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Leader (1850-1860), 4th December 1852, Edition Town of 2, Page 1159, Untitled Article

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      Untitled Article

      in the military departments . When we understand too , though we can in no degree vouch for the fact , that a hundred police have been sent over to Paris to fraternise with , the police in that capital , and to learn how to discriminate between sate and dangerous politicians , we must have a fear that Austrian principles have obtained a footing in our departments ; nay , that they regulate the practical administration of this country . In short , there are signs in the conduct of the Government which make us fear that our responsible rulers sympathize much more

      with that particular person who is most likely to be the invader of this country , than they sympathize with , the English , people . Under such , circumstances the second safeguard to the increase of the standing army is in serious danger—for that safeguard is public opinion , and we find our rulers suppressing public opinion . Nay , we find our more influential classes acquiescing in that suppression . But a recognition of the danger is the first step towards counteracting it . The best counteractive to the resistance of a standing army

      is a manly population , and perfect liberty of opinion , wherever opinion may find expression . It is time , therefore , that the people of this country should look after the insidious conduct of those departments in the Government which are not military , because we are called upon , under circumstances that forbid refusal , to increase that standing army which may hereafter , should it not be antagonized by the proper influences , lie at the disposal of an Absolutist Government in Downing-street .

      Untitled Article

      A MODEL CONSEEVATIVE . To W . B . may be assigned the merit of having furnished the best possible illustration of the system to which Conservatives adhere as safer than an extended franchise . When Conservatives object to grant a national suffrage , they always allege that they have no'desire to exclude the people , but that a suffrage extended to the general body of the people miglit be dangerous in its working , and that they prefer to rely upon a franchise limited as it is , or , as they say , upon our existing institutions . We want to know , then , how these existing institutions work , and , above all , it is satisfactory when we see these institutions worked under the personal supervision of discreet and Conservative statesmen .

      W . B . is a model Conservative , a model Protectionist , and when he is engaged with hia own hand in working one of our model institutions , we may suppose that we have the very perfection of practical statesmanship . We find that working to be peculiar . The Protectionists professed , in the general election , to consult the opinion of the country on the subject of Protection or Free-trade , and we want to sec how a Protectionist submitted that proposition to tho country . From the disclosures made by Sir Alexander Cockbum , tho process

      appears to be this . When a distinguished Protectionist wishes to consult the opinion of tho town of Derby on a great national question , ho asks for " a good safe man , with judgment and quickness , " not in Derby , but in Shrewsbury . But this " good quick man , " who comes from Shrewsbury to work tho appeal in Derby , must ' pretend that he comes from Chester . That seems to be an essential part of tho process . Another essential of the process is , that lie must go to an himself

      inn at a central part ; of tho town , conceal in a room which has a separate entrance and a separate exit , and ho must have a plan for eluding tho police . Ifo must then possess u considerable amount of money , which , by another essential in the process , ho must call . " hor . se nails ; " and , with that money , ho must bribo a millieient number of electorn in the town of Derby , according to tho private wishes of tho directing Conservative . Very good ; wo now Hee how our model institution works . When a

      gentleman npeeially interested m maintaining our institutions , wishes to ascertain "the opinion ol the country , " he does it in thin wise : wishing to consult Derby he Honda a man from Shrewsbury , trained in avoiding the police , ami protending that he comes from Chester ; thorium brings with him money , which he calls " horse-nails ; " and he tf ivos these horse-nails to a Miillicient number of the more corruptible voters , to gainsay the real opinion of Derby , and make it scorn as if ho opinion of Derby * were the namo as the private opinion of W . 1 > . Wo can now understand why these gentlemen

      of the " ancient ways" object to extension of the franchise . It is evident that if the franchise were extended to embrace the bulk of the English people , it would be much more difficult for any W . B . to dictate in a particular town . W * . B . sitting in Downing-street would require a much larger number of " good quick men" and a much larger supply of " horse-nails" than W . B . can command ; for even at present he confesses

      with regret that he has not always horse-nails enough to turn out a Strutt . One can perceive that if there were a much larger demand for good quick men the expense of that article would be greatly increased . Already the good quick man who went from Shrewsbury to Derby , vid Chester , sneered at the moderate amount which the modest people expected for the votes they sold ; but if there were an increase to the business

      of good quick men , they would of course expect , not only we might suppose more fees , but larger fees . They would prove very ostriches in the devouring of horse-nails to their own share . The only mistake that appears to have been committed on the part of W . B . is his too great trust in his agents . It is not every subordinate that can feel the same patriotic desire to consult these secrets of patent statemanship . It is evident that he relied too much on the Frail sect .

      W . B . has stooped to folly , and found too late that good quick men betray . Frailty , thy name is W . B .

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      THE GAREISON INVINCIBLES AT STAFFORD HOUSE . When time had applied its cooling snows to the temples of Binaldo , he probably thought of the blandishments of Alcina , less with indignation than regret . To do wrong is grievous to the mindful conscience , when the wrong has been ugly and unpleasant ; but when it has been delicious , the sin is but the spice of the delight ; and as the criminal said when the judge reprimanded him , " My lord , I glory in it . " With our austerest sense of justice and policy , had it been our fortune to be inveigled into the saloons of Stafford House , on Monday last , we are perfectly certain that our American sympathies , our practical anxiety for . the future of the Black population in that republic , our regard for the true dignity of England , our common sense , would all have clean vanished , and we should have been Abolitionists par amours . Lord Shaftesbury perfectly understands how to inveigle public opinion , when he engages the charming and titled Alcinas to entice English opinion into an Abolitionist Bower of Bliss , such as Stafford House . Lord Shaftesbury knows the art of using decoys . Let his example bo profitable to leaders of Parliament . Turn " the women of England" upon the Opposition in the Commons , and the stoutest of Kadicals would rush into the

      lobby with Shaftesbury . After tho most elegant of orgies , reason is apt to feel a headache ; and wo may ask ourselves whether this seductive method of politics be the most wholesome . The austere responsibility of the morrow is apt to scrutinize , perhaps . some what harshly , the seductions of the eve ; and wo may enquire whether Lord Shaftesbury'h agitating liareem really constitute " the women of England . " Wo are not apt to find amongst the women of England so large a proportion of titles .

      It appears to us upon the whole much more like an evening party , or a semi-scientific soiree on the eve of an election . There were , indeed , some ladies who felt tho gross impropriety of appearing in that saloon attached to tho theatre of politics . They naw that English women parading in a festival of political sympathy , might be reproached with the slaves whom they employ at homo to deck them out for that vory gala . IA > r many of tho women there assembled were dressed in habiliments prepared by white women whose condition , whoso compulsory toil , whose hardshipH , whose agony of existence , is for endurance

      beyond all comparison with that of any Negro in the whole Union . Look through thai , assemblage ; take the gay apparel oil" the charming form on which it hcI ' h ho well ; carry it back into the room in which it wan made , and ask her who made it whether nho would hesitate to exchange with the JNegro for whom the wearer wan agitating ? Other ladies remembered that English women have no businoHH fo trifle with tho institutions of foreign countries ; otherH remembered that even cloHo ' to tho persons of these same agitators , there are alaveH who inuy be compared with tho moat

      unland into his service , as decoys and handmaids . If there is discredit to them in their false position before the public , it is due to his most unseemly measure in dragging them forth—in subjecting them to these protests—in making them the object of the judicious sarcasms of the Times , not the less cutting because lightly and pleasantly worded . There is indeed a sound public opinion growing up in this country , teaching the public writers that the question which they have formerly handled in so summary a manner is too difficult for them to settle ; although it is not too difficult to have engaged the most earnest and vigorous intellects of America , now patiently working for its ultimate solution . To them we must leave it .

      fortunate of the mixed races in America , companions and governesses—slaves trained to enjoy refined society , whose habitual life it is to endure the ignoring of their companions , intentional slight , hourly mortification . We are not alone in perceiving the gross improprieties of this movement . We acquit the ladies . We are certain that amongst the large number there , whatever little vanity tiWe may have been onthe surface , the prevalent impulsewaa a generous feeling . The person we accuse is Lord Shaftesbury ; who has been content to te - > a canting and superficial view of the subject ; who , Conservative as ho is , has rashly undertaken to shake American politics in their most difficult part , and has seduced the titled women of

      Eng-If we wanted a proof of the excessive inconvenience which must result from interfering , we might point to the difficult case in New York North and South have to consider , not only the working of the Fugitive Slave Act , sufficiently troublesome in itself , but the maay collateral and branching forms in which the temporary custody of slaves in a free State will continue to present itself . It is by the discussion of these collateral

      questions that the healthy public opinion of the United States will develope itself . The ladies of England , in Stafford House assembled , cannot aid that hard and troublesome discussion ; but the impertinent intrusion of Lord . Shaftesbury ' s dictation might do mischief . The less , however , since the announcement of his indecorum will bo accompanied by the powerful qualification from the dissidents , from the Times , and other members of the public press .

      Untitled Article

      THE TOOTH AS IT IS IS BUDII . In the face of Inglis , Sir John Pakington uttered some alarming principles and announcements . The ostensible subject was Budh , but the real subject was much more comprehensive . Sir Ilobert had put leading questions as to the complicity of the Government in certain idolatrous practices of Ceylon ; and , although replying on a subject of religious truth , Sir John so far forgot himself as to remind the querist that there were " treaty obligations ! " On slighter ground than such it . reply many a man has been called " infidel . " What are treaty obligations with I he heathen ? No doubt it is very heinous in tho i ' ope to absolve ; his faithful from their treaty

      obligations , because the . Pope is an " idolator ;" but since we Protestants have hold of the truth , the real infallible truth , we possess a divine test to distinguish between right and wrong ; and wo know that , there can he no obligation , oven b y treaty , binding upon 1 he owners ol a . true faith towards " idolaters . " That axiom they recognise

      in Ceylon ; but Sir John Pakington goes ho far as to deny the canon . Although , a Conservative , and " serious" in religious matters , " he will be no party to any such principle . " We quote his own words . I . Nwitivoly he recognises temporals as equal , between 7 nan and man , to spiritual obligations ; and in bis capacity of Secretary of tho Colonies does not acknowledge his duly to determine what is final truth .

      . However , by dial , of recognising treaty obligations , and surrendering certain land an a , mib-Ktitute for a yearly tribute l <> JJudh , » Sir John ban go I , over " the " dillieulty ; ami the Ceylon Government has barked oui ; of its direct participation in tho mysteries . Jt has oeased to be custodian of the ' sacred tooth . This ought , to bo na . tiHfar . tory fo the iconoclast interest , of which Sir Robert Jnglin is the representative . V \ n < l yet it , implies a further proposition which ought , to he alarming . Let us remember that , the liudlnHt poi'HUimion was a religion as by law established ; ho that Sir John has disestablished an establishment—has Hovered a connexion between Church

      Untitled Article

      December 4 , 1852 . ] ** T H E LEADER . U 59

  • Citation
    • Leader (1850-1860), Dec. 4, 1852, page 1159, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1963/page/11/