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Affairs.] THE LEADER, 747
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Tho Grand Duchess of Mecklenburg ih expe...
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ITALIAN LIBERTY.—No. VI. I might have sa...
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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Prince Metternicel The Great Austrian St...
itself in full force . Francis had died without pardoning the Italian liberals , or granting any relief to the prisoners of Spielberg . The new Emperor had long and repeatedly pleaded their cause with his father , but always unsuccessfully . No sooner did he ascend the throne than he expressed his wishes in z-eference to them toMettemich , who greatly opposed his desires , and it was only at the momcntof his coronation that he could obtain then-pardon . Having , however , given way for reasons of state policy , the astute minister made the rejoicings attendant upon their pardon the occasion for placing- the iron crown upon thejliead of the Emperor in tlic Duomo of Milan , and thus proclaiming the triumph of his
policy in the face of all Europe .. In the _ summer of 1838 , an immense concourse of Italians and foreigners assembled at Milan . The municipality was excited and joyful , and nattered itself that the days of the Italian kingdom were restored . The illusion was , however , but short-lived . It was soon discovered that it was nothing more than a comedy that was being performed , and that on the fall of the curtain every tiling in . Italy would return to its old state . To the corruption of the people and their mania for public diversions did Prince Metternich owe the triumph of seeing the Emperor feted . All the princes of Italy repaired to Milan to offer their homage to Ferdinand , with the
exception of two—the Pope , who was incapacitated by age from taking the journey , and Charles Albert , who was too independent to stoop to Austria . But tie liberal party throughout Italy had manifested great . displeasure at the exhibition . The year following they commenced a systematic agitation under the cqloiir of a ¦ scientific congress . From 1840 , plot succeeded p lot and hatred of Austria and desire of liberation from its power and influence increased from day to day . The people of Lombardy had learned by experience that the ministerial tyranny of Metternich was infinitely more galling , exercised under " the feeble-minded Ferdinand , than when subjected to the occasional restraint placed upon it by the harder and sterner Emperor Francis I .
Metternich had the credit of exciting the populace of the various Italian states to revolt in 1846 . From hidden sources issued an endless profusion of petitions , remonstrances , demands , complaints and suggestions for improved Government . According to popular belief the most fierce and democratic of these emanated from the Austrian minister , whose agents , it was asserted , were spread over the whole Peninsula , with orders to excite the factions to excesses which
should compel the Government to put a stop to the spirit of reform , which was making rapid progress and justify the interference of Austria . The liberal ideas imbibed by Pius IX . were the source of the greatest disquietude to Metternich , who declared tliat the closing years of his life would be embittered by the sight of such an anomaly as a liberal pope . But he took some comfort from the assurance he nourished , ' that Pius would be unable to carry out his projected reforms , and would be compelled to avail himself of Austrian aid before the exp iration of twelve months . Aftor the revolution of' 48 Mcttcrineh
was compelled to quit his country . Ho came to England , incognito , by way of Hamburgh , and thus inscribed himself in the f remde buck ( strangers' book ) on his journey : " Herr V . Meyer , lady and suite : merchant from GrKtz . " _ Upon quitting England he passed some months in Belgium , and only ventured to return to his own country when political aflairs begnn to assume their former- aspect in 1851 . His power was gone ; he never again assumed office , but ; lived in retirement until Saturday Juno 1 HI ) ,. when his long life terminated . Tho oppression to which the b
Italians have for so many years been subjected y > Austria must , be attributed in a great measure to this statesman . We trust it may bo tnken as a good onion for their cause , that his ( loath lias occurred at a time when his Sovereign ' s nnns are subjected to humiliation and defeat , on the soil mo long trodden by him and his soldiery in all tho pride and pomp of military and political insolence and mastery . May tho power of Austria in Italy bo interred in tho same grnvo with tho statesman who so long dictated tho tyrannical policy under which tlio PeniiiHiila has groaned .
Affairs.] The Leader, 747
Affairs . ] THE LEADER , 747
Tho Grand Duchess Of Mecklenburg Ih Expe...
Tho Grand Duchess of Mecklenburg ih expected to ' arrive on FrUlny next from Germany on a visit to tho Duchess of Cunil ) rUlu , o .
Italian Liberty.—No. Vi. I Might Have Sa...
ITALIAN LIBERTY . —No . VI . I might have saved myself the trouble of exposing the conduct of Austria towards Italy , had Lord John Russell made liis speech of yesterday week a little earlier . Austria has been labouring from 1820 to make all Italy conform to the laws of her armies . From the tenor of that speech , and others made in Parliament , I have more hope than I liad before that we shall not be caught in the meshes of the German web , and thus be dragged into war against a freedom of which Grerinans themselves are . unworthy , or they would have taken it up long ago . There was little hope of
escaping this evil under Lord Malmesbury , however right intentioned he might be , at the present moment . If the love of place made that noble lord and his coadjutors devour former long continued asseverations with so little compunction as they have done , to gulp down a declaration of their pacific intentions when they thought it more advantageous to be belligerent would only cost an appeal to precedent . His lordship is one of those statesmen who realise the scripture passage .:. " God Lath chosen the foolish things of this world to ¦ confound the wise . " There is no reason Avhy Napoleoti III ., because he is aiding in the freeoverthrow his
dom of Italy , should desire to allies , the King pf Sardinia or Queen of England , and usurp their territory . No two races can be more adverse than . the stolid ^ Austrians and the lively Italians , yet at the treaty of Vienna this was not considered , because in everything with Castlereagh and the Hqly . Alliance , the consent of the people to be driven . like swine under swineherds of the " right sort , " was not to be taken into account . What owner of grunting , grumbliiig quadrupeds ever thinks of accommodating the distance of the day ' s journey to the animal ' s legs , or to anything but the strength of his driving whip ?
In the course of the debate Lord Palmerston , who understands the complicated affairs of Europe better than any other man in Parliament , and has had more experience in them , was attacked ridiculously enough by the Irish Attorney General because Austria offered to give up Lombardy in 1848 , when it Avas no longer in her possession , if England would interfere . Lord Palmerston refused because Venice was to be retained . Now , Lord Palmerston well . knew that Venice had been obtained by Austrian treachery , that it was free at that very moment , but though free , Austria calcul « itcd on recovering it by force . What right had - an
English minister to aid in the subjugation of a free country , with which he had no enmity?—a country , too , that if Austria , could blush , the recollection of how it was acquired , from a friend and ally , must have caused her to blush if only for the first time . Lord Palmerston rightly refused to brand' his country with shame , and the Irish Attorney-General censured him for not so doing . Had Lord Palmerston not so ready and decisive a reason as was given there was another . Tho bone of contention between Italy and Austria would have remained ns open as ever . The receiver of the stolen goods of Canipo Formio would not have rested undishis aud
turbed m base possession of acquirement , England on that ground alone would have exhibited very bad policy to aid one that had without scruple despoiled nn ally . Will Venice is in partnership with Nick Austria ; Tim Tyko robs Will Venice , his own partner , and Nick Austria , divides the swag obtained by the felony , with the robber from his own partner ! What would have been sai & of Lord PuJmcivston had he been guilty of sanctioning so black an act—no matter about Lombardy . England , too , at peace with Venice . Such things may do in Mr . Attorney-Gcneral ' i * profession , across tho channel , though I must doubt it ; they may do in Austria , or in banking houses like those of Sir J . Paul & Co ., but they will not
do with honest men or honest governments . Talleyrand used to say a thing was worse than a crime—it was a fault . Lord Palmerston would have committed an intolerable political fault had he acceded to the- Austrian demand . The speeches on the ministerial side , except that of Mr . Disraeli , were of little import . That right lion , gent Ionian was as usual quite himself ; In tho ooui'so of tho debute , it is said that none of the German States cared about Austrian Italy , uxciept IIiuK > vci \ Tins is an exception—tho last we should have expected to sue . That putty kingdom , which owes to English influence nnd Ln ^ Iislj money all itu consequence , and which received
a constitutional government from a British sovereign , which it flung away , now shows its open sympathy with the most notorious despotism in Europe , and perhaps is , next to itj the most domestically arbitrary . Let this spirit be watched . The Stade dues are a sufficient insult to the British nation , and to its commerce . England has been the benefactor of Hanover to its own cost . Had Lord Malmesbury Hanover in his mind when he talked of our fraternity with Austria ? His lordship must know that England repudiates Hanover , and that the repeated , if tacit , insults
she has shown to her benefactor , insignificant and even contemptible as she is , are no more a bond to Englishmen to incline them to her policy than they would be to the kingdom of Brobdignag to incline to that of Lilliput . It is to be hoped that the present royal Hanoverian breed may multiply its offspring , like the original mother of the Guelphs , and thus prevent any future sovereign of England iroin being as Hanover - "bitten as the three first Georges , and as well prevent Englishmen from furnishing money to buy up territory for its increase , as in the case of Bremen .
The debate in the House of Commons included the three classes of speakers , the first of which , and perhaps fewest in number , attach less importance to the matter than the manner of ex 2 > ressing themselves , but often do it becomingly ; the second , and most numerous , those , who discharge themselves of iterations in language expressing threadbare ideas -without end , and , lastly , that happy number ,- who deliver particular opinions which strangle everything which approaches the sense and meaning of what they have before delivered ; . sometimes forgetful of Hansard , at others perhaps owing to a change of wind happening during the preceding day or two . The ministerial party were very Strong here .
I believe it is the right of the Sovereign to read all the dispatches from the heads of the departments , and to command them , if he see fit , to be brought for that purpose . But it is equally clear for the public good , that such documents should be secret to all but the sovereign and the pubhe servant to whom the responsibilitity . attaches as minister . No other party , no subject , can have any claim to a knowledge of then- contents . This is obvious , that mischief may not arise to the nation from suggestions or alterations , which remove , dc facto , all responsibility from the minister ? What mischief may accrue from communications of their contents to quarters for which England lias no regard , no concern ! When we see a territory like Hanover ,
which owes so much to us , leading the dance against the principle that it is most for our profit to pursue , we have a right to be careful that no advantage is taken of information likely to be ol detriment to us from any quarter . AN e assert that the royal Consort , for example , lias no more right to the perusal of such documents , as those to which reference is making , than any other subject of her present Majesty . I speak in a constitutional sense . The country knows only tho . sovereign and the minister in such a . matter , and the minister is bound to act agreeably to tho sense of the constitution as well as of reason Ho is answerable to the nation , nnd , as such , is bound t ,-. <• viiriil observance of his dutien , as well
ns to hw personal safety , for he cannot fail to remember that the sovereign can do do wrong , and tlmt he himself is responsible for all consequences , toward or untoward , that for nil that , even by chance , may operate against tho national
interests . ,,, . , " But the Austrian * have been wi-II beaten , ana we shall soon have a pence . " I-et tw not > o too certain of that . Austria sets no stori ) upon human lifo . In looking to consequences ulio only calculates upon the possibility «» f success . AN e have seen in her military cutoehlsin how she l >« ''yortB religion itself to her own wlfinh endn , auiil it must not be expected that defeat will daunt her until Lho finds tho sinews of war fall . . Wio i ; as par-Bovorintf 1 » action ns hIio is unprincipled in lier . £ . ! . « . Under Lord Derby ' s government it ions
hoc u , h nroliiil . lo peace would not have been preserved . His lordship ' own words stwo good reason to ( bar this , that p art of tho prow , too , which in ruled by tho moniod interest , seemed to partake i the fear that peace would not bo j » re » orvcd so long a » could ' bo desired . A noW orii , however , w about to bo entered upon , one in winch it w ^ to bo honed the complexion of public attaint will take n noro fixed colour . * ''
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), June 18, 1859, page 15, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_18061859/page/15/
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