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the diocese , who will be the two sole governing authorities in educational matters . For persons , not Catholics , the authorization must come from the Consistory . At the same time , the new Depart mental Academy founded by the Falloux law will be abolished , and the superior Council of the University suppressed ; in short , all the University authorities will disappear . The right of surveillance and of inspection , for all educational establishments , will be given to the Bishops . The right will even extend to the " faculties . " As to the " faculty" Theology , which has always been obnoxious to the Jesuits , it will be abolished . Thus will the monopoly of instruction be restored . Only the monopoly , instead of belonging to the University , will be in the hands of the clergy .
To understand the full gravity of this intelligence , it should be remembered that for fifteen years the ultra-Catholic party was at war with the University , in the name of " liberty ofinstruction ; " that the majority of the Bishops took part in the struggle , in the name of the same principle , which had become the one recognised watchword of the whole party ; and that latterly the Falloux law had been accepted by the clergy as a " transaction , " in which it was complained that " liberty was a little sacrificed in its provisions , but that , taken as a whole , the law might be favourably regarded . " This law was framed according to the suggestions of M . de Montalembert , and it was in the name of " liberty" that it was attacked by the Univers .
At this moment it is this same Univers party ; it M . de Montalembert himself ; it is especially the Archbishop of Rhehns , and the Bishop of Langres , who are conspiring with the President to cancel the Falloux law , and to suppress the last vestiges of the "liberty of instruction . " Neverwas a more odiousexampleof hypocrisy given by any party ! Regard these details as certain ; I I have been put in possession of them- —in great part , at least- —by an eminent ecclesiastic , who , like many priests of the second order—like all sincerely religious men , indeed , is alarmed to see the clergy giving the lie so impudently to the doctrines they professed throughout the reign of Louis Philippe , and attempting to reknit with the transient domination of Louis Napoleon that allianoft of the throne and the altar which contributed
more than any other cause to lower the tone of religious feeling in France under the Restoration . " We reproduce , " says the Italia e Popolo of Feb . 19 , " the following inscription , drawn up in Bologna on the occasion of the anniversary of the proclamation of the Roman Republic . The letter which accompanies it , informs us that it was lithographed in various characters and colours , as we can ourselves testify from a comparison of the various copies sent to us . It was posted and circulated throughout the town . While reproducing it , we shall leave our readers to guess the reason
of some gaps caused by that peculiar liberty of the press which our Government and its fiscal agents allow us to enjoy at present . Our principal object is to put in relief the fact that , the republican aspiration survives persecutions and slaughters . We were ignorant of what happened in Rome and in Bologna , on the 9 th of February , when we undertook a little while ago to study this question— " Whether in Italian democracy , faith was stronger than persecution ? " We are the more reassured now that our conclusions on that subject will prove triumphant . Here is the proof : — " To-day , three years have passed Since our territories Freeing themselves from a tyrannical yoke , Rose again to a new life . It seemed to be the decree of fate , the reward Of ages of suffering ; And it was but the earnest of a future compact . When the abominations Of and Shall have cancelled all prestige of idolatry From the mind of the peoples , And when the peoples Through enlightenment and sacrifice Shall have profoundly learnt The art of freeing themselves , The return of this day Will bo the beginning of now ages . " Roman Lithographic Press . February Oth , 1852 . The Refugee question is growing more " ugly" every day . It \ H a little cloud that threatens to overspread the whole political horizon of Europe . Our Paria correspondence of last week mentioned the hostile mid imperious attitude of Franco towards Switzerland , both an to the expulsion of rofugces and tho freedom of the Federal Institutions ; tho correspondent of the Morning Chronicle , writing from Borne , circumstantially confirms the report of an insolent note of tho French Government to tho Federal Council , and of still inoro insolent language held by tho French Minister of Foreign Affairs to the Swiss Minister at Paris , Austria
is said " to be at the bottom of the whole affair . " The upshot isi that " matters are complicated , and the relations of Switzerland with France , notwithstanding the disavowals of Louis Napoleon , anything but friendly . " On the part of the " Prince President , " this conduct is , as the Times remarks , doubly base : as it was Switzerland that once granted him , a convicted conspirator , at the ' risk of her own independence , a secure and jealous asylum .
Lord Granville ' s apologetic concessions have been responded to by Austria with an asperity that proves how little is obtained by diplomatic capitulations—even of language—to the exacting vindictiveness of absolutism . In December last , Prince Swartzenburg endeavoured , in a captious and offensive form , to establish a parallel between the treatment , by the English Government , of a notorious Americ an sympathizer , who was arrested , under very equivocal circumstances , in Ireland , in the thick of the outbreak of ' 48 , and the proper course to be pursued by Austrian authorities towards unsuspected English travellers in a time of profound peace .
In the latest dispatch , dated the 4 th of this month , and addressed to the Austrian Minister in England , Schwartzenburg acknowledges the perusal of Lord Granville ' s reply to the " reclamations ; " does not " contest to England the right of asylum itself , " nor pretend to declare the means to .- " obviate the flagrant abuses of that right . " After taking note of Lord Granville ' s " assurances , " and expressing a hope that the English Government will employ " all legal means at its disposal" to " fulfil its international duties , " the dispatch concludes with this vague and indefinite menace , which , says the Times , " affords indisputable evidence that the vindictive spirit of the Austrian minister is directed , not so much against any particular system of foreign policy as against this country itself . "
" Meantime , however successful may be these dispositions of the English Government , the almost unbounded freedom of action enjoyed hitherto by the refugees in England , in concocting revolutionary schemes against the tranquillity of the states of the continent , imposes upon us the duty of taking on our side some precautionary measures to shield us against the inconveniences and dangers of which that freedom is the source . The Imperial authority will receive immediate instructions to be doubly on their guard against travellers from England , and to carry out to the latter , as regards their passports , the regulations in vigour , to which , under other circumstances , exceptions were made in favour of British subjects . The Imperial Government , moreover , reserves to itself to take ulterior measures , should they , unhappily , he found necessary . "
So much for Schwartzenberg to Granville . Now what will Lord Malmesbury say and do as Tory minister of Liberal England ? We shall not forget to take note of his every word , spoken or written ; and of all his acts and tendencies . England is not Tory because her ministry is Tory , unless it be in the fine old Tory jealousy of the national honour . The foreign policy of our new phenomenal Cabinet will be not less closely watched than its commercial .
From Prussia we have accounts of the gradual restoration of all the old abuses more summarily than cautiously abolished in ' 48 * The whole interior political organization is being , in two words , which we coin for tho purpose , unconstitutionalized , and ( even to some extent ) refeudalized . In a debato in the First Chamber , as to the right of government to re-assemble the Provincial Diets , formally abolished by the law of March , 1850 , the Minister of tho Interior took occasion to protest against the " right" of the Chambers to discuss the legality of administrative fxroccedings , and went so far as to exclaim that constitutionalism was tho highroad to " revolution and Socialism . "
An important political trial has recently caused a sensation in Berlin . The arraigned personage was Count Henri von Arnim , titular Minister of State , ex-Ambassador , and ex-Mini « ter of Foreign Affairs in the brief lil > cral days . Ho was ( if we are not mistaken ) the reprcHcntntive of Pruswia at Paris in February , ' 48 . Count Arnim wan accmed of calumniating tho Government by liin writings . Ho wore his " decorations" at the trial , which woh conducted with closed doors . Ho was found guilty of nn " ofl ' ciiHivo reference" to the Minister ( Manteuffcl ) , whom ho hud accused of truckling to the counter-revolutionary policy of Austria , and of obHcquiounncMH to Schwurt / cnbucg . " The sentence * was a fine of 200 thalors , or fpur months'imprisonment . Tho Emperor of Austria is reported to bo going to Hungary and Croatia . In tho latter province , tho Ban Jellachich is rapidly losing hi * popularity . Tho Vienna police are more vexatious than over . Strikes for wages aro serious crimoH in that latitude , as it appears by an oxtract from tho Imperial Qaxette , which contains tho sentence of Maria Niohweger , a cigar-roller , to four months' imprisonment in irons and
twenty stripes with rods , for inciting her feUow-iabour ers to strike for wages ; The Sardinian government is sai < l to be " about to send a special mission to Vienna , " to " renew friendly relations ; ' ^ and important changes in the politics of the cabinet of ' Turin are looked for . Austria has promised to mediate between Piedmont and the Pope .. ' „' . ¦ ' .. . ~ ' ' Letters from Naples state that the new ministry of the king have lately set some political prisoners at liberty , and alleviated the tortures of others . Poerio Nisco and 51 others have been removed fr om Ischia to a new prison in the interior of the Country . The king begins to think it worth his while to conciliate the public opinion of England .
At Rome the anniversary of the Republic was celebrated with official precision , according ' to the secret order of the day of the invisible government . A salute of 100 guns was fired by petards in different parts of the city , simultaneously-, before the very eyes of the French troops . The French are building large cavalry barracks at the cost of the city . New and heavy taxes upon the primary articles of consumption , a forced contribution of 250 , 000 scudi , and an augmentation of the land-tax are the latest " popular" measures of the Papal Government , designed by Cardinal Antonelli . Under the blessings of these new taxes , the Carnival has commenced , without masks !
At Madrid there have been great rejoicings , illuminations , processions , &c ., in honour of the Queen ' s escape from assassination , and of her convalescence after confinement . Her Majesty has been making some very rich presents tofihe shrine of the Virgin at the church of Atocha . These offerings were brought to the church in great pomp , and' d <* posited on the altar by royal hands . Among ofclve ^ ijnfts , were tie garments worn by the Queen or f : ^? 'day of the attempted assassination . ¦ ¦ ' ' ¦ ¦ ¦ *' ¦ ' . ; " . ' .- " ¦'¦/ .. ¦ Austria has resolved to send a representative to the approaching Commercial Congress at Berlin , and to make great efforts , through the agency of Bavaria , to acquire a commanding'influence in the reconstruction of the Zollverein . The commercial treaty between Hanover and the Zollverein has been completed .
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LOUIS BLANC AND MAZZINI . Lettee II . ( To tlie Editor of the Leader . ) In his address to the Society of the Friends of Italy M . Mazzini declares that he is neither " anarchist" " terrorist . " He thunders against what he calls the " wild , absurd , immoral dream of Communism . " He inveighs against the abolition of property . He repudiates the forced establishment and the universalized application of a system of social organization as of a nature to infringe upon the principle of liberty . He resists the
suppression of capital , treating it , as " evil to cut down the tree for the sake of the momentary enjoyment of its fruit . " He does not admit of equality of salaries , which he accuses of taking into no account the moral worth of the workman . In fine , he stigmatizes the ex clusive worship of material interests , and the materialist doctrine which results in " substituting the problem of tho kitchen of humanity" to that of humanity itself . On tho other hand , he affirms that he is no Socialist , " in tho sense in which tho word is understood by systemmakers and sectarians in a neighbouring country . " that
Now , as it mi ght be concluded from these words the " system-makers and the sectarians ina neighbouring country" ( France ) desire that which M . Mazzini rejects ; that is to say , anarchy , terrorism , a savage Communism , the abolition of liberty and of property , the suppression of capital , tho worship of the golden calf , and as such an interpretation would be of a nature to effectually sorvo ( most certainly against M . Mazzini ' s intentions ) that grand conspiracy of falsehood which began by plotting against Socialism , and has at length enmeshed all Europe , —it is important that tho exact truth should bo well known . In tho first place , the French SooiAMSTS ABE NOT ANAUOniSTS .
Tho first writer who in Franco dared , to make himself tho theorist of anarchy was M . Proudhon . But far from being a Socialist , M . Proudhon has exhausted , in attacking Socialism , all tho venom of ' . bittor talent . A partisan of competition , unlimited and uncurbed , ft " enemy to association , a violent assorter of individualism ' M . Proudhon has always bolongcd to that selfish school of laissex faire , laissez passer , laissez mourir , against which tho Socialists havo protested in tho name 0 * the common brotherhood of mankind , under the » n 8 PlJ \ " tion of tho Christian sontimont , and on bohalf of tl » o people . Open , if you will , M . Proudhon ' a pnncipi " work , his System of Economic Contradictio ns ; y °
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194 THE LEADER . [ S ^
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), Feb. 28, 1852, page 194, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1924/page/6/
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