bishops' Retirement Bill ? Irish Educa ^ tion ? Did they exhibit confidence in their own unity , in their own principles , or in their leading debaters ? Were not Ministers , on frequent occasions , supported by some Conservatives and opposed by others ? Did not many Conservatives vote for the Government from a conviction that a change of Cabinets must lead to political confusion , and expose
The interior discussions of the party consist in reality of reproaches and recriminations . Mr . Disbaeli , from time to time , endeavours to rally his former followers , butrthe loss of confidence seems irreparable . The reason appears to be that some of the Tory members of the House of Commons are inclined to adopt liberal opinions . Lord Stanley , is known to look with contempt upon Mr . Disraeli ' s pretensions to be his leader . Mr . " Walpoie and Mr . Henley
have acted independently of him many times during the session . Mr . Spooneb has been disgusted by his want of fanaticism , while others cannot see how lie can be said to represent any public policy at all . The integrity of the hereditary peerage—the assertion of corporate rights—the negation of the ballot—the maintenance of the Irish Church
—friendly relations with America , and with the continental powers— 'do these items constitute a policy ? If so , they are as much Whig as Conservative , and the best of them are as much Liberal as Whig . We have other testimony in reserve to prove that the dissolution of Toryism has begun to take place .
Foreign Policy. Nearly, Twenty Years Ago...
FOREIGN POLICY . Nearly , twenty years ago , Lord Palmeizston made a declaration of foreign policy in the House of Commons . He said it was the object of his diplomacy" " to form and consolidate the confederacy of Western Europe , to counteract tho influence of despotic opinions in the East , by the intimate union of States in the West governed by liberal opinions . It was for this that ho forgot his professed repugnance to interfere in tho
affairs of other countries , and took an active part in tho civil dissensions of Spain . For tin ' s was established tho Quadruple Alliance ; for this was a Legion armed to raise tho throne of Isabella . In the particular instance of Spain , Lord Palmjgwston ' s policy has been a melancholy failure . The constitutional principles supposed to be represented by Isabella have been suppressed in
tho face of Europe , by an advonturcr equally infamous in his public and private relations . Moreover , tho inthnato compact of which Lord Palmurston boasted for aix years , was novor moro than a pretonce , and has molted , at laafc , into tho confederacy of England with tho absolute po \ vei \ s to keep tho peace of Europe . There aro now no liberal governments on
the Continent that might be united in a can > federacy to oppose the spread , of . despotic ideas . Whatever movementssue . in progress are . in , favour of despotism . The only great power that pretends , indeed , to . take an interest in the constitutionaLprogijeasQf Europe , is that of England ^ which has been , practically subordinated to that of France , and thus exerts li ttle or no influence , except for evil ; Prance and Austria are alike concerned , in perpetuating the subjection of the Italian people ; France , even more than Austria , is desirous of seeing absolutist principles prevail ; France ,
as represented by its Cabinet , is in total anr tagonism to Lord PAXMERSTOif ' s old idea of counteracting the plans of despostism , for if Constitutionalism , in Spain , in Portugal , in Switzerland , in Belgium , in Sardinia , has anything to fear from one government more than from another , it is from the government of Louis Napoleon . The first intelligence that reaches * he Spaniards across the Pyrenees , as they stand disarmed before the destroyer of their laws , is to the effect that France approves the outrage . They turn to England . England will not interfere " in the domestic affairs of other countries . "
If the House of Commons were a fit assembly to be entrusted with supreme power , it would submit this principle to some analysis , and resolve in what form i t should be applied . So far as we comprehend the arguments employed on this subject by various of our ministers , and by Sib Eobebt Peel
especially , they amount to this : Non-interference with the domestic affairs of other countries , without some clear and undeniable necessity arising from circumstances affecting the condition of your own country . "To this principle , " said Lord Palmebston , in 1829 , " I most cordially assent . It is sound , and ought to be sacred . "
But what is non-interference ? and what is an undeniable necessity ? Does interference mean only interference by force of arms , or does it include representations , notes , remonstrances , demonstrations . If the latter , then Sir Eobebt Peel , Lord Aberdeen , Lord Palmebston , and Lord Malmesbtjey , all violated the principle which "is sound and ought to be sacred . " The Wellington Administration meddled in every way short of actual military force in the conflict between
Miguel and the Portuguese Constitutionalists . That is to say , they " interfered" in favour of the Miguelites . Lord Palmerston , upon assuming office , meddled more directly , and by a more positive method , yet he only " interfered" against the Miguelites . In the case of Belgium he interfered , because " that was the safest cause : " but in the case of
Poland he refused to interfere , because " to tako that step would have been to risk a general war . " Then , as to necessity . In Spaiu , Portugal , Belgium , Greece , and Syria , the necessity may have been " clear" to Lord Palmerston ; but ifc was not " undeniable , " since doniala came from many quarters , and were urged vehemently and powerfully in the House of Commons . It is a confused story ; but tho confusion is tho result of tho waut of
a guiding principle in our foreign policy . The Spanish Constitution has boon abolished * That is tho affair of tho Spaniards . But suppose Franco were to consider it also a French affair , would that bo simply the affair of the French , or would it not become the affair of every politician in Europe ? Carrying out tho suggestion , events havo occurred which forco us to look upon Europe as though a coup d'etat were possible ) in . any part of it . At what point , then , would n Belgian or Sardinian coup d ' etat become a question of European interest ? Upon tho principle laid down by at least four British foreign ministers in succession , external inter-
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), Aug. 9, 1856, page 11, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_09081856/page/11/
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