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big for the bonds which restrain them . This Non-Government ig the miserable abortion born of class rule ; and what we maintain is , that every class would benefit , would share in increased prosperity , increased influence and dignity , by national rather than class government . The change would give everything to hope , and naught to fear . Consider the case of the huge unenfranchised class , —the immense class that does the labour of the country , —creator of its wealth , supply of its power , —Me " People . " What ground is there for resisting the demand of that People to be enfranchised ? Is " Property" warranted in refusing , by the plea that it has taken upon itself the whole burden of taxation ? No such thing—the great
body of the People still bears the mass of the burden . Mass upon mass , you say : yes , but then you must make " representation coequal with taxation . " The working classes are the most heavily taxed , yet they are denied the rights of citizenship ; their right to labour or even to existence is disputed—most philosophically disputed ; they have been plundered of the broad lands , bequeathed , in trust , to the Church for their benefit ; by the competitive laws of a false ceconomy they are excluded from any share of " profits "—the monopoly of capital ; they are told to obey the laws , but are denied national education- Is it wonderful that they labour under chronic discontent , or that they gather new hopes of change from the existence of the Non-Government ?
But the middle class has an interest in the question of Universal Suffrage . At present that class stands towards the working classes in the most odious light . It is the taxing machhie by which they are taxed ; for taxation is coextensive with the working class , representation with the middle class . Parliament , animated by old routine and "the Dismal Science , " makes and maintains unjust , oppressive , and vexatious labour laws , and Parlia ment is created by the middle class , which is also the employing class . The actual state of things is this—and we challenge denial from any intelligent members of the middle class : the brunt of the
odium excited in the working class is borne by the middle class , which appears as the creator of the Legislature , as the profiter by bad legislation ; meanwhile the country is underaNon Government , which raises the hopes of the discontented , and public men regard the middle class as the obstacle to the only measure that could afford an extrication from tne dead lock . Mild anarchy , with all its insidious covert perils , chronic discontent , hope in change animated by a hostile spirit , —those are the traits of the times . Then have not the middle class an interest in bringing about a more wholesome state of feeling ? *
An interest" ! Ay , something far better and higher than that . Trade may have cramped the natural feelings in the middle class ; but depend upon it , there is a large number of men in whom the strongest feelings , if they can only be reached and evoked , are the natural manly instincts of the heart , the impulse to do good for the love of God and man , the love of nobleness . Let an appeal be made by honest bold men , to natural generosity , and we are confident that the middle class will answer it as heartily as they answered the Reform appeal , or the summons to resist the invasion of
Buonaparte . Not for self-interest—that never animates great concourses to consentaneous action ; but for the love of what is good and great , the enjoyment of political vitality . The safety , the honour , the progress of the country , await an extrication from our dead lock . Jt can only be effected by some truly national measure . Active politicians know , practically , that the one tiling needed for a beginning js an infusion « f |) cw life into tho constituencies . Minor reforms , limited extensions of the franchise , have been talked •>'; but every one of them has been spoiled by the
procrastination , the timidity , or the grudging of its authors . None remains unspoiled but the one great eoinpreheuNive measure . That , for the first tune since national institutions have been formalized 'y modem civilization , would bring out the nation a t ilu ) back of a national party ; that , for ,, the first "me , would afford « . means of obtaining I lie sanction » nd support of the People ; that alone is the jirin-(; U > 1 « which can inaugurate the New Commonwealth , in which claau interests , condemned and abandoned even by their participators , should merge m a truly great and powerful nationality .
1 ' »< : «» , indeed , and then alone would the nation recover Hiiflicient strength to rise above petty party ninguuH , p « , tty priently fears , or ecclesiastical per-Bteutiontt , petty sectarian or clatw interests , the
petty corruptions , incapacities , and degeneracies which have set over us this wretched and ridiculous incubus , the Non-Government .
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WURTEMBERG'S LIBERAL KING . The King of Wurtemberg aspires to the glory of being the saviour of the German fatherland . He has written a letter to Prince Schwarzenberg , in which he expresses his regret that the Dresden negotiators should " reject the idea of calling into existence a representation of the collective nation by the side of the chief executive power of the federation , which is proposed to be newly established . " Here is a rare phenomenon of a King petitioning for a Parliament . This King of
Wurtemberg is well known to us . He is the man who , when Germany was almost unanimous in her wish to place Prussia at its head , cried out with indignation , " What ! should a Hohenstaufen bow to a Hohenzollern . ' " The fact is , that Germany has no greater evil to contend with than these same paltry Roitelets or Kinglets of the north and south . Napoleon knew what he was when , wishing to free France from all apprehension on the part of Germany , he conferred a crown—a mere pasteboard crown—on her restless , ambitious Electors .
From that time it has been impossible to bring the German Crowned Heads to anything like union or subordination . To the arrogance of Bavaria and Wurtemberg , especially , what man or god could ever put a limit ? They have invariably been ready to support Prussia against Austria , and again to conspire with Austria against Prussia . They were equally , and would be at any time , ready to side with France , with Russia , or with any other foreign enemy , against either of those two
great German powers , if , by such unnatural treason , a chance were offered to enrich themselves with their neighbours' spoils And now that Austria and Prussia are striving hard to come to a compromise—now that the subordinate Princes , whatever may be the result of the Dresden Conferences , are sure to sink hack into their native insignificance—out comes this Hohenstaufen , and throws himself upon the sympathies of the weary and disappointed German nation , and calls out for a national Parliament !
The effrontery of these Kings ! Have we forgotten how the King of Wurtemberg dealt with his own local Parliament whenever they stood up for their constitutional rights ? Have we forgotten how he treated the members of the National Assembly when , driven from Frankfort , they sought for a last shelter in his capital ? We expect the Elector of Hesse Cassel and M . Hassanpfiug to clamour for a national Parliament next . Oh , King of Prussia ! King of Prussia ! that you should have suffered the silver sceptre of Germany to slip from
your grasp ! that you should have made it possible for these shallow royal hypocrites to tamper with the dearest feelings of a deluded people , to insult poor Germany with the mere mention of a national Parliament at the moment that they have abolished the very emblem of German nationality ! The King of Wurtemberg , indeed ! Why , is it longer than a . week ago that we had to record that the German colours had been utruck at Stuttgard , and the Wurtemberg soldiers been directed to lay aside the national cockade ?
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SUMMONS TO THR ROMAN CATHOLICS . If the Roman Catholics wish to secure a portion of equal rights with other political sects , they will now step forth from their political supineness . We speak , of course , not to the clergy , but to the laity ; and our readers among the Roman Catholic laity have shown that they appreciate the sincerity of our motives . W « assure them that they can do much now—more than in any other opportunity which
they are likely to have—towards placing their position on a just iind permanent basis . Against them they have a man who has weakened himself as Minister by becoming a mob-agitator ; as the excitement of old Reformation prejudice i . s dying out , lie feels that the ground is giving way from under him ; and Ik ; is in the very act of flinching , retreating , retracting . He can be made to crouch back still more .
The moat disci'eet and influential public men have shown that they have no sympathy with Lord John ' s attempt to revive sectarian discord and persecution : Lord Aberdeen ant \ Sir James think it unnecessary to legislate ; Lord Stanley would inquire — and prolong the inquiry , perhaps " for years . " The Tory Stanley , the extremely moderate Aberdeen , Peel ' a Lieutenant Graham—all have oust '
upon Lord John ' s George-Gordonism the discredit of their repudiation . They cut the connection . They scarcely conceal their contempt . On the side of the Catholics and their claim to equality are ali the hearty , thorough supporters of religious liberty . We hare , indeed , heard champions of religious liberty rnake an exception against the Catholics ; but we believe that the number of such misgiving champions is not large . For
ourselves , we would withhold from all sects political power of a temporal kind : moral influences from which we dissent we will combat with moral weapons , an erroneous faith with a reliance on the broad truths of the one faith , universal and eternal , of which all creeds are but diverse testifications . And all thorough freemen will equally rely in the power of free thought . Furthermore } the Catholics will have on their side all
Ireland-Already is Lord John conceding to Ireland , disarming his bill as against Tier . Why ? Because Ireland is speaking out and preparing for action . Let the English Catholics interpret that practical lesson .
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GRIEVANCES OF THE SOLDIER . A Standing Army is an unconstitutional thing ; but it is not only the people that suffers from the evil consequences : the Army is alienated from the nation , the working soldier loses his rights of citizenship , and he must endure injury without repining . An army separated from the nation is an instrument of political oppression—an instrument which has gradually taught a disarmed People to accept such Government as it may please the Privy Council to bestow—the most illustrious Privy Councillor being just now Commander-in-Chief ; but the members of the Army are in turn subjected to the oppression that visits all who are deprived of political freedom . This it is that causes the existence of Chartists in the Army . We are not speaking of merely fanciful or honorary matters , but of the most substantial facts . Take the case of the Sergeants , just stated in their published petition . The Sergeants are the flower of the enlisted men—the strongest , the ablest , the shrewdest , the best-conducted . But to be promoted to the rank of Sergeant is an injury , not a reward . Promotion to that rank disqualifies a man from receiving good-service pension ; and thus ' a worthy man is mulcted for beinsr worthy I For example , a
Corporal with twenty-one years' service , in possession of four good conduct badges , would receiv for his pension , as private , 8 d . a-day , and 4 d additional for good-conduct money ; in all , Is . a day . But a Sergeant of twent 3 -one years ' service , who had not completed three years in that rank , will only receive Sd . a-day . The Sergeant ' s messing and clothing are more expensive , his discipline is stricter , his responsibility is greater ; but his rewards are less . As to the £ 2000 set
apart for pensions , it is a farce : the money is already appropriated , and the living Sergeants have no interest in it . But why ia it that the Sergeants must be subjected to this treatment ? Because , deprived of their citizenship , they are left at the mercy of " the authorities . " As in every other case , the working classes of the Army are ill paid ; yet they bear the odium of the fine clothes , the luxurious messes , and costly habits of the Guards and other " ]) ons "; but , unlike other working classes , they cannot appeal directly and openly to the public for enforcement of their claim to redress . Ifc is the same with the working gentry of the
Army . The complaint of the Serjeants in England is echoed by the voice of Sir Charles Napier in India—the greatest of Km ^ HhIi Generals in active service . Complaints are often made of indifferent conduct in the Indian Army : Sir Charles states that it is umier-ojjiccred ; a fact which tells volumes as to the toil and anxiety of the men bearing coinmissions on the Indian corps , and as to the evils endured by the Indian soldier through ill-discipline . Indiscipline may endanger states , but to the working soldier it is discomfort and death . Truth makes the veteran speak with the true demagogue force when he tells of the men risen from tho ranks : —
" I must « ny in tl » i « Hnmb » y Presidency , that you are a little too much inclined to high Irrth and such thingH . There ih among you now a brn « u rumi , a glorious soldier ( L am among the breaker * , but I am a pilot , and will Hlfpr clear out again)—there in a bruve anil glOiioutt soldier ut Hun table , who rose from tin- riu . kH by bin own good merit ; and I love that Ciian-foAwirtni / J-jfCi ) , I do lore him , becnunft he win U-. e man who first pluMed thf * colours of his nation on ih « broaoli nt Moultau . ( Cheer * . ) Hut regulation—that curse of honourable and honest feeling , which nhould be broken when found imionniMnit prohibits thai . glorious . soldier from pur lulling , with liin brother o / Ficcru , of the . benrHlK of thai fund which , if he
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March 8 , 1851 . ] & !) £ ILtalrt r * 223
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), March 8, 1851, page 223, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1873/page/11/
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