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'¦ "" - "' , NOTIQ3ES TO CORRESPONDENTS....
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SATURDAY, OCTOBER 20, 1855.
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.. ^ **H ** 'U\*+ GARrtlw JyUulII ^luUiria * »
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There is nothing so revolutionary, becau...
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THE RED MANIFESTO. ThehU is no difficult...
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THE CONSERVATIVE CAPITULATION. The defec...
Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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Transcript
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
Additionally, when viewing full transcripts, extracted text may not be in the same order as the original document.
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& a & mmm , mzm t ^ t ^ ea ^^ mm
'¦ "" - "' , Notiq3es To Correspondents....
'¦ "" - "' , NOTIQ 3 ES TO CORRESPONDENTS . Mb tiotioe fcaU lie- token of anonymous cOtnmunicatlonj \ VK »* e « a-U intended for insertion must be authenticated 1 w the " nafee and , address . of the writer ; not necessarily ^ t tutfHeitlon . tttitf as a guarantee of his go 9 d feith . ^ CommvuUtaitloOT should always be le $ ibly written , and on one sWe of the paper only . If long , it increases the diffl' SQfeyor flndingsda . cef 6 Vthetti . . W 6 cannot undertake to return rejected communications . It irftniibssible to acknowledge the mass of letfcers ^& receiy « - Tfcei * insertions te often delayed owing to a press of matter ; and when omitted , it is frequently from reasoti ^ quite indepentleni ; of the merits of the eonmnmicationi
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Saturday, October 20, 1855.
SATURDAY , OCTOBER 20 , 1855 .
.. ^ **H ** 'U\*+ Garrtlw Jyuulii ^Luuiria * »
puHit Maim
There Is Nothing So Revolutionary, Becau...
There is nothing so revolutionary , because thereis nothing so unnatural and convulsive , as the strain to Keep things fixed when all the world is by the very law of itscreationin eternal progress . —Dk . Arnold .
The Red Manifesto. Thehu Is No Difficult...
THE RED MANIFESTO . ThehU is no difficulty in knowing how the English public should receive the letter which certain foreigners resident in this country as political refugees have addressed to the Queen " . "While it remained under discussion , only amongst refugees , there was no necessity to take any notice of it . Discreditable as the production might be , we had as little necessity to interfere with it as with debates at a Free-and-Easy , or with a
pothouse-row in Trapping . It has , however , been , printed in a Trench journal , published in Jersey , of course for circulation on the Continent ; it therefore comes directly before the English people , and we are called upon to say whether this is the kind of manifestation with which we can sympathise , whether this is the sort of republican action tLafc we can aid , whether this is the behaviour amcmgst us which we can tolerate . the nature of the
Let us consider propositions , and how it is they come before us . Messieurs Felix Pyat , IIougee , and Joxrudain hold that Loins ] N " apoleon is Emperor of the IFrench only by unlawful proceedings ; that the indignation of the people ought to obliterate him ; and they assert that the lightning of Pianobi only precedes the fate that is destined for him . These are opinions which , other persons entertain in England , besides the refugees in question . Englishmen who have a right to debate the alliazxces formed by a constitutional Government , would
be free to point out the origin of Louis Nap oleon ' s power , and to uphold or deny the expediency of forming an alliance with him . A true patriotism , indeed , would lead any Englishman to ponder well before ho exposed very grave domestic differences before foreign states ; but foreigners are in a different position . They derive so much advantage to life and liberty by the power to reside here on the strength of our hospitality , that tley incur a responsibility of their own ; and tliey are bound to avoid anything which can embarrass us , can increase our party differences ,
or entangle us with foreign enemies . The Bimjplo publication of such a document as that to which we have alluded , therefore , is an act which we regard ns culpable in the hjgbeat degree . Xet us observe , in passing , that this document differs ess < a | iiiiially from the manifesto by Mazzini and his friends ; since tho one °$ Xiupholds the principles of the Italian Uni-^ ariitvrepublicans and their allies in Hungary and J ? rnnce , and rallies the friends of the three writers to a common fidelity ; whereas tlio aow publication distinctly threatens
aggression , and in a manner which implies that the attacks are to proceed from this country . But the offence to our nationality , which is committed "by the writers of the letter * rendered far grosser by the insulting form of addressing it to the Queen . "We shall not be accused of subserviency , to ^ Princes ; we have upheld the rights and dignity of the Commonwealth above that of any individuals in whatsoever station ; and we stall continue to uphold them . "We do not affect to regard our Sovereign simply as a woman ; for as soon
as a woman accepts the power and dignity conferred by the sceptre , she waives some of the immunities that belong to her sex , and stands exposed to judgment should she violate the responsibilities that she undertakes . But although upon grave necessity we might be prepared to review the conduct of Queen Victobia , never , we conceive , in any manly mind can the consideration for the gentler , the weaker , and the wiser sex be entirely forgotten . In this country , although we cannot boast the arts of the South , or the refined
etiquettes of France , we have been accustomed to make great and . broad distinctions in our behaviour to man and to woman . It is not our usage to enter the presence of woman violently ; we do not seek to carry on brawls in her presence ; we avoid forcing her attention to deeds of conflict and blood . " When such events have passed , it may be necessary to invite her sympathy for victory , or for suffering ; and although in tlie exercise of her office , Queen Victobia must preside at council upon the most painful trials of our
race , still , we defer the duty as long as possible , and we take care that the roughness of manhood shall be tempered and softened when it approach the gentler presence . There is an outrage against all the rules of manliness , as well as against the common , courtesies of life , in forcing this wretched production upon the notice of our Lady Qujeen ; and the manliness of England , as well as political feeling , will be roused to contemptuous indignation at the men who could stamp themselves with so base a character in their own
act . Perhaps the incident has not been entirely without its use . It has forced the people of this country to observe that there are wide distinctions between different classes of those whom our rough and ready politicians rank together . The most anxious and intelligent students of political institutions may , according to the bent of their genius and the balance of their studies , incline to autocracy on the one hand , or to pure democracy on the other ; to an oligarchical Republic like that of Venice ,
or to a Commonwealth , with an hereditary Sovereign , like that of England ; the student may sustain his favourite form of Government with speech , with writing , with the sword , and may find justification in tho magnitude of the interests concerned , even for putting his plea to the arbitrament of civil war . But a Caesar may bring a Commonwealth to surrender itself by the force of snlendid qualities , while a Catiline may conspire with traitors to seize the supreme power , and surprise a
State out of its liberty . A WASHim > TON may draw his sword against a monarch transgressing tho rights of his sovereignty ,, or a Mabat may preach on universal butchery . It is not tho violence that we condemn—wo can recognise tho virtue in a Bnu'ius , and wo have already avowed our convictioix that tho despot who deprives his people of tlioir natural freedom , and surrounds himself by military defences , licenses the assassin by defying him . But BitUTUS and Ciiablottb Corjday
devoted themselves , like Cubtius , to destruction for the good of their country . It waa not a malignant hatred of their dCollow-creaturo which inspired them , but a hatred of
tyranny ; and they were prepared to sacrifice themselves as much as the ; tyrant , ifi « taer that mankind might be freed . They did tibt , like Indian Thugs , send forth others to do the work . Above all , they did not preach the hideous and base doctrines that human beings can ever be freed froni their dblig te ^ tion to respect suffering . The refugees y ? U ' o have rendered themselves thus conspicuous proclaimed that Louis Napoleon " shall be executed even to his memory ; even his remains and those of his relations shall not ;
pollute the soil ; they shall be driven out , the living and the dead ; it shall be a casus belli for any nation to give them shelter . " Their hostility against the man makes them annul the very charter by which refugees are harboured in our own country . We may sympathise with one side or other in a political conflict ; we may hold the principles of one party to be just , the other unjust , and their warfare , therefore , criminal ; but as soon as defeat comes upon them , as soon as they are Hying from tie conflict , they are no longer soldiers , but men , and we shelter them . It has been the same rule for a Lotris Blanc
as for a Louis Philippe ; and if Joubjjain proclaims that the rule shall be annulled : unquestionably we shall nob annul it in the case of Louis Napoleon , though we may hold that Joubdain" has given us a license to treat Tiim with a distinction . There are differences , therefore , between Republicans , differences between democrats of the deepest dye . There is one quality which renders the soldier , in whatsover cause , respectable at all times—which secures to him followers in victory , friends in defeata qualitv which crowns his success , or softens
his failure : it is the quality of chivalry . We have suffered In this country , because we have accepted baser tests of political successes ; and hence we have sanctioned constituted authority when it has treated men with souls in them according ^ , to the higgling of the market . But if fntose who stand up as the champions of human freedom , of right against might , of divine law against arbitrary human law , cast away the spirit of chivalry , they render themselves outlaws not more to the decrees of an empire and a kingdom than to the statutes of humanity .
The Conservative Capitulation. The Defec...
THE CONSERVATIVE CAPITULATION . The defection of a body of Conservatives from the support of tlie war is not a surprising event . The Tory section , represented by Mr . Disuaeli , had nothing to hope from , bidding against Lord Palmekston for the conduct of operations . He , at least , could not be taunted with connivance and collusion . Throughout the nation the only politicians likely to question his mode of prosecuting the conflict wove those who abhor the traffic of diplomacy and desire to bring Civilisation and Liberty , not as names , but as realities , into the field . Such a reform in the sp irit of the war was scarcely expected from Mr . Disbaeli . Tho capture of Sebastopol , therefore , was the sentence of him and his friends to insignificance and obscurity , unlesB they could evolve , from morbid and restless factions , the materials of a peace opposition . The change of tactics was accomplished with a licentious facility characteristic of < - "ho CoJ ± - servativo party alone . Its organs announced , before the eclioes of our partial victory had ceased , that tho objects of tho war vvaro ac ^ complied , tlmt toporaiHt in r sttlll 'fJX ^ would be tokindlo a \ lemocnit , c . conflagr ^ u 5 n SrriarflK-m-S England , tho eervilo adherents of dywistio
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), Oct. 20, 1855, page 11, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_20101855/page/11/
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