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count Ebrington , M . P ., Lord Robert Grosvehor , M . P .. » nd Mr « R « A - Slaney , M . P . Prom , the annual report , which was read by the Secretary , it appears that the association is in a flourishing condition ; the capital having increased from £ 38 , 175 to £ 50 , 075 during the last twelve months , through an accession of new members . The most extensive group of dwellings erected by the Association is in Pancras-road , where there are no less than 555 persons living at present . It is gratifying
to learn that , while fever and cholera were sweeping off so many thousands of the poor throughout the metropolis last twelve months , not a single death from either of these two sources took place among the tenants of the Association . Another excellent proof of the improved condition of the Pancras -road tenants is their punctual payment of rent . Out of £ 2 , 912 of rental , only £ 14 11 s . 9 d . remains unpaid , and out of the latter sum theie is only about £ 3 which can be considered as irrecoverable .
The directors in their report call attention to the heavy item of £ 151 16 s . which they are called upon to pay for window duty . It is clear that the framers of the act , in allowing houses with seven windows to go free , never intended that a man whose dwelling contains only four windows , should be called upon to pay a heavy window tax , because the house he occupies is connected with those of a large number of his
fellow workmen . There is no disposition , however , on the part of the assessor , to act liberally towards the Association . It appears that sets of rooms in the Albany , and in the Inns of Court are only asked to pay l | d . per week , on a rental ranging from £ 80 to £ 100 per annum , while the tenants of the Association must pay 74 d . per week on a rental ranging from £ 13 to £ 16 per annum . This is exceedingly unjust , and shows how very backward Government is in lending any encouragement to benevolent enterprises . of the Associa
As regards the financial condition - tion , the report is not very explicit . It is so far satisfactory , however , that the income of last year exceeds the expenditure by £ 291 17 s ., although only one-third of the capital has begun to make any returns ; a number of the dwellings having been but recently erected , and others of them not yet being completed . In the course of some conversation on the object of the Association , Mr . Slaney adverted to the obstacles in the way of sanitary or social reform arising from the state of the law , which prevents to out
parties from binding themselves together carry any public work without being liable to the creditors to the extent of their fortunes , unless a charter or a special act of Parliament is obtained . The cost of a charter is £ 800 ; of an act of Parliament , £ 5000 . He trusted that some general measure would be passed before long which would enable parties to enter into these us « ful enterprises without risking the whole of their fortunes . He expressed a hope also that the window duties would soon be abolished , or , at all events , that dwellings expressly intended for the labouring class would be relieved from the payment
of such duties . A deputation from the Metropolitan Sanitary Association waited upon the Chancellor of the Exchequer , on Tuesday , on the subject of the window tax . Dr . Gavin , who introduced the deputation , stated , at considerable length , the sanitary evils arising from the operation of the window tax , and contended that , if ihe revenue derived from this source is absolutely necessary , it would be much better to substitute a tax on houses instead of it .
The Chancellor of the Exchequer , in reply , stated that the difficulty of removing the tax was a fiscal one , and that it was not so easy to substitute a house tax as the deputation seemed to think . There were 487 , 000 houses which at present paid the window tax , while there were 3 , 000 , 000 of houses that did not pay the tax . To impose , therefore , a tax on 3 , 000 , 000 of houses now borne by 487 , 000 only , was a difficulty that anv Chancellor of the Exchequer might well
shrink from . He admitted there were many sanitary evils produced by the tax , but could not hold out any hope of a modification of the tux this session .
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THE INTERMENTS BILL . A special general meeting of the Protestant Dissenting deputies was held at the King ' s Head Tavern , in the Poultry , on Monday , for the consideration of the Government Interments Bill . Several gentlemen addressed the meeting , all of whom declared their friendliness to the cause of sanitary reform , but thought they were bound , as Dissenters , to oppose a measure fraught with danger to their liberties . V arious resolutions were passed , recommending an application to the members for the metropolitan boroughs , and suggesting a petition to Parliament against the bill .
The Court of Common Council , while they accept the principle of the Interments Bill , seek to exempt the city from its operation . With that object they have a bill of their own , which is to be submitted to Sir George Grey . In that bill they propose that all intramural interments shall cease in the city and its liberties on the first day of July , ISol : — "A sufficient cemetery for the interment of panics dying within the city and its liberties is to be provided .
Compensation is to be given to present incumbents only , and not in perpetuity ; on three years' average of receipts , and not on five , as proposed in the Government bill . This compensation the committee propose to award either in money payments at once , or by an annuity , or by giving the present incumbents permission to transfer their present privileges from the parochial to the proposed suburb ground . Compensation on the same principle to be given to clerks , sextons , and other officers belonging to or connected with the ecclesiastical authorities . The whole burial arrangements of the city to be under the control of an unpaid committee of the corporate body . It is proposed to establish a cemetery within five miles of the city , and that the families of deceased
persons shall have the power ot ouryiug any manner they may think proper , while a system of cheap burials shall be provided for those who may choose to avail themselves of it . Reception-houses for the dead are to be provided , but no one is to be compelled to deposit the body of his friend or relative at such a place , except in cases of the most extreme sanitary necessity . Part of the ground of the cemetery is to be consecrated , and part not , to meet the peculiar views of differently-thinking parties . It is not proposed to levy any rates , but to raise the moneys which may be required for the purposes of interment , should such , a step be necessary , on the credit
ot the city seal . A deputation from the Corporation was to wait upon Sir George Grey this week , but we have not heard what the result of their conference has been . The Nonconformist says that " among the amendments will be the withdrawal of the clause for perpetual compensation to the clergy , the Bishop of London having consented to the alteration . "
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THE GORHAM CASE . In the case of " Gorham versus the Bishop of Exeter , " which was brought before the Court of Common Pleas , some weeks ago , Lord Chief Justice Wilde delivered judgment on Monday . After an elaborate and most able review of all the facts , statutes , and authorities bearing on the case , Sir Thomas summed up his conclusions thus : — "In determining upon the present application , we have attentively considered the circumstances under
which it comes before us . The litigant parties have concurred in prosecuting the appeal to the Judicial Committee , and after a decision has been come to , an objection is for the first time made upon the ground of want of jurisdiction in the tribunal . The case was elaborately moved before the Court of Queen ' s Bench , that court has pronounced a deliberate judgment upon the construction of the statutes , and the applicant has since exerso ^ ck-I hi « tinrinuhtpfi rhrht of makinc a similar
aDnlication to this couit , and when so doing , the learned counsel who made this motion brought before us all the authorities that there is any reason to suppose have any bearing upon the subject ; and the Court of Queen ' s Bench having stated that there were several instances of appeals to the delegates , founded upon the construction adopted by that court , nothing was presented to us during the arguments in support of the application , tending to create any doubt of the accuracy of that statement , although we cannot but suppose that due investigation was made as to the fact of such instances having occurred , and of their
applicability to the case ; we have informed ourselves of the particulars of those cases as before detailed , and , iurther , no appeal has been discovered to have been made to the convocation . Under these circumstances , we have every reason to conclude that iurther discussion will not furnish additional information or light upon the subject ; and passing by any other question to which the application might be subject , and founding our decision simply on the construction of these particular and ancient statutes as supported by the usage in the only instances of appeals in matters touching the Crown , known to have occurred since they passed , we think that it would not be consistent with the due discharge of our duty , but would only tend to prolong an useiess litigation , to grant any rule . The judgment of the court , therefore , is , that there be no rule in this case . " Rule refused .
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THE NEW ELECTORAL LAW IN FRANCE . The fourth day's discussion on the Electoral Law ( May 24 ) was opened by M . de Gkkslaud , who insisted that the Assembly had a right to modify the electoral law which fixed the necessary period of domicile ; and that such modification was no violation of the Constitution . M . Jules Favre would not consider the project of the law as an isolated act , but as an audacious step on the counter-revolutionary way in which power was engaged , and which , if persevered in , would conduct France to a catastrophe . The gravity of the
danger wrap tnougncs me mere conventional phrases of " Parliamentary language . " The worst clouds which had weighed over them at the commencement of the discussion were past ; they could say boldly that there would be vo seditionthe law had failed in its effect : but though the chief danger hud disappeared , it was not the less important thut the right should bo maintained , that they should
protest in tho t ' nee of their adversaries . M . Favre then contrasted the calm and logical character of the opposition made to the measure with the empty dogmatisms and insolence of the majority . Arguments had been replied to by sarcasms , lie proceeded to show that the language held by Ministers , when they spoke of their respect for the Constitution , was precisely similar to the language of the Ministers in
1830 , when they violated the charter . M . Favre reminded the Assembly that they held their position of legislators only in virtue of the Constitution . They had not chosen to notice a seditious proposition lately put to them , because they acknowleged that they could not confer the sovereignty on a King . Yet they would uncrown five millions of votes . An eminent man of that Assembly had , only a year back , thus characterized those who made any attempt against universal suffrage : — " It is deceiving the people to promise them universal suffrage in the Constitutionand to withdraw it by the
, electoral law : the people would not pardon this . It was M . de Montalembert who had said this , adding" The first condition of durability for a Monarchy , and yet more for a Republic , was to rely upon the whole nation ; make the Republic the affair of every one , and you will have rendered it sincere and durable . " M . de Montalembert had finished that speech by a remark which was the condemnation of his speech on the present occasion , that , « 'it was not permitted to deprive a single citizen , a single peasant , of his electoral right , without violating the principle of the sovereignty . " M . Favre concluded thus : —
" The intention of the lavr is not merely that which you have heard expressed . It is rumoured throughout the nation that the reaction would not be so audacious , if it did not know that it was sustained from without . ( Prolonged agitation . ) The troops encamped upon the frontiers say that they are to inarch upon Paris to stifle socialism ; and to avail myself of the language of one of the defenders of this very project , it is a law presented to you on the sword ' s point of the foreigner . It will not be voted by a French Assembly . " ( Applauses Jrom the Left j agitation on the Might . )
M . Thi eks commenced by disclaiming any intention of reprisals , and immediately proceeded to accuse his opponents of demagoguism , hypocrisy , and falsehood . It was said that the law was motived by the elections of March and April . That was not exactly , but only partially true . Those elections had certainly shown the imminent danger of universal suffrage as at present organized . He never attacked his colleagues , nor would he pretend to dictate the choice of the democracy ; but was not M . de Flotte chosen "because he was an insurgent of June ? A second election ( that of M . Eugene Sue ) had confirmed the spirit of this choice . The first election was the apology of insurrection , the second the apology of socialism . It was clear enough from the two that society was menaced .
A Voice from the Left : " What society ? " M . Thieks : * ' That eternal society to which change is neither permissible nor possible . " A Voice : " The society of Jesus . " M . Thiers : " Yes ! the society of Jesus—( Sensation ) . You shall see of what society I speak . In the clubs , the preliminary electoral meetings , they attack violently and shamelessly the eternal laws of society . " M . Nauadd : " Never ! " The President : " M . Nadaud , I call you to order . '' ( Numerous exclamations on the Left . )
M . Thieks : " I repeat , in the clubs they attack the eternal laws of society , but here they disavow their language . I call that falsehood and hypocrisy . "—( Interruption . ) A Voice on the Left : "It is your language which is a falsehood . " — ( Order ! order !) After a violent altercation , in which the President bore his part , M . Thiers proceeded to define the three kinds of socialism with which they were menaced : —
" The first was agrarian communism . This was not much to be dreaded . It was ' foolish , impracticable and could not even be commenced . ' The second was universal association , no less criminal , no less impracticable , but which might be attempted . ' The third he allowed to be ' innocent , ' but it had the misfortune to be doublefaced , and what was even more dangerous , it was the instrument of the two others . ' ' The partisans of this third communism demand the accessibility of labour for all , meaning by that to place credit within reach of all by making capital gratuitous . Capital is an infamy . It cannot be given gratuitously by individuals , it must therefore be given by the State . Wages are tyrannical . To put an end to that they will associate all the
workmen , who , instead of being slaves in receipt of wages , shall be masters and speculators in their turn . These associations will be established by means of what I will call the expropriation of moveable and industrial capital . There is no other way of defining this system—( Long interruption ) . Well , you ask where is the danger ? it is not in the agrarian law , but in the detestable economical doctrines which for two years have been brought to this tribune , the only doctrines declared practicable by the men whose socialism is in earnest . If you once had a majority you would propose all your systems , one after the other , you would come to a general expropriation by means of paper money . France must be warned of this . Socialism is worth nothing , can end in nothing , ' but 4 the commencement would be sufficient to wreck
France and all society , and it i 3 for that we are resolved by all open and lpgal means to hinder its triumph . ' Should they stand with their arms folded in the face of such calamities ? He asked it of men who had never respected the Constitution of any government under which they hud lived . Lt \ in presence of this clanger we had imitated your conduct and torn the Constitution , should we be more blamable than you ? ' And would they not have had motives ? A great part of the country had reproached them for halting before the legal
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Junb 1 , 1850 . ] mt > e & £ && *? + 221
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Leader (1850-1860), June 1, 1850, page 221, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1841/page/3/
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