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same fault by another ? All who believe themselves to be much wronged and have not acquired that political discipline whereby wrong is redressed upon dispassionate and intelligent principles , fall into imputation as the thing which feels to them natural and seems to them to be right . This habit , however , which is the error of political infancy , we are fast outgrowing , and the Programme agreed upon at the late Convention contains scarcely a sentence of even inferential imputation . " Very few programmes of the better informed classes of politicians can compare with it in this respect .
" Many of our Delegates , " says the criticism I am referring to , " have lived some time by inoculating their fellows with their own follies , and their resolutions may be necessary for the continuance of their trade . * ' As this is what the ¦ writer believes , all we can say is that he bejieves wrongly . But why should he believe so ? Why in political as in religious advocacy , should men , when they have to guess motives , guess the worst ? "Why should any one assume that our agitation—the agitation of the poor man—is not as pure , as honest , as sincere , as free from the mere venality of trade as the rich man ' s , or the middle class man s agitation ?
•' Caustic" says , he "is far from denying that we have no serious aim ; " but if our aim is a base or venal one , so much the worse that it is " serious . " But accusation does not stop here . The same writer further says , ' the Convention was particularly anxious that none of those whom they have cajoled shall spit away to anything practical or possible . " Are the secrets of all hearts open to " Caustic" that he should feel certain enough of all our intentions to declare that we cajole anybody or intend to do it ? If he affirmed that " the omission of any one
point of the Charter would impair the utility of the remainder , and that , therefore , popular support must be withheld from all franchise measures short of its provisions , " we no doubt made a serious mistake , for which we have already suffered and shall have still further to atone . But who shall say that this was not a conscientious error of judgment on the part of the majority of the Convention ? for all of them did not agree to it , and some spoke earnestly against it . If every mistaken step in politics is to be put down to cajolery , we steep politics in the very dye of vulgar disputation .
No Chartist speech can be pointed to , conceived in the unhappiest mood of disparagement and antagonism , more full of the vice of imputation that the whole letter now in question . Another passage from it runs thus : — " The concoctors of the Programme are evidently most anxious that their trade of agitating for what they can never get shall not be spoiled by the agreement of their former friends to any probable measure of Reform . They do not want redress by any means ; they require the perpetuity of a grievance . They are the lawyers of the less prosperous classes , and would oppose to the death any just arrangemc 7 it that might end the stiit . "
If that King of Vituperation , Feargus O'Connor , were known to write anonymously , the public would ascribe this passage to him , excepting that the vigorous English , in which it is expressed , is a mark or two above him . If Meagher or Mitchell were returned home , we should take it . for some eloquent diatribe of theirs against the Whigs at Dublin Castle , or the middle classes in England who abetted them . Out of all the thirty members to that Convention there were only two persons , Messrs . Jones and Harney , who could accept ( being otherwise engaged ) an appointment to agitate , and they must have great courage and disinterestedness if they accepted one ,
neeing how much they would have to do , how much they would be misrepresented , and how poorly they would be paid . It often happens in political contesta that what one party considers " redress " another considers slavery . JJecause A rejects what li calls redress , it does not follow that A therefore * ' does not want redress . " What U might consider to be " a just arrangement , " A might hold to be further riveting upon him the fetters from which ho -wishes to be free . Here is a radical difference of honest opinion , and U would not be warranted in rudely and antagonistically affirming that therefore Ji . " opposes to the death any just arrangement an any
¦ venal lawyer would ( but even all law yen * are not -venal ) whatever might put tin end to his selfish gains . Yet this is the kind of argument by which our accuser meets us . Nor doeti he ever relax his allegations . He says , " tho udoption of what is best and most useful by a strong class of Parliamentary Heforineiw and the prospect of carrying them , aio gall and wormwood" to uh . On the contrary , to all of us who think the measures of their party useful in any degree , the reflection that they muy be uble Yet he take
to carry them is a gladneHB . says , " nil or nothing is our cry , where we know that to demand ull is to get nothing . " If wo do know thi « , ¦ what knaves we are ! But if we do not know thin , nor believe this , as is most true of all who adopt that injudicious cry , what mi n ht we not retort to him who , knowing ho little of us , writes uh down knaves ? But we have a deeper lennoii to learn . We may sec in all this how another may mistake no , « nd how wo may in tho » ame manner mistake
those opposed to us . Here is a gentleman of various orders of talent — of large experience with mankind—of influence and ability , who yet so misapprehends us as to describe us in the most serious language of disparagement a politician can employ . There is no reason to suppose that " Caustic" would in any sense write one word of another party disrespectfully , which he did not believe to be true and deserved . And as we smart under this gratuitous injustice done to us , let any of us , prone to the vice of imputation , take heed that we know that others are hollow and unworthy before we venture to say so . Of the kind of matter here analyzed , the letter in
question is yet more replete . I will cite only one other instance . The question of the adjustment of the National Debt has produced infinite diversity of opinion . One of the most honourable and purest of men amongst us has written that upon it which half the newspaper press have declared to be repudiationso diverse are opinions on this vexed topic . The Chartists may err in the view they take—that shall be open to the widest controversy—but is it true that their intentions were criminal ? No one could have been present at the debates of the Convention on the matter , without hearing how carefully all repudiated any feeling either of violence or dishonesty . Not so
says the writer of ' Chartist Wisdom — they " palpably held out a bait to the cheat and thief of every degree , high and low , to seize the opportunity of taking what does not belong to him . " And " not knowing what to say as to the Currency , they directed their Executive to say something , of course the more fraudulent the beltar . " To this there need be no reply made . Accusations are principally of two kinds , some are above reply , some below it—and when a critic places himself below you , you are not obliged to go down to him . All one feels inclined to say is , that as our animadverter believes of us so little
that is good , and so much that is bad , instead of heading his letter " Chartist Wisdom , " he might have conscientiously entitled it — " Chartist Baseness . " In saying that the order of allegations noticed are unjust , I do not mean that they are merely so to myself or political friends , and yet may be applicable to some others at that Convention . What I wish to be understood is , that I deny their truth as applicable to any one who composed the assembly . None of the persons there entertained any such notions as are thus charged upon them .
The letter under consideration exclaims in an astonishment nearly allied to irony or reproach , " Marry , they ( the Convention ) had nothing to act upon , and so were determined to show how they would practise if they might . " And why should we not f Does not every new or reviving society declare what it wishes to do before it has the machinery whereby it can do it ? How else would it ever get members or means ? If we ask for bare rights , the newspapers rejoin , what do you want them for—you do not know what you
would do with them if you had them ? How can we answer this objection except by taking the course we did in publishing our Programme ? Of old , witches , thumb-tied , were thrown into water to Bee if they would swim . If they swam they were declared guilty and taken out and burnt , but if they sank they were drowned . Innocent or guilty the ordeal of that day ended in death . It would seem that our critics take the same kind of rule to try us by—whether we keep silence or whether we speak we are alike condemned on the ground of informality .
Of the same character is the remark that " tho Programme must be fatal to the character of every one who has put his * name to it . " How so ? Those who argued against some of the points most condemned , signed them when passed , and did rightly . They came to reason and to work , and to take the consequences of whatever the majority imposed upon thorn till the next day of debate comes . And , in every body in which the power of united action exists , the same course is taken . When we did not do thus , the newspapers said we were f ' ntal to each other because we could not act together ; and when we do act together they say we are fatal to ourselves . It is plain we cannot please them all , then let uh please ourselves in discharging our duty us far as we ure able to understand it .
From anything here said let it not be inferred that 1 deprecate criticism . On the contrary , 1 value it above all other service which difference of opinion can render uh . One strong critic in worth more to us thini a hundred weak friends , who always miy to us the flattering or smooth-tongued word , and condemn us to perpetual error and mediocrity . There is
nothing which " Caustic" could nay against tho political merit or sense of any of our propositions which would draw any protest from me . Hut it is ft very different thing when our persona ] integrity in denied . It in not given to any man always to see rightly —but the public have u right to expect that we mi'n » well ; and when any one suys we are u collection of cunning knaves who cajol e the public and inline a trade , of it , who dennind impracticable things knowing them to be impracticable—and who to keep up our trade in venal agitation adopt any dogmuH , tho mom fraudulent tha better ; we must put in u rosiioetiul demurrer uguiutit tlux , or consent to bo
consigned to political and moral infamy . In all this I object not to any man finding any possible fault with our want of wisdom—which is no doubt in need of great enlargement . On this ground none is more grateful than myself to the faultfinder . He is the best friend those bent on improvement have . But it is one thing to jind faults , and another and very different thing , to make them . Ion .
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REDEMPTION SOCIETY . The following programme , dated Leeds , May lOtlj , has been addressed to the members and friends of the Redemption Society , and all who are in favour of Cooperation and Social progress . The Executive Board of the Redemption Society beg respectfully to inform you that a National Congress of the members and friends of the Society , as well as cooperative societies , and friends of community of property , will be held in the Society ' s Room , Lambert ' s Yard , Briggate , Leeds , and adjourn to larger premises necessary , on Whit-Monday , the 8 th day of June , and following days till the business is concluded . this is to obtain
The object of Congress a more extended and united effort in favour of pure community of property , through the medium of the Redemption Society . Amongst the various subjects which are likely to come before the Congress , it will be to your advantage that we make you acquainted with those which are likely to attract most attention . 1 . A plan for a great simultaneous national propagandism . As the society has branches or members in many cities and towns in the kingdom , this plan , with , due exertion , may be made highly successful ! We hope you will immediately call together the members and . friends of the society , and make them acquainted with , the contents of this circular , that they may be prepared to cooperate in these matters .
2 . A plan for the more speedy raising of the funds for the erection of the communal buildings on the society ' s estate , the plans of which will be laid before Congress . 3 . A plan for the immediate raising of capital for the prosecution of the shoe , hat , and other trades . The successful establishment of these trades will benefit the unlocated Members to a greater extent than the amoun of their subscriptions , while it will greatly increase th capital of the society , and enable it more rapidly to locate its members . 4 . The new law relating to the enrolment of branches . 5 . The institution of a propagandist fund . 6 . To consider the propriety of appointing a paid secretary ( to be supported out of the propagandist fund ) , who shall conduct the correspondence , commnicate with the general press , and lecture .
7 . To consider the feasibility of uniting , as far as practicable , all existing cooperative and communistic efforts into one movement . It is probable that some notice will be taken of a plan of graduuted assurance locations . These are some of the more impertant matters which are likely to engage the attention of the Congress ; and we trust that you will be able to send a delegate from your town or district , and that you will give him full instructions to enter into and decide on all questions brought before the Congress . In reference to the plan of
propagandism , we may inform you that it will be necessary to have parties to whom the public may be referred for information , and it is thought desirable to have the most influential that can be obtained . Also , we wish you to furnish your delegate with the addresses of all persons in your neighbourhood likely to cooperate efficiently and promptly in this movement . We wish you also to understand , that it is intended that all members should become active propagandists for a few days . We shall also require persons to speak in public , in rooms , in the open air , or wherever it can be done , during the time of the great simultaneous national propagandiam .
It is thought that fourteen dayti in July will be set apart for this great movement . Touching expenses , we beg to inform you that each district will have to bear the expense of its own delegate ; but the society will defray all expenses of room , stationery , printing , & : c . In conclusion , we urge you to exert yourself to the utmost in making this movement effective . Cull your friends together , and communicutc with the Central Board in Leeds , address to Mr . David Green , l ( i () , Briggate , Leeds . In order to make the movement generally known , send paragraphs to all locul papers when you can obtain insertion .
By the payment of one pound each more than 3000 families are supplied with a cheap and unadulterated flour . Uesides that , this pound each haa purchased , and half paid for , u large mill , and wholly paid lor fitting it with all the machinery for the tmpplying of these families . What a pound haa done in the above instance it may do in another . If 3000 or 4000 people would pay one pound each to the liedeinption Society , we could supply their families with shoes , hatH , and it might be something more . This could be done , and the articles supplied at a price which would leave a htindMonu : interest on each pound , and a good profit to the society .
This is another of the ideas which the forthcoming CongreHH will have to discuss and mature . Ah the programme of the Conference will be in the hands of most of the friends by this time , we hope no time will be lost , but that preparations will be made for u great RiidHuccessfiil Congro-H . Let . all m utters to be broached be well prepared , and let tho delegates be furnished with ample authority , and let all the delegates be determined to curry out the deciwion of Congress with vigour . MoneyH received up to the week vu 4-ing May 12 18 / il : Leeds , £ 1 ;{» , bd . \ Ucokuaondwyk « , per J . Jtf . Xuvteu , la . M .
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472 ® i ) t ILeatJCt . [ Saturday ,
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), May 17, 1851, page 472, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1883/page/20/
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