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ing some distrust towards " the friends of Order /* and a little more rigour might induce him to throw himself into the arms of the people . Although Louis Napoleon terribly lacks force of character , such a circumstance might turn the balance of power in a very forcible way . The people of Palermo have been making a new demonstration against their Government , with a positive outbreak ; but it has been forcibly put down , and nothing has come of it . Sicily is separated from Italy , not only by water , but also by feeling ; and the acts of the island cannot be taken as any indication of what is going on in the Peninsula .
The formidable Cuban expedition appears for the nonce to have ended in a ludicrous failure . Not only has General Lopez failed to establish a footing in Cardenas , but he has positively retreated from the island to Savannah , has been under arrest there upon a formal accusation , but acquitted , and once more let loose . This precipitate retreat implies a striking want of the headlong resolution demanded for any leader in an enterprize like his—the resolution which bears down resistance by sheer impetus . Cortez , whose name rises to every mind , would have made good his stand . But Lopez
seems to be of a different mould ; and the main body of buccaneers from the United States will find no landing place provided for them . Lopez makes that convenience contingent upon receiving more money from his friends in the United States . Instead of viewing their support as a favour , he feels that he confers a favour in acting for their profit and amusement . He has had some money for this taste of an invasion ; he will invade in earnest if they will pay him some more down " Twopence more , and up goes the donkey" ! When the leader of the buccaneers stands on this
footing , his irregularity and vacillation are not to be construed so strictly as they might otherwise be . Incapacity and irresolution add to the chances of ultimate failure ; but , probably , the buccaneers will not turn back without another effort to make something by their voyage .
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The Marquis of Westmeath moved the second reading of the Estates Encumbered Amendment Bill , on Monday evening , and , in doing so , explained that its object was to prevent the complete confiscation of the property of the Irish landowners . ' * I know , " said he , " that we are dogs , and that we are placed on the table like dogs to he submitted to the knife of the anatomist , for anatomical purposes . But such a treatment cannot be continued with safety , such a burlesque of justice cannot longer be tolerated . "
Many estates had been sold far below their real value , —the average price not being more than seven years ' , or seven and a half years' purchase . To prevent this he proposed to enact that a moderate minimum of fifteen year * ' purchase should be iixed as the piic e below which no estate could be sold . Ho also proposed to introduce a clause into his bill whereby the owner of any estate -which was bought under it ¦ would have protection , as was now the case in bankruptcy , until his estate was sold . The Eurl of Carlisle granted that evils had resulted from the operation of the Encumbered Estates Act , but they were not of tho aggravated character which hiid been represented . lie should discourage the further progress of this bill .
Tho Duke of Richmond thought that when an estate was wild for seven and a half years' purchase a prima facie case was established against a law which so ruthlessly took away an estate from a man and his children . The E . irl of Glisnoall said the Encumbered Estates Act was nothing less than a downright robbery —(?• Hear , hear ? from the Opposition benches ) —nothing else than confiscation and plunder of tho most infamous description— ( Continued cheers from the same quarter ) .
If the Government continued to proceed with it , and refused to redress the grievances which it had inflicted on the people of Ireland , the people of Ireland would meet in Dublin and redress themselves—( Cheers continued ) . They would not submit to have their estates confiscated lor a dirty theory # ot up by the men of the Manchester suhool . l'lu > act . " was a scandal to the Legislatuie . Land has bc < n sold , on the average for eight and fight yours and a half ' s purchase ; hut he knew of estute which
one hail not . fetched more than a year and a hall h purcliiuio . There was rilteon millions worth of land now under tho jurisdiction of those commissioners . Two millions worth was quite enough to be m the market at one time . A larger quantity of land was certain to lend to groat depreciation . He knew of cases where , within three days after the sale , respectable men had been turned out of their own houses into the roads . Nay , there w . re cases worse oven than that . One gentleman , hud an estate , ou which he had
expended £ 3000 ia improvements during the last few years , sold for £ 1850 , although he had actually sent his son over to bid £ 6000 for it , but bis son could not get into the room . The injustice of such a state of things was monstrous , " We are disgusted ( continued the noble Earl ) with these Manchester theories , and will not have them . " We defy you to carry out this law . If you do , you will have a rebellion within six months , and you will deserve it . Charles I . and James II . lost their thrones for half of what you are doing every day . Lord Strafford ' s case was nothing to the villany perpetrated under this law . The amendment of the House of Commons about appointing receivers was a huge swindle . "
The Marquis of Londonderry entreated his noble friend to abstain from using language which , in Ireland might be productive of dangerous consequences . He warned him against speaking of meetings to be held in Dublin for the purpose of repealing the law of the land by force . The Duke of Richmond , Earl Fitzwiluam , Lord Beaumont , and the Earl of Wickxow , all supported the bill , or advised the restoration of the Encumbered Estates Act to its original shape . The Earl of Carlisle said that he should not divide against the bill after the very strong expression of opinion in its favour which he had just heard .
The Marquis of "Westmeath expressed his gratification at the concession of the noble E 3 rl ; and , after some further conversation as to the conduct of the Commissioners appointed under the Encumbered Estates Act , the bill was read a second time without a division . Lord Brougham presented a petition , that certain parties deeply interested in the Australian colonies should be heard by counsel at the bar , in opposition to the Australian Colonies Government Bill . He quoted several precedents in support of the motion .
Earl Grey denied that the precedents cited furnished any argument in favour of the proposal , because , in all those cases , the parties had been personally interested . He would have been glad to hear counsel had such a course been consistent with the rules and practice of the House ; but , as the case stood , he must resist the motion , Lord Monteagle contended that , as a matter of justice , principle , and policy , the petitioners ought to be heard at the bar . Earl Gkanville said the colonists had not expressed any feeling , by public meetings or otherwise , again 3 t the bill , and he did not think any case had been shown for assenting to the motion of the noble and learned lord .
Lord Brougham , in reply , contended that they were bound to hear parties who , by their accredited agents , declared they should be injured by their lordships' contemplated legislation . The House having divided , the numbers were—For the motion , 25—Against it , 33 Majority 8 . The Bishop of Oxford moved that the bill be referred to a select committee . His chief objection to it was , its proposing to institute a single chamber ; which , he contended , would undoubtedly lead to future internal political conflicts in the legislative body , and the establishment of a powerful and dominant democracy . This measure would perpetuate the mischievous influence of Downing-street upon the colonies .
He claimed the sanction of the noble earl to his views upon this point . The noble earl in another place , and under another name , had commented in words which he wished he could perfectly remember upon the mischievous absurdity of supposing that any Minister sitting in Downing-street could satisfactorily and usefully govern all our fellow-countrymen in the colonies—and how utterly untenable was the desire to retain such a power in hands so utterly incompetent to wield it .
But the most monstrous proposition in the bill was the provision for uniting the four colonies in one federation . Did the Government really mean to give this centrnl federative body the power now exercised in Downing-street ? If they did they would certainly dismember the empire , or , at all events , lay the seeds of such a consummation . He complained in strong terms of that part of the bill relating to the church . They were giving the church of England in the colonies nil the restrictions of the English church at home , without its rank , its wealth , or its social position . Earl Gkey opposed the motion . The right reverend prelate ought to have proposed the bill be road a second time that day six months , seeing that he condemned every clause of it : —
' The right reverend prelate had referred to speeches delivered by him in the other House of Parliament . Ho could only say there was no opinion he then expressed to which he did not adhere this moment . He would say more—there was no opinion he then uttered which had not been acted on steadily , regularly , and continuously , while he had held office , and with the full consent of his colleagues ; and he challenged the right reverend prelate to show where he had departed from thorn . When he declared there ought to be no vexatious intr rference with the affairs of the colony , had he said that no power was to be exercised by the imperial authority ? If that was so , the sooner they got rid of the colonies the better . "
He earnestly entreated their lordships not to throw out the bill by assenting to the amendment , but to consider the measure in committee , and adopt whatever amendments they might think necessary after a calm and deliberate examination of its provisions . Lord Stanley was anxious to agree to all that portion of the bill that was necessary to give the colonies the benefit of free institutions , and , therefore , he would consent to go into committee on the bill , provided he was assured that the clauses from 30 to 35 would be rejected , and that the clauses providing for a federal constitution would be expunged . The Earl Grey could not give the required assiu ranees , though he would not consider the rejection of the clauses respecting the federal constitution as fatal to the bill .
The Peers having divided , the numbers were—For the motion , 21—against it , 34 . Majority against it , 13 . The House then adjourned . Sir George Grey stated , in the House of Commons on Monday , that , in reply to the address of the House to her Majesty , praying that the collection and delivery of letters may entirely cease on Sunday , she will give directions that the request be complied with .
The chief business before the House of Commons that evening was a discussion on the new houses of Parliament . Mr . Hume moved that the grant of £ 103 , 610 proposed for carrying on the works should be reduced by £ 3000 , with the view , . as he said , to put an end to the proceedings of " the Committee of Taste . " He thought the time had come for Parliament to interfere and prevent farther waste . No one knew what the ultimate expense would be , and nearly all the requisites pointed out by the committee had been set aside . He adverted to the
enormous expenditure which had taken place . Mr Barry ' s original estimate was £ 727 , 000 , but the amount already spent was upwards of £ 2 , 000 , 000 Unless the House interfered there would be no limi to the expenditure . Experiment also had proved that the new chamber was insufficient to accommodate the members . After giving a detailed account to show that arbitrary and unauthorized deviations from the original plan had been made , at great additional expense , Mr . Hume moved that the grant be reduced by the amount stated . If the House should approve of this motion he would afterwards move for a select committee to enquire into the whole subject of the new houses .
Sir Charles Wood opposed the present motion , but would not object to the appointment of a committee to inquire whether any alterations were required for the accommodation of the members . Sir Robekt Peel opposed the motion to reduce the vote for the decoration of the House . With regard to those alterations and deviations from the original plan , of which Mr . Hume complained so much , he quoted several passages from the report of the committee of 1844 , in order to show that the honourable member for Montrose was one of the main suggesters of alterations , and , therefore , ought to be especially chary of impeaching Mr . Barry on the ground that such alterations had been made .
In his evidence before that committee , Lord Bessborough said the first deviation was providing a house for the Sergeant-at-Arms . Being asked if he could state when that was proposed , he replied , " During the sitting of the committee of both Houses which altered the plan of 1836 . I can speak to that from a conversation I had with Mr . Hurae- ( i laugh ) . He ( Sir It . Peel ) read that evidence in vindication of Mr . Barry and of Earl de Grey , who , having expressed approbation of Mr . Barry , had incurred the censure of the honourrble member for Montrose . He should have read it , if only to convince that honourable member that he ought to be tolerant
of the opinions of others . A plan was offered by Mr . Barry , among other competitors , and adopted . [ Mr . Hume : t 4 And altered . " ] It was altered in 1836 , and again at the instance of the hon . member . From Lord Bessborough ' s evidence it appeared that the Treasury consented reluctantly , and that the noble lord himself had objected in consistency with the advice of Sir B . Stephenson , who said , if they once consented to make alterations , more would be suggested . But who overruled that opinion ? " I recollect , " said Lord Bessborough , " Mr . Hume it
corning to me ( great laughter ) , and stating that was absolutely necessary tho Seigeant-at-Arms , who had charge of the House , and so had a great responsibility for so large a building , should have an apartment . ' Lord G . Somerset inquired in what character did Mr , Hume make such applications ? ( A laugh . ) The answer of Lord Bessborough was , that he made the applications as a member of the committee . Being asked if he acceded to the representation of the honourable member , Lord Bessborough repierl , " I assented to it , but with very ereat reluctance . ( Great lauqhter . ) I cot the consent of the these
Treasury , but they objected very much . " Here were two reluctant departments consenting to new buildings and fresh expenditure in consequence of the suggestion of the honourable member who now asked the House to curtail the vote for the now Houses of Parliament by £ 3000 . It might be questioned whether it would not have been better had the Woods and Forests resisted the fascinations of the honourable gentleman . When Lord Bessboiough was asked whether Mr . Hume stated the suggestion as his own opinion or that of the cffrnmittee , the answer was that the honourable member described it as the general opinion . ( A laugh . ) [ Mr . Hume : " \ V Ho
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266 ' % 1 & $ % < $ aXttt . [ Saturday ,
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PARLIAMENT .
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Leader (1850-1860), June 15, 1850, page 266, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1842/page/2/
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