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December: 15, 1855] IVI^E LEAQBE. 1?Q3
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Fibh ax cub Houaa ov Commons.—A fire bro...
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^ , dftltttr (Knitim V^fW U VH/UUIU II . [nr this b™™*** , as ax * oraraP, howbvbb bxtbbms, abb ailootd an expbjsssion, thb editor necebsakily HOLDS ™"* «««»«««« so* »ow]
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\J1T THIS DEPARTMENT, AS ALL OPINION'0 ,...
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There is no learned man tout -will confe...
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WHAT SHALL WE GAIN BY THE WAR? (To the E...
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THE WORKING MEN'S COLLEGE, »ED LIONSQUAR...
Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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Transcript
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
Additionally, when viewing full transcripts, extracted text may not be in the same order as the original document.
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holder may , if his co-shareholdera be responsible persons , recover contributions against them , yet as to third parties he is left , except in case of special contracts containing such proviso of limitation , wholly unprotected , and therefore liable to loss to the full extent of his means . Joint-Stock Companies , established by charier , Act of Parliament , or registration under the statute differ , in several respects , froni private partnerships . First . No partiier in a private partnership , without the consent of th » other members of the firm , can transfer his interest or share to another person , or introduce a new member into the partnership . Each member mayhowever , upon proper notice , withdraw from the
, firm , andj Bubject to the provisions of the Deed of Partnership , require payment from them of his share of the common stock or capital . In a Joint-Stock Company , on the contrary , no member can require payment of his share from the company , but each member can , without their consent , but subject in most cases to certain stipulations in the Deed of Settlement , transfer his share to another pei-son , and thereby introduce a new membei * . The great distinction between a private partnership and a Joint-Stock Company , is indeed in respect of capital , however frequent and numerous be the transfers of the shares , the corpus , or actual amount of available capital , remains the same .
Secondly . Each partner in a private partnership is liable for the debts of the partnership to the whole extent of his property . In a Joint-Stock Company , however , each partner may , where the company is astablished by charter , or by Act of Parliament spe-3 ially obtained , be bound only to the extent of his 3 hares , unless there is a general and unlimited liability by the charter or Act of Parliament . But in caaeB svhere charter or special Act is obtained , the chief jbject of such form of constitution is with a view to i limitation of the liability of the members , in which jssential point only a company so constituted differs : rom a company formed in pursuance of the Joint-Stock Registration Act .
Lastly . The business of a private partnership is managed generally by all the partners . The busiless of a Joint Stock-Company is usually conlucted by a board or committee of directors , chosen periodically from "the entire body of shareholders , but iubject to the control of the general meetings , either ) rdinary or extraordinary—of the shareholders , the former assembling at fixed and particular times , the atter upon being speciaLly convened as the exigencies ) f the company may reouire . The Bank of England
^ ind other Joint-Stock Banks , the East India Company , tnd the Corporation of the London Assurance , are > xamples of such Joint Stock-Companies . The laws iffecting companies neither registered nor confirmed > y charter , Letters Patent , or Act of Parliament , m ' t only , associated by mutual agreement or deeds > f trust and arrangement , are usually the same as in omznon partnerships . In these associations each subcriber is a partner liable for all the debts and conracts of the concern . But the Articles of Partnership ,
\ r By stem of managing unincorporated companies are enerally different from common partnerships . The a , pital , or partnership fuud , is generally divided into istinctive shares of particular amounts , such as £ 5 , 110 , or £ 100 , whereof each proprietor may hold one r more , but restricted to a maximum number ; any arther can , under certain restrictions , transfer his aares , and the partnership is not affected by the eath , insolvency , or retirement of individual prorietors . No proprietor or shareholder can , however , 3 t personally in , or interfere with , the affairs of the > mpany , except by his vote at ordinary or extra-[• dihary meetings of the proprietors , held in pursuance P the provisions of the deed of settlement—the actual
lanagement being entrusted to directors , a committee , l- to officers who represent the company , and for horn the whole of the shareholders are responsible . A company may , by obtaining a charter , have the ght to acquire lands by purchase and to invest its mds therein by way of mortgage ; also to make by-, wb , to have a common soal , to huo and to bo sued i a corporoto capacity , or in the name of a public Beer and to exercise other privileges of a corporation , ametimes a charter is obtained to provide a ? aitation of tho risk or liability of the partners , or
> exempt tho company from tho necessity of making ly periodical returns of its business and financial mdition to tho Board of Trade , find if any exclusive ivilego is denied which cannot bo secured by a larfcer , an Act o £ Parliament will be aboolutely icessory . Whero a company enjoys some , but not 1 of tho privilegoa of ft corporation it ia termed a aasi corporation . IFa company bo incorporated , its powers franchises , id the rights and liabilities of individual members e prescribed by tlie { Statute or Charter of incor-• ration . ( To be continued . )
December: 15, 1855] Ivi^E Leaqbe. 1?Q3
December : 15 , 1855 ] IVI ^ E LEAQBE . 1 ? Q 3
Fibh Ax Cub Houaa Ov Commons.—A Fire Bro...
Fibh ax cub Houaa ov Commons . —A fire broke out the Houho of Commons on Sunday afternoon , and p some time it wa « feared it would spread ; but it ia fortunately confined to one of tho flues , and at lgth extinguished .
^ , Dftltttr (Knitim V^Fw U Vh/Uuiu Ii . [Nr This B™™*** , As Ax * Orarap, Howbvbb Bxtbbms, Abb Ailootd An Expbjsssion, Thb Editor Necebsakily Holds ™"* «««»«««« So* »Ow]
( Dpttr ( tattril .
\J1t This Department, As All Opinion'0 ,...
\ J 1 T THIS DEPARTMENT , AS ALL OPINION ' , HOWEVEB EXTBBUE , ABB ALLOWED AN EXFBESSION , THE EDITOR NECBBSAKlLTf HOLDS HIMSEiF BESPOSBIBLB FOB MONI . ]
There Is No Learned Man Tout -Will Confe...
There is no learned man tout -will confeas he hath ranch profited by reading controversies , his senses awakened , and nas judgment sharpened . If , then , it be profitable for him to read , why should it not , at least be tolerable for bis adversary to write ?—Milton .
What Shall We Gain By The War? (To The E...
WHAT SHALL WE GAIN BY THE WAR ? ( To the Editor of the Leader . ) Sib , - — I am far from imputing utter want of feeling to those who compose what I term the cold-blooded section of the War Party . But I do maintain that they are not truly alive to those very miseries of war which they affect so much to deplore What they propose to gain by the war is comparatively worthless . It will not be value received . I eay , therefore , they do not realise the miseries of Avar , for the object they have in view is poor , barren , and uncertain . The play is not worth the expense of the foot-lights . Now , a bloody and destructive war for inadequate purposes is a monstrous folly ; it is worse , it is a crime . Therefore , I fear that the cold-blooded belligerents have deliberately put of sight the wretchedness of war , and when they allude to it in words , have not really pondered over it in their hearts . For what is their
policy ? What do they propose to do ? Simply to continue to pound away at the armies , and the strong places of Russia—destroy her sea-ports—lay waste her frontiers—capture what remains of her shipping—invade and , if possible , conquer and occupy outlying portions of her territory . " Damage and devastate Russia so far as we can do so without much riek to ourselves . " This is the advice of the French paper Le Constitutionnel . " Kill as many Russians as possible . " This is the course suggested by Le Pays . In the Cambridge EBsays there is a very clever paper on the " Future The writer evidentl
Prospects of the British Navy . " y thinks we have been , as Sir Charles Napier suggests , " too mealy-mouthed" with the Russians , and that _ can scarcely be savage enough towards the inoffensive subjects of the power with whom we are at war . "A citizen who has seeu warehouses and dwellings in a blaze , who has heard the shell crashing thixmgh the black ruins , who has seen at his own door the ghastly forms of wounded men , who has shuddered at the cold features of the dead—is sure to be a member of the peace party—people do not like being killed and ivotaided and losing all their -property ?
The italics are our own . The idea is that by murderous ferocity we may so terrify the " citizens " as to drive them to beg , or coerce their rulers into making peace on any terms . No limit can be assigned to this policy . It would justify the most atrocious cruelties . It ia the very essence of the sort of war waged by Cromwell on the one hand , and Claverhouse on the other , and by barbarians at all times . Yet , I fear that it ia a policy popular in many quarters . For we ourselves happen at present to be safe against similar outrages . and when this iB bo , we are apt to sacrifice a principle for the Bake of temporary expediency , forgetting that expediency is but for a moment , whilst principle ia for ever . We are then to continue to slaughter Russians , and to devastate Russia . How long ' ! One M . P . not
long Bince gave an answer— " Until Russia cornea on her kneeB to beg for peace . " And what then t What will happen when this very doubtful genuflexion of Russia takes place ? Who will be master of the situation ? Who will profit by all the hideous waste and confusion and wide spread anguish of war ? I answer confidently , that it will bo either the despotic powers of Germany , or the despotic Emperor of * ranoe . Phie phase of the question I HUall examine when I come to treat of the more generous advocates of the wnr . Now I am dealing with quite another set of men .
They desire to bring Russia on her knees . Can they keep her there V Will that bo a durable peace which leaves her in a state of half-and-half proetration ? Complete prostration is almost impossible in the cane of sixty millions of people , brave , patient , nnd'devofced to their fatherland . But , imppose Russia partial y prostrated , would such a peace be durable ? Would ' not the war be renewed at the firrit opportunity ? And would not that opportunity surely corno , either sooner or later ? But , auppoao it durable , who will benefit ? I repeat , tho despotic powers of Germany , or the doapotio Emperor of France . What care the coldblooded advooatcH of war for tho nationalities ) ? Not
much , I think . "Will they weep If a Poland fall ? Will they slirlok If a Hungai-y ftil V Or an Infant civilisation Ha governed by rod or by knout V " Not at all , if I mistake not . Conault the Times newapapor . That journal pretty well reflects the foehnge of the cold-blooded Bootion of the War Party . Consult the Times newspaper , and then determine whether there is any hope for the n « , tionalitiea in tho section of the War Party whose opinions are reflected in its columns Put tho nationalities then on tho eneir
Pound away at Russia , and do her all the damage you can . It may lead to something—who knows ? Now we will , for argument's sake , admit that the slaughter of Russians , whether soldiers or citizens , is a noble and praiseworthy object . AJbo that the waste and ruin of Russian property is highly to be desired , and a pleasing and 'wholesome occupation in the sight of God and man . Let us admit all this . But , remember , we cannot do the work without loss , to ourselves , and especially without loss to the great mass of our population who are in a low and suffering state .
We punish Russia , but we punish . England as well . Nay , it ie to be feared that the wounds we shall inflict on a comparatively young and hardy country like Russia , with huge internal resources , will heal more rapidly than those inflicted on our own complicated system with all its sensitive and fluctuating interests . However , be it so , that England suffers far ieBS than Russia . Yet she suffere . And for what ? The original objects of the war are in our grasp . We repudiate the notion of nationalities . We want , it is said , to , bring Russia on her knees . If we mean this , we mean not merely castigation and restriction . We mean war to the knife , —never ending—still beginning , —exhausting all those nations immediately engaged in the tsruggle , and permanently benefiting only those who carefully hold aloof .
In my next I hope to addess myself to the jn . or # ardent section of the War Party . 1 am eir , yours faithfully . Akxhub H . Elton .
The Working Men's College, »Ed Lionsquar...
THE WORKING MEN'S COLLEGE , » ED LIONSQUARE . ( To the Editor of the Leader . ) Sib , —1 fancy , even at the present moment , I cannot be very much out of place in embracing your courteous offer , made in "Open Council , " that I may iiave an opportunity of saying a few-words in reference to the Working Men ' s College . Towards the close of the year 1864 , a number of gentlemen , including a few of the more intellectually advanced working men , who had gained some experience in the labour movements of the day , and having made themselves thoroughly acquainted with the condition and prospects of the toiling masses , asked themselves questions somewhat like the following , — " While- © very class , save the great working class , has its ' preparatory schools' its ' grammar schools , ' its' universities , ' with
, every aid to study , every appliance that can render the path of knowledge less rugged , is it right' that they , who by their labour and industry had made our country what it ib- —that they should have no recognised institution to do justice to their merits and their wants ? Can -we , as men living in the same world , helping to fight tho same world-battle , rejoicing in the same victory , permit such a state of things to continue ? No . Then how remedy the defect i Dr . Birkbeck ' s Byutem has failed , signally and most completely . Mechanics' institutions are not sufficient they are too restricted both , in structure and effect . We must establish something that will open up a wider range of instruction . We will not teach them merely to look learned , or . cram them with , booklearning , without teaching them how to use what they obtain , or without showing them , as well as we are
able , things as they , arc Law ¦ and pohtica must take high rank , history and its concomitants must follow ; to which must be added , all that is taught in the colleges in Oxford and Cambridge—in short , we must establish a working m « n ' e-college , " They h ov ^ done bo . It ha « been moet completely euoooflBful . B 5 aoh , torm has ahowu aprogressiveinoreaBeof students , andof subjects to study . There are at present 250 names upon the book « , being an advance of 60 over any preceding term , the classeu preponderating being French and drawing . Thoy have coffee-rooms , with tho daily , and weekly newHpapers ; alibrary / wtohM 00 ohoioe volumes ; large clano-roome , andtthe beet teachers thejroanpofl-Bibly procure . There arei 80 elamw ; . the entranoeife * ib 2 b . Od .: and the class-fee is 2 s . < id . each term . Mr . John Ruskin personally directs the drawing class ,
assisted by Mr . Rowstti ^ and Mr . Diekenson . Hiatoryy politics , and English poetry ore-taught by the Bey . Mr Maurice , the principal ; Mr . Brewer , of King » College , teaches English . history , Every nuurta » tho < roughly understands what heprettmds to toaoh . The clergymen and gentlemen who have established this institution have done soifrona a strong mubo oi duty — being neither terrified nor dwgustod by fustian or any other dreHS a working man . may think fit to wear . Tho HucceBfl «» r J mI ? 'J * ° * JJ . " working man ' s college" is a very important f «« V ««| SL ^ ^^^ oS'SS ^ SS jrworkiig . ne ^ U wul b * £ incurred th « rgpatit « d . of toiling tLou-ond * . faWtf || 1 | Wir-MAM If . CoorEn .
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), Dec. 15, 1855, page 15, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_15121855/page/15/
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