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<£ttr«ptaa mmntntxi, AND ITS OFFICIAL ACTS.
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HISTORY OF THE POLISH DEMOCRACY . [ The following brief synthetical view of the elements , history , and organization of the Polish Democratical party is by a foreign pen . But We adopt its conclusions without reserve ; and ^ g ladly give it place amongst our delineations of Democracy in Europe . This exposition will be completed next week . ] The Polish Emigration presents a singular and admirable spectacle . Those who compose it are not people hiding themselves before persecution or the sword of an implacable conqueror , —they are not individuals dissappointed in their ambitious designs or hopes , seeking abroad for better social conditions , —but they are men forming a portion of a nation which not long ago was in insurrection : they are members of the late national Government or of the Diet—public functionaries , military men of all ranks , from that of general to that of private soldier , who have no other thought than that of unceasingly striving to assist their unhappy country whilst sojourning in foreign lands . It was that thought which gave birth to the Polish Emigration , becoming at once a deliberative body , based upon peculiar forms adapted to the national wants , so that the Polish Emigration , constitutes , as it were , a nation amongst other nations ; and the emigrants , although they have devoted themselves to different , pursuits and trades to maintain themselves and their families , yet hold themselves ever Teady to relinquish them at the first call upon them in the name of Poland .
That our readers may become acquainted with the Dsmocratic party in Poland , it is necessary for them not to lose sight of the Emigration , in which that party is represented by the Polish Democratic Society , and of the Centralization , or Executive Committee , which conducts the op-rations of the society . Yet it would be erroneous to date the existence of the Polish Democratic party only from 1830 , or from the commencement of the Polish Emigration : it would be equally erroneous to imagine that ideas originating in Western Europe , and springing from the French Republicans , had given birth to Democracy in Poland .
Poland s history , and the archives of the Polish Democratic Society , furnish the most convincing proofs to the contrary ; and , in fact , if we study the history of Poland —if we examine her laws and institutions , we at once perceive that the development of her internal and social life has been completely different from that of England , France , or Germ . my . Tiiere were in the old Polish llepublic only two classes—the nobility and the peasant ry ; as to the bourqeois , or middle class , their number was very insignificant ; and , in spite of the not trifling privileges granted to the inhabitants of larger towiis , trade , as well as commerce , remained almost exclusively in the hands of immigrating Germans or Jews .
Such a state of things , on the one hiind , necessarily endowed-tj ^ e nobility with wealth jvnd supremacy , whilst on the other ' nothing but misery and oppression befe . 1 the people . From unbounded wealth anil supremacy to ' excess and corruption there is but one step ; and the Polish nobility noon passed that narrow boundary . This occurred in the eighteenth century , precisely at the moment when affairs in Kurope began to assume an entirely new aspect , — when . populous-towns-had arisen phusnix-like from the ruins of feudal castles , —when the middle classes had grown up to intellectual and financial power , and the creation of standing armies had put the ineuiiN of making conquests into the hands of ambitious monarchs .
The sole salvation of Poland in such a state of things , anil under the . watchful eye of grasping neighbours , lay in the rising e . umatise of her nobility ; but . luxuiy nnd licentiousness had rendered them impotent ; they had lost all their chivalrous spirit , and were unable to nnike any efficient , resist anoe : In net : Poland ' s three partitions in 177 f > , 1702 , and l 7 i ) - ' > . Thus luxury , extravagance , and the entire absence of chivalrous disposition in the nobli s , as a body , on the one hand , and the oppression and misery of t . be people ut , large on the other , mostly contributed to the downfall of Poland . Win-re wore to besought , the elements of a hew
Titling and anew life ? Not , in the middle clans , which had Mo real existence . Not in the nobility , which the . years 1772 , I 7 ! W , and 17 ! M amply proved to be totally unequal to such emergencies ; but in the people at large—the whole nation ! Honor to all thinking men , to all who wished to reconquer tin ; independence of their country , there appeared but . oik- efficient . meaiiH , viz ., that of raining the people to the conscious dignity of eiti / . t us , by the Hincere adoption of the iiiohI . advanced principles of social and political emancipation . It wax from the TnorUfint when Buch a conviction began to spread , that the Democratic nurty took its rise .
We shall not here enumerate all that has been written on this subject , or discussed in the Polish Diets , though honourable mention might be made of the writings of Staszic , and of Kollontay , called the Polish Robespierre ; for , after all the efforts of that period , the first ten years of the nineteenth century were merely individual , not concentrated into a general system or plan , uncalculated to ensure success . The generality of the nobles could not yet support radical reforms ; the levelling of all classes was not yet the gospel of the privileged themselves ; hence Kosciuszko , Scarcely able to lighten the slavery of soccage-service , could not hope to emancipate labour ; and even in 1830 and 1831 partial emancipation only was here and there granted .
It was only when , after the revolution of 1830 , several thousands of Polish revolutionists were scattered beyond the boundaries of their country , when past blunders and errors presented themselves in all their nakedness , when people began to reflect and ponder upon the ineafis of freeing the country from its thraldom , that , to the question " why up to the present time all the past insurrections had been fruitless ? " the following answer suggested itself to the warmest hearts and to the most clearsighted
intellects of the country : — " Because , up to this moment , Poiand has never attempted against her enemies a real national war , in which the whole nation has taken an active part , —because , as yet , nothing has been done that would show to those enemies that the cause of the insurrection is the nation's cause . " Now , the idea which this answer contains , advocated by some members of the Diet , and several able Writers * , became , ere long , the property of all , and resulted in the formation ( March 17 , 1832 ) of the Polish Democratic Society .
This Democratic Society , having for its object the freeing of Poland from a foreign yoke , and the emancipating of the peasantry , and investing them with landed property , laid the foundation both for a political and for a social revolution ; a revolution adapted to the condition of the country , in which the earth is the sole workshop , and agricultural products the only elements of the national wealth . The peasantry of Poland were , under the old regime , serfs , adscripti qlebce ; they rendered a certain amount of
compulsory labour ( soccage-service ) to the lords to whom they belonged , in return for which they had the right of cultivating portions of his demesne for their own purposes . The scheme of their emancipation , of which we have been speaking , consists in granting the full and unconditional proprietary of the land which they cultivated , without any indemnity to former landowners , and in freeing them from this enforced labour . The great majority —we may , in fact , say the generality of the Polish landowners—acquiesce in this temporary sacrifice on the part of their class .
The Polish Democratic Society , after some few years spent in encreasing its number , and in internally organizing itself , issued , on the 4 th of December , 1836 , its manifesto , containing the political and social principles of the society ; a document which was signed by 1135 exiles , amongst whom were many military men of high rank , and several members of the Diet of 1831 . The bases of this manifesto are : — "Through the Society for Poland , through Poland for Humanity . " — Liberty , Equality , Fraternity . —Sovereignty of the People . —Emancipation of the peasantry , and investing them with landed property , without any indemnification to the present proprietors . —Liberty of thought , word , writing , and printing . —Liberty of conscience . —Abolition of political und class prerogatives . — Equality of rights and duties , of benefits and burdens . —Public education , accessible to all . "
Ihe democratic parly was from this time really constituted , and since then the Democratic Society , having placed at its head the centralization , consisting of five persons , began to carry on an oral and written propaganda of their principles , both in their country and amongst their fellow emigrants : oral , through the medium of agents —written , through that , of pamphlets ^ books , peiiodieals of historical , political , or military character , which , altogether , formed a library of about sixty volumes . Of the periodicals , we shall mention the
Polish Democrat , a political journal , and Pszonka , a satirical publication . There appeared besides , for a length of time , two reviews , the one political , under the title of Memoir ( Pamietnik ); the other historical , entitled , Itevttw . of Polish History . As ' military productions deserving to be cited , there are Instructions for lnsitrf / tsnts , containing Tactics , Strategy , and Field-fortilication , un well as a critical analysis , in a military point of view , of the Polish campaign of 1831 . All these productions were written and published for the association .
Ihe diffusion of democratic principles was not only opposed by the Polish aristocracy , with Prince Czai toryski at its head , but also by Liberals , who , though admitting the republican form and the democratic principles , thought it unwise to apply those principles at once , in all their development , as proclaimed by the Democratic Society . In the contest , which unavoidably ensued from this opposition , t . be society enjoyed an evident , advantage over all other parties in being ait organized body , animated by one thought , and guided by one will ; and ibr .
roHull . was that the antagonists of the society tirudualiy lost , their influence both at home and in exile , and that the transmission of funds to be disposed of at the discretion of Prince Czai toryski became . less frequent . That chief of the antagonistic party , thwarted on every point pressed by the consequence of his own policy , and aspir ' ing to be consistent and logical ,, proclaimed hinuelf at . length , pretender to the future Polish throne ; and this brought ridicule on what , yet . remained ol his influence ' and virtually abandoned llio field to the democratic party . 1- T V } ' " lu'll '' "' l ' ' ' ' , IU """ ff "t » tTH , Of two ll . MVHpap . ll-H , ,,,. ! ,-liHhtxl In 18 . 1 , whirl , w ,-n , tht . i . ll .,, .. rg . iiiH of the rovolut onary party , Viz .., the Polish Uasvttc and the Mitw Poland
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ROBERT OWEN AND THE EXHIBITION OF 1851 . To the Social Reformers of Great Britain . Friends and Brethren , — Great reforms are the results of great efforts . The , year 1517 mtl tever'be remarkable in the annals of Europe as the most importan t epoch in the revolution of mind , when a poor monk electrified the western world by proclaiming the ascendancy of reason , and settling for ever the right of everv
man to private judgment in matters of faith . The year 1649 saw , for the first time in our own country , the triumph of popular will . _ An obscure farmer succeeded , by the aid of public opinion , in exploding that monster fallacy of politics , the " right divine " of kings . The year 1776 is immortalised by one of the noblest victories in the records of nations , when the New World declared its independence of the Old , despising the trappings of regal pomp , and founding National Law upon National Will .
The year 1793 is distinguished for the birth of those European Revolutions which threaten the disruption of the old system of things , and demonstrate that " peace and order " will be a stranger in society until the principles of equity and fraternity , in their most enlarged and enlightened interpretation , are established amongst us . The year 1851 , we are assured , will be memorable in the progress and development of civilization . For the first time in the history of the world there is to be a meeting of the peoples of the leading nations of the globe , not with the view of butchering each other , and making the earth around them groan in agony and death , but for fraternal communion , each contributing their measure of ingenuity and skill to one common emporium , in which will be exhibited all that modern intellect
can produce . Such a brilliant opportunity should not be lost by the Social Reformers of this country to make further known to the world , through their brethren visiting the International Exhibition , the means of universal happiness and brotherhood . There is a tide in the affairs of nations as of men which , taken at its flood , leads to fortune . A people , as an individual , by seizing the proper moment may achieve more by one great effort than years of
agitation and suffering . And what moment more opportune for promulgating these views so well calculated to make the world happy than the time when the world is there to listen to you ? The friends of Social Progress , of all shades of opinion , will have serious cause of regret if they permit an event so propitious to pass by without an effort equal to the occasion to place their opinions in the hands of these numerous foreigners who may be instrumental in sowing the seeds of truth in quarters they might not otherwise reach for a generation to come .
It is anticipated by the projectors of this Exhibition , and their expectations are reasonable , that it will give a mighty impetus to the progress of physical science—probably advance it a century . Why not also make it subservient to the advancement of those sciences more immediately involving the welfare of the people ? If our means of encreasing wealth are to be augmented by it , why not also the mode of distributing it facilitated ? This is , in fact , the desideratum of modern civilization . To encrease wealth , without distributing it , is only a partial good . It tests with the devotees of social science , therefore , to see that this memorable demonstration fulfils the highest possible mission .
As many will come from countries where freedom of speech and press are almost unknown , such an opportunity of getting political and social information may be to them of double value , and the senae of this ought to be to us a double stimulus . It is proposed that tracts and lectures on political and social Subjects be translated into the leading languages and distributed at the Exhibition , as well as at the residences of various foreigners . It is intended , also , to invite the venerable founder of English Socialism , Robert Owen , to deliver a series of lectures during the season . It would be a worthy triumph in the career of such a man . Who ought to be heard with more affection nnd respect at the meeting of " all nations" than ho who has been the devoted and consistent advocate of tin : welfare of all nations for these last sixty years ? The world owes him a debt , of gratitude , and no time can
be more fitting for its acknowledgment . Public meetings will nlso be held in various purls of London , to which invitations will be Bent to the leading visitors of the Exhibition , and every effort lined to take udvantage of the great occasion . But in entering upon n win . though a bloodless one , the binews of war must be forthcoming , or the attempt at once abandoned . Let our friends , therelore , north and south , unite with a generoaity and enthusiasm commensurate with their cause , and the opportunity and the year 7 > 1 may prove the brightest era in the destiny of nations . We would suggest that committees be forthwith formed in Manchester , 'Birmingham , NrwciiHtlc , Edinburgh , Glasgo % , and other populous towns to receive subscriptiona and net with the central committee in London . No tine should be lofit , u week now being worth u month at uny other period . Let every true friend of progress feel himself delegated to do a gr « at work , und a uniat work will he . done . W « live in
an age ol popular t . i iuinplm . JL , ( . udd one moreto the list , and that , the great cat , the noblest . K . ( IllOl'lill , (} . J . lloi . YOAKU , J . ltlUHY , 11 . A . Ivory , Hon . Sec . Communications to be sent in the meantime ; to the Secretary , f > 2 , College-plue .,. , Oaiuden-town , London . LlUODN JtHDI ' . Ml'TION No < J 1 HTy ' H AnNUAI , SOllCKK . 1 he annual soiree of this society took plaoo at t fio Music-hall , Le . edu , on the evening of Monday , the 13 th
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Thia pasje ia accorded to an authentic Exposition of the Opinions and Acts of the democracy of Europe ; as such we do not impose ' any restraint on the utterance of opinion ., and . therefore , limit our own responsibility tothe uthentacity of the statement .
≪£Ttr«Ptaa Mmntntxi, And Its Official Acts.
< £ ttr « ptaa mmntntxi , AND ITS OFFICIAL ACTS .
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Leader (1850-1860), Jan. 18, 1851, page 68, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1866/page/20/
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