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+ 11 Had the fade to ask the English House of piers to leave Mm to settle ; in this summary f sbion , the matter with the French ambassador , ! lto leave thempower to arrange the laws of this untry in sucli behalf ! We repeat , not only is the claim the most impudent which w ; eever reember to have been advanced in a British Par-1 ainent , but it is also the most remarkable intance of personal unconsciousness , as to the potion in which a public man stood , that we ever remember to have witnessed ^ . . weekh the scandal had
In one short , owever , become too great even for the apathy and optimism of the English Parliament , On Monday , Lord Malmesbury was compelled to withdraw the bill , for the present . He confessed , in the Mather case , that he had sanctioned Mr . Scarlett ' s surrender of principle through inadvertence ; lie now confessed that lie had been mistaken in the French law ; only as Mr . Scarlett had misled him in the Tuscan affair , so the French ambassador had misled him in the Parisian affair . He went so far as to confess , that " even yet he did
not understand the full bearing of the French law , " on the strength of which lie had been inviting the British Peers to legislate ! " As far as I do understand it at present , "he said , " it would seem to give the French Government a power to reclaim any criminal from any part of the world wherever he committed the offence—though it was not committed on French ground , and though the party were not a Frenchman . "
" res , " said Lord Brougham : " Englishman in London . " "I will beg to suggest , "interrupted Lord Malmesbury , " that we should have no discussion at present upon this bill / ' Certainly not : the less said about it the better ; and , Lord Malmesbury having confessed what he denied last week , their Lordships did agree , accordingly , to hush up the matter for the moment . The two cases of the French law and the
Mather outrage , are not so disconnected as careless observers-might suspect . We do not mean to aver , indeed , for , we should have no proof of the assertion , that there is any express or organized connexion between the two cases , but we do mean to say that they are separate parts of one great system , which we have long since emphatically denounced , and which is making- manifest progress on the continent . The Austrian soldiery occupy Tuscany under a convention which prevents their being withdrawn excepting by the
consent of both parties ; in other words , Tuscany cannot cast off the protectorate of Austria . We have seen that the arbitrary and deadly rules of the Austrian service are enforced even against Uritish subjects in the Tuscan capital . The law recently passed by Louis Napoleon's legislature , renders all persons , whether French subjects or foreigners , in France or out of it , liable to the power of French law , whenever the French Government can seize them , either in person or by proxy ; and wo have seen an English Minister , who boasts of the super-excollent understanding that now subsists with the French Government ,
asking the English Peers , by a statute of their own , to meet the degrading despotism of France lialf way , and to extend Napoleonic law to this country . It is quite evident that the French Government contemplates a kind of ^ rand Police league , including the whole of Europe , and transferring to the police law that control of contumacious patriots , which lias hitherto boon exorcised by Austria , through the instrumentality of lior bayonets ; and Franco has alroady found , V the accidents of our ministerial crises , a Minister in an English Cabinet willing to bring England within that polico law .
But , wo say , tho Cabinet which Lord Malraosliury has irremediably disgracod by his public "fits , cannot shu / Ho off tho responsibility for-its own sharo in thoso acts , by dismissing him . Tho mmo Ministor must have known whom ho was "olocting as Foreign Ministor , since Lord Malmos"' U-y ' spooial unfitnoss for that post h ud beon publicl y ohallongod : tho French Ministerial proas had nut forth its damnatory congratulations
that a personal friend of Louis Napoloon's had Jnion appointed as her Majesty ' s Secretary of Ntuto for Foreign Affairs , on tho recommendation ° f Lord Derby . If tho accusation implied in that terrible praise had been false—if Lord Derby had , known that his friond and colloaguo would disprove tho suspicion by Ms conduct , he would have boen quite justified in making tho appointment ; but his friend and colleague has trebly confirmed the accusation by bis conduct , and tho
event has gone far to prove that Lord Derby appointed the volunteer agent of the French Government as her Majesty ' s Secretary of State , in ho ignorance , but with a deliberate choice and intention . It maybe true that Lord Malmesbury was only intended to act ad interim until the arrival of Lord Stratford ; but at such a time , even a provisional appointment entails its grave responsibility , and Lord Derby must be answerable for the consequences of giving Lord Malmesbury his brief hour , to debase the reputation , to sell the honour , and to prostitute the influence of England abroad . Nay , the public has a right to infer the spirit of the Government from the selection of its
colleague for so prominent a post at a time so critical ; and the Police League , for which Lord Malmesbury was the ready tool , may be inferred to have the good wishes of the Derby Cabinet . The British public will remember , even if Lord Malmesbury be Glenelg'd , that the Cabinet which displayed its spirit in selecting him , still retains the conduct of our foreign affairs . Lord Palmerston has taken fit occasion to
point out a subject of the utmost moment—the position of the smaller Italian States , which claim the immunities of independence , and enjoy the impunities of dependence upon Austria ; a position not only fatal to the growth , but to the maintenance even of the liberty or national independence in Europe . The question is not to be set aside by the taunt , that Lord Palmerston himself had interfered in Italian affairs without absolute success . Everybod y now knows , and we even rejoice to find , that in the last Cabinet What
Lord Palmerston was not a free agent . - ever his shortcomings or ambiguities may have been , the question itself still remains unsolved , and still looms every day more menacing to the future of Europe . But that is not all . The Governments of Europe are more than ever keeping their interests divorced from those of their peoples ; they are step b y step re-arranging the dynastic geography of the continent ; and Downing Street , still acting secretly and apart from England , is helping them in that combination . The territory of Neufchatel is at this
moment dragged back under the power of Prussia , herself forced to belong to the Austrian Police League . The Downing Street which is aiding that oppression , in the name of " England , " and with the power of the Empire , is , in fact , Lord Malmesbury ; and will be , even after he is Glenelg'd , the Malmesbury-making Cabinet . Again , on the other side of the world , important navi of the St
questions , such as the free gation . Lawrence , are mooted between the English and American Governments—that is to say , between Downing Street and Washington . At present , Malmesbury is able . to act in the name , and with the power of " England ; " and , even after he is Glenelg'd , the Malmesbury-raaking Cabinet will have tho power to act and speak in the name of England , against tho pooplo of England and America . „
Talk of tho present Government as " Conservative' ' ! It is the most subversive of old English ideas , tho most arbitary , and tbo most imbecile , tho most hostile to tho Peace of the World , the most derogatory to , the good name of England , the most hazardous to the safety of the . Empire , that we have eyer had . However brief may bo its existence , it will have lived too long .
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A NEW MINISTRY ON THE TAPIS . We are not authorized to state that hor Majesty has " sent for" Mr . Ex-sheriff Nicoll ; and we aro convinced that tho statomont would at least bo premature ; but our roaders will bo able to judge as to tho probability of such an occurrence from what we arc enabled to state . When tho resignation of Lord John Russell placed tho conduct of public affairs in tho hands of Lord Dorby , tho public hailed with ^ satisfaction tho chanco which then appeared to oflor itself , ot » ¦ ill - «™ cC «^ v ^ l imirivnl i \ Y f . nrt Off ! lift- * 1 auyhwi v ««~
__ tryinguuo ion / 4 uruuuauu . . — - ~ — bility and landed interest plan of government . Having for tho time uaod up all tho genuino popular demands which tho old Whigs had boon educated to accept , tho Whig Government ondoavourod to carry on public business by tho help of falling into this or that " interest . At first it was tho Irish andO'Connoll interest ; but that not proving specific enough , tho Liberal Ministry took up with tho factory interest . Having got all that it wanted out of the Liberal Ministry , the factory interest became a less
profitable connexion to that distinguished , party ; and latterly , the interest most cultivated Has been that which may be called ^ he Electionagency interest , to which Lord John , offered a great tribute or sacrifice in his last " Parliamentary Representation Bill" for promoting election contests and other business profitable to the interest in question . This speculation haying come to an end , as we have said , public aflairs were transferred to Lord Derby , who immediately issued circulars by his agents to " the old nobilitv" interestthe landed interest , the shipping
, interest , and several of the larger commercial interests , which rested their expectations of profit more immediately on a renewal of Protection . But the " old nobility" dodge has not succeeded ; the youngnobilitynot answering to sample . " Runnymede , " who proves himself able to appreciate the spirit of the old barons , is a gentleman who traces his descent from Venice ; but our young nobility cannot be induced to stir up their
ambitions higher than Newmarket or tne clubs . The reader will perceive the reason for the allusion with which we commenced , when he observes how necessary it has become to extend the basis of political combinations ; and we are betraying no secret when we say , that if the next Ministry , to follow out the direction and tendencies of its predecessors , must issue its manifesto , announcing its anxieties on behalf of interests more specific than any which have hitherto been addressed , by political leaders .
Free trade has had its day , is accomplished , and has no longer any official vocation j the old corporate interests are superannuated ; and it is evident that the dominant influence of the day is the retail interest , as represented by the advertising classes . The next Ministry therefore , extending its basis beyond even the bounds of Manchester , will take Regent-street , Fleet-street , and Cornhill , into the coalition . It was probably from some vague intimation of the kind , but confounding persons , that a foreign journal recently spoke of Lord John Russell ' s address " to the electors of the Strand . "
As at present advised , we shall not be rash in anticipating that the address of the next Minister will commence by avowing that no statesman can . safely disregard the " genius of the epoch ; " and that accordingly he has accepted the gracious commands of his Sovereign on the basis of recognizing the claims of " the Eureka shirt" interest , and of giving that position in the council ' s empire which it lias already attained in public confidence to the Registered Palet 6 t . At this delightful season of the year , too large a number of the population is rendering its testimony to the practical benefits of Rowland s Kalydor for that to be any longer excluded from nfflmnl allinnno . especially since Macassar has
already established itself on the Treasury bench . If our national institutions have found their maintenance less in the obstinate adherence to old abuses than in gradual and conservative reforms , tho now ministry will place its trust for the future in " Minoral Succedaneum , and will expect to consolidate the shattered parts oi tho empire with " Anodyne cement . " . The progress of Insurance Companies will bo alluded to with proper emphasis and amplitude , and no doubt will bo suffered to romam as to the intention of the ministry to canvass for tho support of all thoso valuable institutions .
Our import trade has always formed a paramount object of attention with tho statesman , but it will bo reserved to tho now Cabinet to greet with its proper recognition , " Tho Standard , or Natural Shorry , " which has already taken its placo amongst public influences . The Chancellor of tho Exchequer will not fail to form his budget with an oyo to tho " Money to bo advanced to any amount , on tho most reasonable terms ;" while Newfoundland and tho salt-fish intorcsfc will rejoice to seo tho first admission of Harvey ' s Sauco into a ministerial programme .
II ; has boon rumoured in cirolos usually well informed , that tho now ministry is not regarded with much favour at Court , but will have to ei \ - countor difficulties such as thoso that Sir Robert Pool overcame , —a rumour , tho truth of which may be estimated by the fact , that the new ministry will not be without tho support of " Ah * Old Windsor soap . " , ' ' Political questions havo como to on end ; but the formation of this ministry , —a happy secmd to the idea of the Crystal Palace ,- —solves tho question of tho dead-lock , and supplies us at
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Juke 19 , 185 ^ THE LEABEE . __ _
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), June 19, 1852, page 587, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1940/page/15/
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