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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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by labour . If the effect of advancement m the condition of the nation and of commerce is to make the larger number of Englishmen less comfortable in body and ^ p ind than they would be in a ruder state of society , there are those , and I am one , who will go to the displaced Englishman and tell him that he had better combine with the multitude of his fellows to alter that sort of advancement , and bring back things to fundamental rights . Read what Thornton has said as to the practical deterioration in the condition of the English labourer . * Although it may be true that he has now a better supply of broad cloth , knives and forks , and such
non-essential articles , they have very little bearing upon substantial happiness . But , further , if the advancement of the nation had been guided by a more accurate and enlightened view of the laws which regulate production and call forth the genius of the People by placing them in the best circumstances , — although I am no disciple of the doctrine of " exterior circumstances , " which you condemn , —I contend that our advancement should have been greater , more sound , and more stable in its results . In pointing to concert in labour as the complement of the division of employments , you forget that I am
pointing out a principle , and that in eliminating that principle I was no more bound to describe all the institutions that might hereafter arise from it than Adam Smith was bound , in analyzing the division of employments , to describe the Factory System as it actually exists amongst us . I have contended that we must sternly avert our ideas from system-making and bring them back to an examination of principles ; and I maintain , not only that the principle of concert is the true complement to a division of employments , but that it is already in operation , unavoidably—as it dictates the agglomeration of work in a factory , the institution of Commercial Exchanges , or " Bourses , " like those which are seen in every capital ; it has
dictated , imperfectly enough , the construction of that railway system which is too vast to be affected in any but a very trivial degree by the ruder principle of competition . It has suggested those demands for official agricultural statistics which have been made in Parliament ; and it is the very principle of a sound Poor Law , which ought to be an engine for " transferring surplus employment from one branch of industry to another . " When you have read this passage , and perhaps done me the honour to glance at the letters ( following those which you have criticized ) on the subject of the Poor Law , you will perceive your mistake in supposing that there cannot be any " third alternative" for unqualified competition or the revival of guilds .
You have your " visions of the future of the working classes , " " as bright as hopeful as any Socialist could indulge in ; " you desire to see them " strive onward to the assertion of their free humanity ; " and , if I understand you , you rely in a great degree upon the extension and elevation of the religious motive . These are among the things in which we agree : but having these faiths and aspirations , what is my surprise to read a passage like the following : — " All , however , that can now be done is toremove every legal obstacle in the way of the improvement of the condition of the people , to facilitate and encourage every effort
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which they make in a right direction ; and to f » ro * note their education as far ns religious prejudices and passions will allow . All this Government is now doing , mtna&mgte purpose and a zealous wile . " Of all the assertions that ever I read * dispropor-r tioned to the views and aspirations of the writer , this one is perhaps the most astounding , ¦ If -- ! io j deed , your future for the working , classes is , based in any degree upon the efforts * the intention , or even the wishes of the present Gavernment- ^ if the kind of millennium which you seem to anticipate through some more perfect working of Political ( Economy be founded at all upon what the present Government is now doing , you entertain a hope the most imaginative . To believe in a millennuini requires faith ; but a millennium based on the pre-, sent labours of the Whigs I V
. , I have no such faith in the powers that be ; ^ I have no belief that anything can be don ? for the working classes without their own concurrence in the effort . It is for that reason that I endeavpur , in the first place , to ascertain the principle upon which measures for their elevation and wellrbeing must depend , and then to arouse them to the effort by showing how their material ill-being .. is , in great part dependent upon causes . that would bp altered , if their rulers had either the knowledge or the will to begin the work . I tell th ^ working classes that they need riot suffer t ^ e 11 ^ which npw most affect them ; that the cpritinUapQe . oftTbeiir suffering is the artificial result of existiiig laws ; to
and that , if they will unite in the effdri comjpel an alteration of those laws , their condition may he improved , if not suddenly , at all . ey ^ nts wi | h an immediate beginning , They , can gee ;; in your paper the kind of contradiction by which this ^ e ^ resent ^ r tion of mine is met ; and I believe ^ that ; J ? X $ r easaty will aid me very considerably in , ' obtaining the . belief and confidence of the wording . classes . . , For that reason , for the disposition to candour which you have shown , and the ability with which you have conducted the arguments on your side . of the question , I have to express acinowledg ^ ments as emphatic as I can render them . V . ' / . ' _ ! , Yours , with sincere respect , .
Thornton Hunt , " Whence come Wars and FiohWngs ^''—Duelling , in Queen Elizabeth's reign , was very prevalent , nor has it abated in King James ' s . It is one of the sincerities of Human Life , which bursts through the thickest-quilted > formulas ; and in Norse-Pagan , in Christian , J $ ew Christian , and all manner of ages , will , one way or the other , contrive to show itself . A background of wrath , which can be stirred up to the murderous infernal pitch > does lie in every man , in every creature ; this is a fact which cannot be contradicted;—which , indeed , is but another phasis of the more general fact , that every one of us is a Self , that every one of us calls himself / . How can you be a Self , and not have tendencies to self-defence ! This background of wrath ,-r-which surely ought to bla&Q :
out as seldom as possible , and then as nobly as , possible ,- *** may be defined as no other than the general ra 4 ical | iref in its least elaborated shape , whereof Life itself is com-, posed . Its least elaborated shape , this flash of accarSed murderous rage ;—as the glance * of mother ' s-love , and all intermediate watmths and energies and-gwiiHUtiei ^ nre i the same element better elaborated . Certainly . £ he eja- ( boration is an immense matter , —indeed , is the wh , <] le matter ! But the figure , moreover , under which '" ybiii " infernal element itself shall make its appearance / nobly t > r less ignobly , is very significant . From Indian Tomahawks , from Irish Shillelahs , from Arkansas Bawieknifes , up to a deliberate Norse' Holmgung , ' ¦ tv tiny civilized Wager of Battle , the distance is gr * nlj--+ T . Oar *' lyle , in Leigh Hunt's Journal . ¦ ¦ < . >< . ., ( . < - ; 1
Variations of tub 3 ibi , b , —Ntii' thinker ' tjit . ordinary intelligence can fail to perceive , not merely ^ ifterer ^ e | n ' degree of completeness , but contrast . b ' ciw <} eh tUe religious conceptions which represer ^ ed the t ) eity as 8 $ ^ - tioning or prescribing the cunning trickery of 'JTacbby pj ' the savage cruelties of Joshua , and those which ' f ireside over the sublime remonstrances of the prophet / a ? but fhe explanation is still sought in the theory of accommodation , that is , the puerile and unworthy religious conceptions invariably accompanying an absence of intellectual ehK ture , which in other nations are reftrrod to the general principles of human development ,, are , in the cmoof the IIcbrewH , supposed to have been bcnev ^ Uot , fuhuties on the part of the true God , whereby he allured a barbdroua race to his recognition and worship . — tVe $ tmmater and Foreign Quarterly Review .
Tiru Life of Aiit . —1 he apprehension and representation of the individual is the very life of urt . Besides , while you content yourself with generalities , ovory one can imitate you ; but , in the particular , u 0 on « osji—&n 4 why ? Because no others have , experienced exactly the . tmmc thing . And you need not fear lest what ia peculiar should not meet with sympathy . Each character , however familiar it may be , and each object which you oah represent , from the stone up to mau , has generality ; for there is repetition everywhere , and there is nothing tp b ^ found only once in the world . At this step of represents ing what is individual , begins , at the same time , what we call composition . —Goethe ' s Vonvertationf kolth Eckcrmann . . *
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• Thornton oites a chain of testimony showing the condition of the agricultural labouring clashes during the hundred and filly years ending with the fifteenth century . " Fortescue , Lord Uliief Justice to Henry VI ., dilates with contagious exultation on the p lenty eirjoyed by the lowest class of his countrymen : They drink no water , ' tin says , ' unless it be so that some for devotion , and upon a zeal of penance , do abstain from other drink ; they cat plentifully of all kinds of flesh and fish . They wear fine woollen cloth in all their apparel : they have alsi abundance of brd-coverings in their houses , and of all other woollen stuff . They have great store of all liuvtlenientB and implement * of household . They ure plentifully furnished with all instruments of husbandry , and nil other things that are requisite
to the accomplishment of a quiet und wealthy life , uncording to their estates and degree ** . ' 1 ' ortene . uo wan u paiu-gyiivt , but lie is confirmed by the most matter-of-fact compilation )* , the statutes at large ; ueveral of which are cited , as directed , not only against high wages , but against the luxury of the labouring clavsea ; forbidding expenditure and dress , viinh its velvet coats , silk stockings and shoe-bucklea , or cups with liruuselB lace would be now . This legislation , continues Thornton , " exhibit * agricMltural labourers in a condition which was probably nover attained by the same class in any other age or country , uiiIchb , perhnps , by the emancipated Negioea of the iJiritiah VVcat Indies . Yet the description applies only to the lower order of peasants—to those
who worked for hire , uud had either no laud or none but what was allowed them in part payment of wages . What , then , inuat Jhave been the prosperity of the small freeholder and cottage farmers I It is true that in the midst of thin abuud « nee , the English peHHiuitry of thu middle ages ate off wooden platters , never knew the luxury of a cotton shirt or of u cup of tea , nnd jplent on straw pallets within walls of wattled planter , and that VV S 1 MfHA "" " 1 lll < y UHbu >>» rley instead of whenten bread . JRMQfc /* 'it Nurd to imagine that becausu they had to put up with XT' 7 } IJLtMrfWf' ^^ ' * " *** "'** ' * ' nituallon , in more Important respect * . vL J ' vJHl § 3 MK- | MP *> a * ur . ibly superior to that of their living de' W ^" fVC / i " I ' teaJ ° J'etnant I ' rOfnieton , pp , 75—77-
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84
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Leader (1850-1860), Jan. 25, 1851, page 84, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1867/page/12/
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