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420 '• - . • - ; ,, ^ ; ' • ¦ THE LEADER...
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•NOTICES TO CORRESPONDENTS. We have bo s...
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v— ~ \ _y ? SATUKDAY, MAT 1, 1858.
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Uhere is nothing so revomtionaxy, becaus...
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THE STATE OF PARTIES. The House of Commo...
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r INDIA BILLS, ONE, TWO, AND TIIRE Tiik ...
Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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Transcript
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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420 '• - . • - ; ,, ^ ; ' • ¦ The Leader...
420 '• - . - ,, ^ ; ' ¦ THE LEADER . [ No . 423 , May 1 , 1858 .
•Notices To Correspondents. We Have Bo S...
• NOTICES TO CORRESPONDENTS . We have bo space at our disposal at present for the letter on Maliomedanism . The subject is interesting , tout not of pressing interest just now . No notice can betaken of anonymous correspondence Whateyeris intendedfor insertion must beauthenticated by the name and address of the writer ; not necessarily fpr publicafcion , butas a « uarantee of hisgoodfaith . Jtis impossible to acknowledge the mass of letters we receive . Their insertion is often delayed , owing to a . riress of matter j and when omitted , it is frequently ' -r-om reasonsquiteindependeut of the merits of tb * icornmunica-I * ion ¦
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V— ~ \ _Y ? Satukday, Mat 1, 1858.
v— ~ \ _ y ? SATUKDAY , MAT 1 , 1858 .
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^ iiliiiMfara /
Uhere Is Nothing So Revomtionaxy, Becaus...
Uhere is nothing so revomtionaxy , because there is nothing so unnatural and convulsive , as the strain to Tceep things fixed when alltbe-world isby the very law of its creatiorun eternal progress . —DiuAbnoi / d
The State Of Parties. The House Of Commo...
THE STATE OF PARTIES . The House of Commons , at tins moment , appears to be influenced less directly by public opinion than by the underground operations of political leaders . In the interest of JJord Derby ' s Cabinet the Tory prints have been endeavouring to persuade themselves that party government is at an end , and that the JJegislature can never again be divided by a broad line between Liberalism and
Conservatism ; but there has seldom been , a time in which party principles were more active or paramount than now . What Toryism mistakes for the decline of party is its own decay . The great schisms of the present century have in almost all cases resulted in the partial disintegration of the Conservative mass . The rupture between Canning and Casoxhkeagh - \ vas more detrimental to the Conservative than to any other following . Sir ItoBERT Peel's abandonment of the
powerful combination dating from 1834 was a gain to the Whigs . Whatever the " Whigs have lost in party cohesion has been . Avithin the last few years— -indeed , since the separation of Lord PAiiMERSTOK from Lord John Htjssell—and -what they have sacrificed in unity they have gained in numbers . The Conservatives have gradually melted away until they command only a doubtful third of the votes in the House of Commons , and their weakness is aggravated by the weight of the millstone once more fastened to their
neclcs by Lord CnELMSFOitii in the House of Peers . They were anxious , no doubt , to sink the Jewish difficulty in a ltoyal assent ; but the sincerity of fanaticism , combined with the affectation , of consistency , overpowered the convenience of party—to provide for which proxies were excluded—and Lord Djerly gained a damaging victory . It was time , perhaps , that something like a majority should dignify the votes of the Government : for their retreats and discomfitures in the Lower House had rendered their situation somewhat deplorable . Mr . Monskll had beaten them
Lord John Russell had driven them round a circle until they had abandoned their India Bill ; and while Lord Oihsimskokd was performing for them the most malignant oflices of friendship in the Hereditary Chamber , the Electivo was bearding them on tho subject of tho franchise . They have had one victory , and another such victory may ruin them . But they labour also under an absolute prohibition to legislate . If the theory of the Constitution wore that tho functions of Ministers should he exclusively ministerial , Lord Deiuj y and hia colleagues might prosper , with occasional instructions
from Parliament- —at the suggestion , for instance , of Mr . Monsell . Lord Dueby is adroit in the reception of deputations . The Colonies , we believe , would be satisfied to keep Lord Stanley in office , could they retain him without his party—a party with which , by the way , lie is only ancestrally identified ; Sir John Pakington , for anything that is known to the contrary , is equal
to his position at the Admiralty ; and although General Peee presides dubiously in the war department , and Lord John Manners , with capricious meddlesomeness , over public works —the Marble Arch included—the only absolutely mischievous and incompetent member of the Government is Lord JDeiiu y ' s foreign Minister . "With that exception , the Executive is by no means inefficient .
But a British Cabinet , working upon constitutional principles , means more than an Executive . It leads the legislation of Parliament , and of this Lord Deuby and his colleagues are hopelessly incapable . They hold office simply until their successors are appointed . And who will be their successors ? That is . the question which necessitates a review of the actual state of parties . There are four distinct sections of the Opposition - —the Palmerstoniaus , the Bedfoiid Whigs ,
Mr . Gladstone and his friends , and the vanguard of the Liberals , with their flying columns , sharpshooters , forlorn hopes , and stragglers waiting for an opportunity to desert . Under the first head may be ranked those who entered Parliament last year blindly pledged to the Minister . Their number has decreased since the overthrow of the late 'Administration , partly because Lord ! Ralmebston has allowed the lead of the Opposition to be taken out of his hands , partly from dissatisfaction with his conduct in the
Sandhurst division , and also from other causes connected with the general tendency in favour of a new amalgamation of the Liberal party . Lord John Hussell appears to have accumulated influence in his hands since the recent change of Ministry . The impression of the Vienna event is wearing away , on account of a conviction everywhere gaining ground that the whole story has not yet been told , and that the part reserved , when explained , will be more to the credit of the envoy than to that of the Minister who sacrificed him . " What position is now
occupied by Mr . Gladstone it is difficult to determine , but it is improbable that any accession of Parliamentary power should accrue to him or the section he represents . As for the independent Liberals , although the most gi'owing party in the House , and with the largest popularity , they wander aimlessly apart , and exercise only a fraction of tho influence which would belong to them were they to act in concert and with any sort of consistency . There have been attempts , however , to unite not only two of these divisions , but the whole four , as the basis of an
administration to supersede that of Lord Derby . Hitherto this project has failed , and the general belief is that the failure arose not so much from rival claims to the Premiership , as from the nature of the conditions proposed by the friends—who may not bo the agents —of Lord John Eussell . There is , at all events , a mutual disposition to approximate , although the "Whig loader , from whatever
quarter prompted , pursues a line of action not altogether intelligible oven to hia personal followers . He probably stands nearer the Premiership , at tho present juncture , than any other member of tho Liberal party , always provided that tho next Ministerial crisis bo not a juggle between an outgoing and incoming intriguer . 11 is rnsh to assume , aa Pnlmoratoiiian advocates do , that Lord John . Russell ' s gain of influeuco over tho Tories
is in exact proportion to his loss of influeiu over the Liberals . He speaks with authorii to the Treasury Bench , because the Treasui Bench knows that he speaks with authority the Opposition . ISTor is his camp so far fro that of the Peelitesbut that a junction nrigl be effected , thus preparing the materials of Ministry strong in talents , reputation , and | v pularity / with a large and distinct Liberal poli < before them , views of European diplomai
at least more national than those of the In or present Cabinet , and probably no disi clination to reverse the decisions of Parli ment on questions of war and peace in Asi It is not improbable , moreover , that a certa detachment of the advancing Liberals ' form parb of such a combination ; and und these conditions a Cabinet might be est blished , even without the assistance of Loj Palmebston .
As an outsider , it is true , Lord Paj meoiston would always be dangerous . It not every statesman who ha 3 the nobilil to assume such a part as was assumed L Sir Hobeb'j Peel during the four years pn ceding the memorable debate on Pom < j Affairs , of June , 1850 , when Lord Joe Russell said , " I feel an obligation him for the manner iu which he has give
that support / giving it freely , giving it frank ! and at the same time never attempting to she that it was by his support that the majority the House were induced to uphold the me sures of the Government . " Keeping in vie all these considerations , however , there a two points demonstrable;——that we must ha a Government ; and , that we cannot have / t Government of Lord Dekuy . The count
is not to be governed by a minister whe pressing political invitation " brings him 1 ( than two hundred political visitors in k James ' si-square . We can have no factious feeling in tli matter . If party sentiments were to be gra fied , the Liberals could do no better th punish the " Whigs by retaining the Tories office . The advent of Lord Derby has be
of positive advantage to the cause of liefor It has compelled the Whigs to advance th < banners , and a few months of privation in t nipping and eager airof Opposition might we derfully sharpen the opinions of Lord Jo ] Hussell , Lord Palmeuston , and others the heaven-born family . But Parliament 1 other responsibilities . It has to legislate , a if LordD-EitBY ' s Cabinet be an obstruction it be an unconstitutional nullity , if the ivh < work of the Legislature is interrupted becai
a weak party is in office and a powerful par in opposition , the Liberals are bound to fore their personal inclinations , and save at lei a remnant of the session for the legitinu business of legislation . Under existing c cumstaiices , the relations of parties and t situation of tho Ministry incapacitate t House of Commons from proceeding to t performance of its duties . The House is c tirely beyond tho control of its noinii leaders ; the incurable weakness of the C
vornmenfc is exhibited night after night ; practical progress is made ; and yet , when tl state of things falls under the discussion the proas , no reply is attempted , except challenge a vote of want of confidence , such votes thero are grave objections , unl < under circumstances of extreme neeessi The confidence of Parliament is to be iuferr from the gone ml support it ailbrda to i Ministry , and it is not pretended that tl support ia enjoyed by the existing Cabinet
R India Bills, One, Two, And Tiire Tiik ...
r INDIA BILLS , ONE , TWO , AND TIIRE Tiik occurrence of n mutiny in any one of tho I live armies of India would have commanded a la amount , of attention , but the defection of the cnl J 3 cngal Army , followed as it was by the most cxt
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), May 1, 1858, page 420, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/ldr_01051858/page/12/
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