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    5g6 The Leader and Saturday Analyst. [Ju...

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    THE HOUSE OF OBSTRUCTION. THE House of L...

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    QUARKELS OF INDIAN OFFICIALS. FROM " cop...

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    Sunday Trading. Your Well-Meaning Man Is...

    with these tender-conscienced tradesmen , if Sunday trading be no more necessary than late shopping . But even if their representation were correct , they have no claim to legislation in their behalf . The law has no business to interfere with the public convenience , to protect a small number of grown , up men who want to serve Gojd and Mammon at the same time . The law interferes to protect women and children against engagements , which , strictly speaking , are voluntary on their part , because it supposes that they cannot protect themselves . Its interference here , besides being illegitimate , is either unnecessary , or would

    be ineffective . . . The Bill is , in fact , a specimen of that meddling , mischievous appetite for legislation , which devours our noble philanthropists as much as our socialist demagogues . Both see a great deal of suffering and immorality , and both would cure those diseases at once by Acts of Parliament ; both obstinately refuse to perceive that the only real cure is to leave natural laws to their free unchecked operation . Something they may , indeed , do by encouraging will

    the social and moral elevation of the people . Sunday trading diminish as the condition of the working classes improves . As their wages increase , and the fund at their disposal for purchases is larger , they will buy in larger quantities , getting better articles at lower prices ; and when their dwellings are improved in sanitary respects , they will not be forced to buy their meat just before they cook it . Should this Bill , be carried , we shall have another law on the statute book operative only to gratify malice and

    annoy honest people—another illustration of the utter ignorance of pur legislators of the habits , manners , wants , and wishes of the people for whom they persist in legislating . We cannot suppose that the House of Commons would stultify itself bv passing such a foolish measure , but we axe glad that it will be " spared the exertion of formally rejecting it . The House is just rioAv preternaturally sensitive about its privileges , and the

    objection of Mr . Digby Seymour , which it might have poohpoohed at any other time , will probably prove fatal to this one Bill of the slightest public interest which hereditary wisdom has produced this session . We willingly accept any way , however undignined , 7 > f getting rid of a mischievous measure , and , professing little admiration of Mr . Seymour ' s patriotic watchfulness , we thank him for saving us . the absurd and irritating speeches for which the further progress of this Bill would have given too much occasion . , ~

    5g6 The Leader And Saturday Analyst. [Ju...

    5 g 6 The Leader and Saturday Analyst . [ June 23 , 1860 .

    The House Of Obstruction. The House Of L...

    THE HOUSE OF OBSTRUCTION . THE House of Lords , although performing its old functions , wants a new name . It might be called a House of Detention , as measures that get in there do not easily get out again ; but perhaps House of Obstruction best expresses the BM-iriiM .. tt . ifc nnw-ramters to the State . Either it must be reformed

    by strong external pressure , or it must be made to reform itself , in which latter case it would become a House of Correction for its own members , and would then become worthy of public support . At present , the Peers are like a broken-down Omnibus stopping the traffic in Cheapside ; and they seem to delight in holding themselves out not as an institution to be supported , but as an obstacle to be removed . In the Paper Duties question thev overstenrjed the lesral boundaries which separate their

    functions from those of the Commons ; but in rejecting the Church Rate Bill by 128 against 31 , they have exerted a power which they legally possess , although tlieir conduct is as badly advised as in the former case . The Dissenters have , however , no right to complain , for their demeanour has led the Peers to presume that public patience was inexhaustible , and that no amount of smiting would rouse the British Lion after the chloroform of respectability and moderation had sent him fast asleep .

    It is the vice of the popular agitations of the last ten years , that they are destitute of earnestness . They furnish their friends with no power , and inspire their enemies with no fear . Some wisdom may be learnt from repeated failures ; and the middleclass llelormers may see that unless they can surrender a portion of their own exclusiveness , and originate a really popular movement , they will be subject to n series of ignominious defeats ; and when the time of excitement comes , they will not have that influence over the masses which their education and social position render desirable , if the integrity of our society is to be maintained . ¦ "" '""¦

    The spirit of -reaction is , froin its more definite direction , apparently stronger than the spirit of action ; and the successive and successful courses-of opposition to measures whicji have the sanction of tho people and the House of Commons , are significant ' signs . Tn high quarters tho hatred of popular power , and the contemplation of extreme measures for its overthrow , is painfully apparent ; ami the Prince Consort , only a few days ago ' , had tho bad taste to remind Ma regiment of Guards of historical passages that it would have been wiser to

    fidelity , he is purchasing for his country by his blood , that internal peace and supremacy of the law which form the only basis of the liberties , as well as of the prosperity of the nation . " After this , came praises of the regiment for defending Charles II . and James II ., and for aiding George III . in the American war . Naturalization , like vaccination , appears liable to failure . No English Prince would have been guilty of such remarks . He would have known that loyalty to a nation is a loftier principle than servility to a king .

    forget . H . R . H . the Field Marshal is reported to have said , " But , gentlemen , the duty of the British soldier is , unfortunately , not confined to opposing the external enemies of his country . It has been his fate to stand in arms even against his own countrymen , a mournful task . In such circumstances the soldier is upheld , by the consideration , that while implicitly obeying the commands of his Sovereign , to whom he has sworn

    Quarkels Of Indian Officials. From " Cop...

    QUARKELS OF INDIAN OFFICIALS . FROM " copies of correspondence between the Government of India and the Government of Madras , " etc ., at length reluctantly laid before the House of Commons by Sir Charles Wood , we get some precise information as to the quarrel betwixt Mr . Wilson and Sir Charles Trevelyan . It will be seen by the very title that there is a claim on the side of the subordinate Government of Madias to some independence . Sir Charles points put that prior to 1833 , the Madras Presidency had a legislature of its own . Then the legislative power for the whole of India was vested in the Governor-General in

    Council ; and in 1853 this plan was so far modified , as to give a representative from each Presidency a seat in this legislative Council . This is a recognition of the right in the Madras Presidency to give its opinion on subjects of legislation , particularly if they concern that Presidency . Moreover , it was customai-y _ for the Council to ask the opinion of the Presidencies oil importantTlheasures . Only last year this course was adopted with respect to the proposed imposition of a license and income tax ( Mr . Harrington ' s ) , and the unfavourable reports from

    the Presidencies stopped that -measure . According to Sir Charles Trevelyan it was the practice to give three months ' notice of ordinary-projects--of law , for the very purpose of enabling the people as well as the officials to make themselves acquainted with measures affecting their interests . To this end projects of law were published in the " Gazette , " and considering the extent of India and the diversity of languages which prevail , three months to consider any proposed legislation is by no means too much ;

    But the Council , consisting exclusively of Sir J . Outram , Sir H . B . Frere , and Mr . Wilson—the Governor-General and one •^ othi 3 r ~ inenrber-ofH ; he—Oouneit- hemtg-absent—hi—spite-of—a—re monstrance from Madras , resolved that it would " not lose the time required again to circulate these measures , " but " move the Council to suspend the standing orders that they might be proceeded with without much delay . " These three gentlemen , then , in order to pass a law for imposing a new and extensive system of taxation , " nullified , " says Sir C . Trevelyan , " the organic constitution , " and took from the Presidency of Madras , as well

    as all the people , the right which it has by act of Parliament to be patiently heard against any proposed law . The first wrong , then , was done by the Council , consisting of only throe members , which , fearing probably that its proposed taxes would , like the previous scheme , be shown to be erroneous , or unnecessary , or mischevious , cut short all discussion by suspending standing orders , and denying the public , including the persons responsible for the peace of the different provinces- of India , the opportunity of expressing opinions which the Council professed and was , in fact , bv custom bound to ask .

    The President of Madras , responsible for the welfare ot 30 , 000 , 000 of people , with an annual revenue oi £ 6 , 000 , 000 , and an army of 80 , 000 men , was neither wrong nor disobedient hi remonstrating against such hasty legislation . Nor was he wrong in giving publicity to his remonstrance . The whole system of advice and appenl lias j > ublicity for its basis . Accordingly , Sir Patrick Grant , the Commander of tho Madras anny , solemnly stated in a minute , that he considered Sir C . Tkevtsltan's conduct , in . mnking public his comments , " worthy of

    all admiration . '' It appears to have been the only possible wuy to meet the arrogant attempt of the Council , without the Governor-General , to enact n new system of taxes in hot and uncontradicted hastp . The Times , and other journals which followed its lead , confounded the discussion of a proposed law with an order of the Executive Government . Sir Charles Wood , with his customary pertness , fell into tho same error , and punished Sir C . Trkvelyan for not " giving cordial support to a decision of the Executive Government . " Tho lntter only advised

• Citation
  • Leader (1850-1860), June 23, 1860, page 6, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_23061860/page/6/