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Oct. 26, 1850.] Iff!) * %ta*!tt* y35
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CHURCH PATRONAGE. Oct. 22,1850. gIK > —A...
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ON THE FORMATION OF HUMAN CHARACTER. Lin...
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OATHS AND OPEN SPEAKING. Halifax, Oct. 2...
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SOCIAL REFORMERS. Oct. 22, 1850. Sir,—Th...
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LAMARTINE'S OPINION OF ENGLAND. London, ...
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Transcript
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
Additionally, when viewing full transcripts, extracted text may not be in the same order as the original document.
Clerical Definition Of Socialism. Oct. 2...
more correct representation , of Socialism for his next edition the cause of truth and progress will be advantaged . * I am , yours obediently , Frank Grant .
Oct. 26, 1850.] Iff!) * %Ta*!Tt* Y35
Oct . 26 , 1850 . ] Iff !) * % ta *! tt * y 35
Church Patronage. Oct. 22,1850. Gik > —A...
CHURCH PATRONAGE . Oct . 22 , 1850 . gIK > —Although I may not be disposed to concur entirely with your correspondent , Chrysostom , in his opinions respecting Church patronage , still there is no doubt much truth in the remark that the rulers of the church are , in many respects , its greatest enemies . I am afraid that if the people were always to choose their own ministers , evils of a contrary nature would often arise ; but there is a "way in which public opinion might be made to bear upon the subject , and in which the press might prove a most efficient instrument of Church Reform .
Independently of the appointment of bishops and the higher offices of the Church , the Queen has at her disposal at least 100 livings , the Lord Chancellor 800 or 900 , the Archbishop of Canterbury at least 200 , the Bishop of London more than 100 , and the other bishops and deans and chapters in various proportions ; now all these hold , or ou » ht to hold , their influence and patronage for the benefit of the Church ; and if they do not exercise it for her benefit they are not only culpable but they ought to be held up to public censure . Now , Mr . Editor , you might , I think , with great advantage to the public interest ,
when any of these livings are disposed of , make enquiry into the merits of the clergyman who is appointed , and thus gradually be the means of checking unworthy appointments , whilst the conduct of the deserving would be properly acknowledged . We have a fair subject for enquiry in the Church intelligence of this week . The Bishop of London has presented his nephew , the former curate of Romford , to the living of Launton , vacated by Mr . Allies . The living of Launton is worth £ 700 or £ 800 a-year , a
prize in the Church in these days . It will be worth enquiring into the merits of the Reverend J . C . Blomfield ; independently of the name of Blomfield he has been curate of Romford , —some of your correspondents in that neighbourhood may perhaps enlighten us ; there are many Avho have seen long service in the Church whose last days would have been cheered and their arduous exertions rewarded by the living of Launton , with only 600 inhabitants tci watch over . It will be well to be informed of the
merits of an individual which could supersede such claims . I will trouble you again when any of these public livings become vacant . Austin .
On The Formation Of Human Character. Lin...
ON THE FORMATION OF HUMAN CHARACTER . Lincoln's-inn , Oct . 13 , 1850 . Si it , —I am again induced to ask for a space in your columns by the desire of qualifying an expression used in my first letter on the subject of the human will , which Mr . Bray has done me the honour to quote . I have spoken of the " well-being of man" as capable of being assured by arrangements rrmfnrmable to the laws of his nature -with as much
certainty as the " increase of his flocks and herds , or the productiveness of his crops . " I should have linked my proposition to his outward well-being . For , although I believe that his imoard well-being is also no arbitrary matter , but dependant upon the degree to which the individual conforms to the true laws of his nature , yet I regard this conformity as demanding an act of his free will , and as incapable of being assured by any arrangements whatever , though it may be greatly facilitated by one set of circumstances or impeded by another .
On the subject of this "freewill" I believe that my opinions differ substantially but little from those expressed by Mr . Bray . But we seem to use the term " free" in different senses . Mr . Bray appears to consider that the will cannot be called free if its action can be foreseen . On the contrary , I regard the will as then most free when its action is most certain . By • will" I mean not " desire , " but " choice "—a conscious determination to act in a particular manner . To mere varying " desire" I . should not allow the name of " will" at all ; far less that of •* free will . " I look upon the individual will as free exactly in proportion to the calmness with which its choice is made , and to the firmness with which the individual adheres to that choice ,
notwithstanding difficulties opposed to it by the circumstimeos under which he has to act . And it is because I believe nil men to be naturally capable of deliberately choosing and firmly pursuing certain lines of . lotion that I assert the freedom of the will to be a characteristic of human nature ; without , however , meaning to say that all men possess this power in an equal degree . Now , as all that we call duty involves deliberate choice , the sense of duty is connected , in my mind , with the belief of the freedom of the will , a circumstance which must explain to Dr . Travis and other adherents of Mr . 11 . Owen's philosophy , tho reason of tho repugnance which I and those who may think as I do , feel to this system . Prom Dr . Travis ' s
propositions , in the wide sense in which he expounds them , I cannot indeed dissent . For they appear to me to amount only to the statement that no man makes himself , and therefore no man is responsible for his original character any more than he is for the rotundity of the earth . But in this sense the propositions have no practical application . They are as true of an ape or a cabbage as of a man , and therefore cannot show us what is specifically characteristic of or suited to man ; and if they are narrowed so as to become practical , if , as Mr . Owen does , we proceed to deny that there is any merit or demerit in human actions , because the original nature of man is not of his own making , we assert a proposition false as a theory , inasmuch as it overlooks the controul which by his nature man is capable of exercising over himself , and fraught with mischievous consequences . Men may indeed be , as I firmly believe Mr . Owen is , much better than the logic of their theories would make them , and I have already admitted that the doctrine of the great influence which the circumstances under which men are placed has upon their character is a very important truth . But error is often the most mischievous when it appears in the shape of a half truth , taught as if it were the whole truth , and I therefore feel the more bound to protest against what I conceive to be the errors of Mr . Owen ' s system , because I am desirous of bringing men to act upon the truth which it contains . I am , Sir , yours truly , Edward Vansittaut Neale .
Oaths And Open Speaking. Halifax, Oct. 2...
OATHS AND OPEN SPEAKING . Halifax , Oct . 21 , 1830 . Sir , —In the Leader , No . 29 , 1 find a letter under the heading "Open Speaking , " written by A Reader , stating that in his opinion , oath-taking is one of the principal obstacles to that candour and open speaking we are all wishful to see practised ; and the writer adduces two or three examples , whereby much injury and gross injustice might arise by the refusal of a conscientious party to take oath when well acquainted with the circumstances of the case supposed . That there are men who stickle on a straw regardless of consequences , who , by their absurd punctiliousness in such petty observances as the one supposed , support and abet crime and wrong , I do not deny ; there are too many records of the painful consequences which have arisen from the blind policy of these infatuates ; but , that we are to remove one of the safeguards of justice on their account would , in my opinion , be highly injudicious . How many instances are there where adjuration alone has led the prisoner to a declaration of the truth , and when mere affirmation would have failed ? Indeed , as your correspondent rightly observes , lying is not considered as wrong unless when sworn to , and hence , before you can abolish oath-taking and adopt mere affirmation , you must remove a doctrine so generally believed . A SujjseiiiiJEu .
Social Reformers. Oct. 22, 1850. Sir,—Th...
SOCIAL REFORMERS . Oct . 22 , 1850 . Sir , —The propriety or necessity of designating by some other term than " Socialists" those who seek to introduce into the condition and very struciure of society reforms which will result from some further trial of competitive political economy , is urged in the Leader of last week . Perhaps the terms Socialism and Communism ( the latter in a less degree from its affinity with the expression in Acts ) are justly subject to much of the reproach which popularly attaches to them . They are words that undoubtedly permit
play to the wantonness of the imagination , that stir into dangerous action the indolence of tho sluggard , and open to the selfish the fallacious hope of succeeding in their schemes at least cost to themselves . It would be very marvellous , then , were nil who enlist themselves under the banner of ideas that peculiarly require for their realization so much caution , forbearance , and moderation , true soldiers and fellowworkers together . Such false recruits arcs rather the sutlers and camp followers , who wait the day of
battle only to prowl over thefield after the fight and to divide the spoil . But the development ofa new truth is further always attended with the temporary prevalence of much error ; nor is it to be expected that the wisest and most cautious of those who " tremble ut the sorrow of the time , " who seek means for its alleviation , shall at first direct their efforts rightly on a course where so few beacons hnve been sot as a light to them , and where the needle of truth is subject to so much deflection . The shoal and quicksand will be found where deep water was looked for , and many will meet shipwreck before the port is gained . Enough , however , for these enquirers for a new world , that difficulties and perplexities have always beset the path that leads to truth—if the weak ' er and more timid among them need the tu quoque argument with their opponents , they have a sufficient reply to traduction in this , that the most oppressive nightmare or tho wildest brain never suggested dreams or fancies more terrible than existing and triumphant falsehoods . As , then , we struggle for realities not names , the
suggestion in the Leader appears to me , for the above reasons , worthy of consideration . Another motive is supplied in the practical character of our race . Neither term , Socialism or Communism , actually expresses cooperation—the working together—as the duty of life . Perhaps , because of the weak or vicious theories set forth by some false Socialists , it appears undeniable that the prevalent idea entertained of Communism is , that it is a state of indolent and torpid vegetation . Even a writer apparently wellinformed says , in one of Chambers ' s Papers ( " Social Utopias " ) : —
" Socialism has not existed for nothing : though it has failed in practice as an associative system , and we hear no more of its name , it has not failed to operate Indirectly in various ways ; and we owe to its agitation , the establishment of cooperative stores , corn-mills , bakehouses , and coal clubs , public baths and wasahouses , & c . & c . " Surely , Socialism was not confined within the precincts of Harmony-hall and the cooperation here referred to . What is it but true Socialism hampered
and fettered , indeed , by jealousies and restrictions which interfere with its universal application to society , yet developing its truths by the consentaneous action and united purpos » of men working as brothers ? Why , the Carlton Club alone was the inauguration of Socialism ; the Socialism , however , of the Sybarite . Our name and system , therefore , should not merely imply , but express our union for work . Paul ' s designation of himself should be ours , " We , workers together with God " ; and I owe it greatly to you , Sir , that I understand somewhat of
the weighty meaning and large scope of such a term . On many accounts , I would gladly see the word " Socialist" or " Communist" superseded by that of " Cooperative . " The term is naturalized in the language—a home and household word—one , too , that fuses classes ; and the ridicule which attaches to foreign names often , as in proletarian , for instance , destroying our perception of its sad meaning and truthfulness , should induce us to prefer words current and understood , even though we be obliged to give them somewhat of a " second intention , " calling
them in , after the precept of Horace , and stamping them with a new " image and superscription . " In this instance , it is unfortunate that we have no term which shall express the abstract idea . Cooperation is an act rather than a permanent state ; a result rather than a faculty or power . I trust , however , that the pendant to my remarks will be supplied in the fitting term through some of your correspondents . Bad names are , unhappily , of easy invention ; to find aright term for a good cause is , in this case , beyond my power . I fear , however , that the inflexible character of our language will present difficulty to the attempt . Perhaps , from the Greek , nothing better can be obtained than synergetism and synergetist . I am , Sir , your obedient servant , T .
Lamartine's Opinion Of England. London, ...
LAMARTINE'S OPINION OF ENGLAND . London , Oct . 14 , 18 . 00 . Sir , —As your admirably-conducted Journal ( rare from the real talent it displays—but still more so from its honest impartiality ) is unquestionably the most liberal and advanced of the age , I venture to solicit your insertion of a few remarks suggested by a long article containing M . de Lnmartine ' s opinion of England , which appeared in . The Times of Saturday the 12 th instant . It is impossible that among M . de Larnartine ' s admirers , all
composed as they are of nearly the whole of the European and Transatlantic population , he can have a more enthusiastic devotee of bis genius , or respecter of his private character than lam—a respect and ^ admiration which have only encreascd by my having had the honour of making his acquaintance during his last short visit to this country—his exquisite poetry having loat nothing in my estimation from his high bearing , for his appearance is that' of an English poor of pure Plantagenet blood ; for , as you are well aware , Sir , we have peers—and peers et I ' xtnpire quo Vautre / But to return to M . de Lamartine ' s
opinions of England : widely as I differ from some of them , I am not the least surprized that a foreigner during a flying visit should be a little crude and superficial on tho subject , when so few of the English themselves are aware of the causes of any of the effects they sec around them , whether social , or political , and for the most part ignore both the past and present history of their country . All the praise M . do Lamartino awards to tho exterior and mechanical progress of England within the last twenty years , it most fully deserves , for , being an csecntiully cupand-platter people , our externals are always clcun
and proper ; but when he spcuks of the wonderful power the public mind in England possesses of balancing itself , that is , of righting itself to a just equilibrium out of popular convulsions and political crises , he overrates our national solidity , or , perhaps , what he would term philosophical acumen , —here is the reul solution of the mystery . Sir Robert Peel assorted that " the protection of property was the chief end of Legislation : " the maxim is an atrocious one , but it is perfectly true as regards England ; with us monev is the beginning , centre , and ultima Thule of
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), Oct. 26, 1850, page 15, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_26101850/page/15/
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