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Itthe General Movement For A Rise Of Rem...
affirming Mr . Gladstone ' s resolution , by 117 to 67 , measures the comparative reliance of the House in the rival Chancellors . The India Bill has at length go * to its las * stages in : the House of Cdtflifleriai , having StiS * tained two amendments this week * Sir JoHn Pakington dug up the grievances ! of the salt monopoly—for the trade is still A monopoly in the hands of the East ladia £ oifl 8 fin 1 \ although the hands of the East < Tflaia Comfimy > although
slightly modified some years back . " The Company still retains the sole control of the salt works in India , and only admits salt from beyond the sea on payment of an excessive duty . The manufacture of salt in India is rendered free by Sir John Pakington ' s . resolution , subject oniy to excise or customs duty . This is a great stpp . The other amendment carried by Mr . Vernon Smith , to which Government did not dare offer a resistance ,
increased the salary of the President of the Board of Control to 5000 Z . and appointed a permanent Secretary to the department . In both respects we regard it as being a substantial improvement of the central government . The President is now raised to the rank of a Secretary of State . The permanent Under Secretary will increase the efficiency of the Crown part of the Indian government , and so facilitate the obvious tendency of the whole ¦ eries of those reforms , to bring India more directly under the control of the Crown instead of the Company .
Mr . Blackett pressed an amendment , obliging the Minister for India to lay a certain portion of Indian finances annually before Parliament . That would have been a form of securing a practical and an attentive discussion upon Indian affairs in the House of Commons * and it could not have failed to be very useful . Lord John Ru « sell , indeed > allowed that such a
statement would be useful ; but he ridiculed the idea of requiring it by act of Parliament , and went so far as to hint that Parliament might as well fix the length of the speech to be made . The silliness of this sneer is only equalled by its impertinence ; and if Mr . Blackett blushed at the insult , it was probably not for himself , but for a statesman who reduced himself to the level of his footman .
Archbishop Whately has thrown up his seat at the Board of National Education in Ireland , for reasons which we have already explained . Certain works of unsectarian religion were used in the model schools , and the general character of liberal and non-dogmatic religion formed an attribute of the system , of which Sir John Young , the Secretary for Ireland , has twice—once since this" dispute—made an emphatic boast . The unsectarian character of these little works , which had been
composed by Archbishop Whately , and revised by Dr . Murray , provoked the dislike of the Orange party and the Ultramontane party ; and we have already explained the manoeuvres by which the Ultramontane party , with the help of the other , caused one of these works lo be proscribed , and created a dispute about ; the others . Under pretence of separating re % ious from secular teaching , these extreme bigots were really trying to
undermine the system .,, Government has fallen in with their plan ; has accepted the letter in lieu of the spirit , land has bo compromised the management that Dr . Whately felt himself to be virtually " dismissed . " That it is ' not a personal feeling on his pnrt is proved by the fact , that Baron Greene , and Mr . Blackburn , the Irish Chancellor of the late Government , join him in resignation .
Simultaneously with his retirement from the Board , Archbishop Whately appears as the leader of a new society , to protect those who suffer Jfbr the sake of conscience—those of all eectH , or of no sect ; those of proscribed religious opinions , or of wo religious opinions . The society does not undertake to protect them from outrages such aa the law will give redress for ; but from the perse * - < eution of non-employment , exclusive , dealing * or the like . This ( society is * paramount fact , and it
almost consoles its ifat wife iribral treachery with which the Govfifament hag [ permitted the united Orange and Uftftwnontane party to lay the axe at the root of the national system of education . In resft ^ to tnfcRusso-TtirlUsh affair , the latest ; events thfrifv no fl £ w light Upon its progress" / but * ttiher obscure itthfcmore , Ttttfe tenJperate and digtiified protest whidfa Turkey lias made against ' tbft eccupatiofi bf tlw f rinclpaHtiesV shoivs that ; doWti to the 2 nd of this month , the position of the Pctfte
was unaltered ; the reports that the Emperor had become more gracious appear to be altogether without proof , and to be rather contradicted by more probable reports , that he views the propositions for reconciliation with cbldriess . The gathering of troops in Bessarabia is against all professions of Russian moderation ^ threatening Turkey as they do on a new point . The attempt of the Danish court to abolish the constitution of Denmark , because the Diet resists the attempt of Denmark , because the Diet resists the attempt of
the King to abolish a law of two centuries , which is one barrier against the succession of the Russian family to the Danish throne * seems to show that the unrelaxing and ubiquitous designs of Russia find tools as readily in the North as in the South } the Danish monarch excelling in his fidelity even that Servian chief who promises " neutrality , " when his suzerain , the Sultan , calls upon him to defend his country against invasion . The Four Powers—Austria , France , England , and Prussia , are now said to be of accord , and active in the
effort to promote peace ; but whether they are in accord upon the course already struck out by France and England , or whether there is to be some faltering , it is as yet impossible to tell . Only this seems to be certain , amid the general suspense and obscurity , that Russia perseveres , and that Austria is bent on forcing the United States into an European quarrel—for there is a duplicate of the Kossta case at Beyrout , an Hungarian refugee , pursued by Austrians , and protected from violence by the American consul .
722 The I ^ E A Per. [Saturday,
722 THE I ^ E A PER . [ Saturday ,
The Week In Parliament. The India Bill. ...
THE WEEK IN PARLIAMENT . THE INDIA BILL . The long Committee on this bill has at length come to a close , after three sittings this week . On Monday evening , and at a morning sitting on Tuesday , various amendments were proposed , and all save one rejected . Sir Henby Wjclloitghby moved a clause to enable the Secret Committee to protest , if they thought fit , against the orders of the Board of Control which they are bound to transmit . But Sir James Hog & pointed out that if protests existed they would be called for by Parliament—and that would be inconvenient ; besides , the Secret Committee would become a little Parliament rather harassing to the Minister . Put to the vote the clause was lost by 62 to 30 . "
Mr . Httjee moved a clause extending the constituency which , elects the Court of Directors to persons holding 600 / . of stock , retired civil and military servants , and others . To Mr . Lowe was entrusted the task of making out a case against the clause . This ho did briefly , by showing that the prohibition to canvassing had been removed , consequently the evil Would exist in full ibrce even under the bill ; biifc herd was a proposition to extend it still further . Then the clause would include persons who are not members of the company , contrary to the decision of tho House , that the Government of India should be through tho Company . Assertions were made in an opposite sense by several members ; but , on a division , the clause was rejected by 74 to 50 .
Mr . 1 & IOH moved a clause , the object of which was to give practical efficiency to tho clause of the old act , enacting that religion , colour , birth descent , should be no bar to the employment of natives . Tho question was , had the natives been omployed as fully as came up to the intontions of tho act of 18 ttiJ ? It seemed that they had not . Mr ,. Bniditr , Lord Stanley , and Sir GiiAltMffiS Wood all agreed on tho propriety hnd jtistico of employing natives : Sir Charles , while resisting the clause , promising that they should bo employed more and paid bettor in future . Tho cluueo was thrown out by 1 $ T 3 to 47 .
On Tuesday morning , as early as twelve , tho Houso wont into Committee again . Mr . J . O . PllJXtiiatoiiH moved a clause enacting thftt tho Queen ' s judges in India should form a supremo Court for deciding nil «« s 4 b botwoen tho Government and tho native princes
Mr . Pitt , Si * itefcefi f ^ l , and Sir John Malcolm , h ^ all sugfcartfcda ifibfenaT of this kind , and , indeed ^ it was impWStiVeW fledessary in order that native princes maybe protectelffbrft the cruelty , injustice , and rapadbof the Court of * Bijfecitffi . The clause , however , was opposed , and fdtifld stieh small favour in the House that it w & a negatived without a division . Mr . BBiolri ? inoyed a clause providing . that the affairs of India sfaduld be transacted under one roof that thei Cdttffcof Sjiirectors and the Board of Control should jbe brought together foi ? . that purpose , and the
East India House sold to defray expenses . It would dimmish annual expense , and prouiote efficiency by decreasing- the delay and curtailing the mass of corres . pondence . Sir Chables Wood said there was delay—not of one hour—in consequence of the distance framLeadenhall-street from Cannon-row . Mr . " VEBsroir SmtiTtt , who declared ne had had longer experience of the India Board than Sir Chartes , said on the contrary that great delay was occasioned . On a division the clause was rejected by 74 to 61 — a narrow
majority . Mr . Veeston SintiH presumed he should riot ineet with any opposition ftom Sir Charles Wood in the clause he was about to submit . He moved that the salary and position of the President of the Board of Control be raised to the level of that of a Secretary of State— 5000 Z . He also proposed that ther < j shonld be one political and one permanent Secretary of the Board , instead of two political secretaries . Thia proposition Ministers thought fit ; to accept , and to that end aptly inade choice of Lord PAiiMiESlON to express their concurrence . 4 ' , ' ' ' ¦ '>• There were very good reasons why it was impossible
that the President of the Board of Gontf pi , under the exist , ing state of things , should assume ihe title of Secretary of State . So long as the government of India was conducted upon the double principle , the commands of her Majesty cou & not be conveyed , and therefore * tie Minister who directed-that department Could not assume the functions of a Secretary of State . But . he entirely ^ agreed with the right honourable gentleman in thinking it desirable that , With regard to dignity , position , and salary , the President of the Board of Control should be placed on the footing of a Secretary of State . It was impossible to deny that the consideration which he ought to enjoy , so far as that consideration depended on the means which the salary
afforded , ought to be equal to that enjoyed by a Secretary of State . There ought , in fact , to be no distinction between the Minister of the Crown who performed the important duties of President of the Board of Control , and the position occupied by any of her Majesty ' s Secretaries of State . It was customary to say that salary Was wholly unimportant , or that it was merely an object of grasping and selfilb views . He looked upon this matter not as a person in possession of office under the Crown . He trusted he might be allowed the right of looking upon it in the quality of an independent member of Parliament , and merely aa to its effects upon the public service . Whether in or out of office he believed it was of advantage to the public service that
persona holding high and important offices under the Government should receive salaries commensurate with the position , the functions performed , and the expenses to which , in the performance of those functions , they were necessaril y exposed . The point to be ccinflidered in a question of this kind was , that obviousl y persons whose whole time and thoughts were absorbed in public duties could not pay attention to the prosecution of their private affairs . He thought , therefore , that whatever might be the salaty which Parliament might deem right , as attaching to the office of a Secretary of State , that ought also to be the Salary attaching to the position of President of the Boaro of Control : and this opinion he had taken upon himMlf
to fitate , because naturally it was one which the rigJ » honourable gentleman now holding that office would fee * a delicacy in giving utterance to < On thia point , thety ae waa quite ready to agree with the proposal of Mr . * ' *~ Smith . The second point brought under the notice of tne committee byhitaWas also of the utmost importance . He proposed by the exclusion from tho House of one of * ne secretaries of tho Board of Control to ensure the permanency of one of the secretaries of that board . It was , undoubtedly , impossible to overrate the advantage of having in each department a permanent secretary , not swayed of the feelings engendered in political contests , and possessed of the knowledge and the lore necessary to tt full
comprehension of tho often arduous and intricate duties ot •»* post . It waa most desirable to have in each department i \ man of judgment and discretion , able to give to the neir Comer into office tho eort of information which he nWst require as to paflt events , ad to tho principles regulating the department , and as to the character of individuals conr nectod in various ways with its operations . Without ttaM kind of information it was impossible for any man , however able and however judicious , to perform his duties with satisfaction to himself , or with tho advautago to the public which ho would naturally dosiro to comer . J *?> art tn
thorefore , most cordially asHonted to tho proposal " head which had been made by Iub right honourable irieno-Ho was suro that the Govornmont , that no Governmen * would rogrot tholofis of tlio advantage thoy Vmight derive from tho proaehce of a second secretary in Pn rhawon whon more than balanced by the convenience to the pul ) W of having a permanent secretary at tho Board of Oontro Mr . WimiaM Wimiams dissonted , and struck in with an insinuation . It would no doubt bo thought » concession in somo quarters that the Qbver ' nmon * which had steadily rejected oVory other amendment W their bill , hod bo promptly and generously repent ** in
Leader (1850-1860), July 30, 1853, page 2, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_30071853/page/2/