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Leader (1850-1860), 31st July 1858, Edition 1 of 2, Page 741, JEWISH EMANCIPATION. Bauon Rothschild is...

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    • Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.

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      ' . . : . " . ¦ ' : . . . . ' ; ¦ ¦ ¦ " . . , No . & S 6 , July 31 , 1858 . ] THE LEADER . 741

      Kotices To Cobjtespondentts. Fo Notice C...

      KOTICES TO COBJtESPONDENTTS . fo notice can be taken of anonymous ^ correspondence . "Whatever is intended for insertiou must be authenticated toy the name and addreas of the writer ; n 6 t necessarily for publication , but as a guarantee of his good faith . b is impossible to acknowledge the mass of letters we receive . Their insertion is often delayed , omng to a press « f matter ; and when omitted , it is freauently from reasons quite independent of the merits of the commuinca-< To cannot undertake to return rejected communications .

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      Saturday, Jtti/Y 31, 1858.

      SATURDAY , JTTI / Y 31 , 1858 .

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      Mliclffnms .

      Lere Is Nothing So Revolutionary, Becaus...

      lere is nothing so revolutionary , because there is nothing so unnatural and convulsive , as the strain to keep things fixed -when all the world is by the very law of its creation in eternal progress . —Dr . Aknold .

      Fhat Is Sir Colin Campbell About ? ! He ...

      FHAT IS SIR COLIN CAMPBELL ABOUT ? ! he question that heads this article is beginning to e asked even in the highest quarters in India ; 'lie question we ask is , Have we got the " right ian in tie right place ? " or have we a comniandera-chief "who finds the embarrassments of his situaion beyond the scope of his genius—the novel iiaractei of the resistance he is called upon to vercoine too menacing for the means at his comland—tke active pursuit of armed banditti too much ar fulness of years , and too perplexing iu its chaacter and pertinacity to be dealt with efliiently "b y his whole stock of military resources ud experience ? Why does every telegram but epeat the story of rebels routed , strongolds stormed , rebels reunited , strongholds again ecaptured , rebels driven from one locality reppearing' in half a dozen , disaffection , exliibitinsj tself in districts hitherto tranquil and loyal , lutterings of discontent everywhere at the irotracted , the expensive , tlie resultless operations aking place for the re-establishment of peace in our udian possessions ? The truth must not be disused . There is a growing impression that Sir iJolin Campbell is not equal to the emergency which to has to deal with ; that he is resorting to a wrong ystem of military tactics ; that he is making the

      [ rieyous mistake of dealing ; with scattered , iiymg > arties of armed brigands by employing regular xoops in heavy inarching order , with all the pomp aid encumbrances of regular warfare , in the vain tope _ of coming up with and annihilating the agile ugitives . We know that our men are being deciaated at a fearful rate , not by the foe—mistakes ud fool-hardy actions have had their full share in binning the ranks of our seasoned veterans—but » y the severity of the labours exacted from them , by he noenday marches , by the never-ending pursuit , ly the fatal sunstroke , and by the harassing duties

      > ur gallant troops are called upon to perform . Shall India prove to England what Russia proved ; « France . It this consummation is to be avoided , t will not be by the genius of the present Comiimn . der-in-Clncf , nor by the exercise of the military policy lie is pursuing . If we are to hold India at all , unless the system of dealing with the rebels is wholly changed , we shall havo to pour into the country four or five times the military strength now there , or that would he needed in the hands of a more decided , less dilatory , and widcr-in-grasp of-mind commander-in-chief . What is wanted is .

      not regular troops and scientific warfare , hut light guerillas to hunt down the rebels , prevent them from reuniting in force , and to cut them up wherever found . If some such system bo not speedily adopted , we shall find the difficulty incrcaso in intensity , and speedily make its gravity apprehended by tho most ohtuse intellect m the Cubinct or the country , in spite of the ilowcry and untrustworthy revelations — untrustworthy , because understood to be direct inspirations from Sir Colin Campbell himself—of the " Special Correspondent " of the Time * .

      la strong contrast to Sir Colin Campbell stand Generals Rose and Lugnrd ; they are doing all that military men ought or can do , and were either in the peat of the present Commander-in-Chief , tho

      belief is that the utter destruction of the rebels would be very soon accomplished , and that the final pacification of the disturbed districts -would speedily be announced . We have not penned these , remarks in any spirit of detraction towards Sir Coiin Campbell , or upon any insufficient foundation . We know we but echo sentiments prevalent in the highest quarters in India , and we feel assured that the spirit of our present notice will be substantially corroborated by what we shall verv soon hear from official sources .

      Jewish Emancipation. Bauon Rothschild Is...

      JEWISH EMANCIPATION . Bauon Rothschild is now a bondjide member ol the House of Commons . He has taken his seat in a somewhat roundabout way , but no matter—he is now , in his character of one of the representatives of the City of London , as constitutionally competent . as Messrs . Spooner , Newdegate , and Co ., to vote upon all questions affecting the political , commercial , and religious welfare of this very Christian

      nation . We have done our part to accomplish the adoption of the great principle embodied in the case of Baron Rothschild ; we desire to indulge in no unbecoming triumph at the victory that has been gained , nor do we wish to insult or exult over our opponents who have fought unflinchingly in the ranks of anti-Liberalism , and who have only succumbed because beaten by the irresistible will of the people at large , expressed through their representatives .

      We do not agree with those of our contemporaries who have indulged in unseemly vituperation of those gentlemen who took a different view of the question , and regarded the principle at issue in a different light from ourselves . We think that Messrs . Spooner and Newdegate have done no more than their duty to themselves and their country , accordiug to the best of tlieir mental light and special bias , and that their unrelenting opposition is

      entitled to respectful consideration , because founded on conscientious but mistaken motives . As English gentlemen , and as members of the Legislature , now that the contest is over , they will , without doubt , be disposed to bow to the will of the nation , and to work cordially with those Jewish representatives who have found , and who may hereafter find , tlieir way into the British legislature . But let not the difficulties or the nature of the

      struggle and victory be misconceived or undervalued . Baron Rothschild , as an individual ^ is to be placed wholly out of the question . It was not because we , and tliose who laboured with us , specially desired to see Baron Rothschild , or any other educated and enlightened member of the Jewish faith , sit for London that Ave threw ourselves into the sparse and scattered ranks of those who planned the assault on prejudice , and who , by the bold and startling doctrine they enunciated , showed that they had made a long step in advance of even the advanced Liberalism of the age .

      It required a strong exhibition of moral courage to announce in the face of the world " that' religious tenets shall not be a disqualification for civil privileges , " and to give that proposition a practical direction by demanding the admission of Jews to the Legislature . It was not oiily a bold effort , hut it was a work surrounded with all but insuperable difficulties . We had first to overcome tho transmittedrooted personal prejudices to Jews entertained by all classes—prejudices not altogether unjustifiable , when the not overclcanly habits , the loose morals , and the questionable principles of honesty of the mass of tho Jews resident in the localities of Pctticoat-lanc and Houndsditch were taken into

      account . Next , wo had to conquer the strong religious aversion which unquestionably existed oven in the most tolerant Christian mind against fraternising cordially with a race against whom the ban of the Almighty was believed to be still in force . On tho other hand , there was tho knownreluctnncc of a portion of the Jewish race to accept the proffered boon . This section of the Jews still stands immovably aloof from its own liberal brethren , mid from all other peoples—still conceives that its destiny is towards tho East—still believes itself to bo the only chosen and elect of God —still regards the Christian as holding- an inferior rank in the policy of creation , and would disdain to stoop to ask or to receive a favour from Christian hands . We sny it required no insignificant share of moral courage on the pnrti of those who undertook the great work of vindicating the principles of true Liberalism , to battle with all these difficulties , to face

      the obloquy unsparingly cast upon those engaged in the struggle , and to persevere year after year until the question was brought to a triumphant issue . And in proportion to the difficulties wMch have been surmounted , and the labours which have been undertaken unselfishly , so ought to be the gratitude of the Jewish people . It is more than doubtful , if the positions were reversed , whether the Jews would be induced , under any circumstances , to extend the same favour to Clnristians . The way that Jews can best show that they appreciate / the concessions that have been made is by getting rid of their own prejudices , by educating themselves up to that standard which shall enable them to cast aside inconvenient and unsocial

      traditions and ceremonies , and to copy those examples , which have done so niuch to propitiate the English nation in tlieir favour , set by a Rothschild and a Salomons .

      Some Of The Causes Of The Rebellion. The...

      SOME OF THE CAUSES OF THE REBELLION . The elder Quarterlies of the blue and yellow colours , though less influential than heretofore , are still read as party organs , and may be trusted as the indicators , where they have ceased to be the guides , of future party policy and action . Party also in the present day is often seen at a loss for a policy , and on such occasions our heavy contemporaries reveal at least the views of the more active and . leading minds . There is ail article on British India in our Derbyite contemporary which , weighed

      on these . grounds , is of unusual interest at the present time ; and as it is top recent to have been , very generally read , we think a notice of it will be acceptable . Our contemporary attaches a very secondary importance to the constitution of the home governinentof India , being probably not very well satisfied with the new bill . The important question is , " How is India to be governed ¥ " by that ambiguous word " how" meaning , on what principles ? Tins question naturally brings under consideration the manner in which India has been governed , and only one conclusion forces itself on ' the mind from a .

      review of the past , namely , that almost every part of the existing system requires to be changed in principle , or reformed in detail . Who would have expected to have heard from pur great Conservative contemporary that the grievances of the people of India are the cause of the Sepoy rebellion ? Yet such is his opinion . " The Sepoy army was a part of the people . Its grievances were those of the population from whicli it had been drawn , and with winch it still maintained the most intimate social tie 3 , " and hence the rebellion . This is the first and only intelligible explanation which has been given of the origin of the rebellion , its early features , and its ultimate

      spread ; and of the repeated evidence which every mail brings of its having the sympathy and support of a part of the population in that part of the country where it prevails . The proofs whicli our contemporary gives in support of this opinion appear to us not alL equally sound and convincing , and he has omitted some of , in our opinion , paramount influence . For instance , he refers-to the petitions of the Protestant missionaries of all denominations in Bengal , as to the deplorable condition , the suHeiings , the demoralisation , and discontent of the people ; and ho refers to Mr .

      Halhday ' a minute upon tho state of the police . But the missionaries and Mr . Halliday spoke only of Lower Bengal , where the population has taken no part in , and shown no sympathy with , the rebellion . Again , our contemporary has not dwelt on the religious alann of both Hindoos and Mahometans witli anything like [ the decree in which this has had an influence as a cause ot the rebellion . Such causes , however , as he does advert to arc very important , and . ought to be generally known . We will endeavour , witliin our limits , to explain them . India , it should never bo forgotten , has a

      peculiar civilisation of its own—the most ancient civilisation known- —and it is altogether different from our own . It is based on institutions whicli arc the bonds of order , and havo moulded tho peculiar character of the people . These institutions rest on the solid basis of law and religion , of whioh , indeed , they may bo said to be a part , so eloscly arc they intertwined . The institution of property is one . Wherever tho British , power hfls been established and has carried out its rule , it has recast this institution . The latest of these operations on n great scale , and on tho looting of permanence , was in tho North-Wcstcrn

  • Citation
    • Leader (1850-1860), July 31, 1858, page 741, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/ldr_31071858/page/13/