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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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All memories , however , are not cut short by a 2 nd of December . The worthy and tenacious lawyer at Brooklyn still recollects one fact , important to him : " Louis Napoleon , " he says , "is still indebted to us for counsel fees and disbursements . " JSTow , will the Yankee forego that claim ? Is it not evident policy in him to go to Paris with his " little bill" ? Surely an American citizen will not be compelled to waive his just demand on the client of the old gaol in the Park P Surely Imperial Napoleon will not repudiate ?
Or if the Brooklyn editor , bearing his little bill in person , were recklessly seized by the irresponsible despot , surely the star-spangled banner would extend its protecting shadow over him P It would be worth while raising that question of international accountability . Europe has often invaded America : here is an easy mode * by which America might invade Europe , in the person of Louis Napoleon ' s friend , with his little bill for counsel fees and disbursements , in defending Napoleon III . under a charge of misdemeanour .
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REPRODUCTIVE EMPLOYMENT AND THE AMENDED ORDER . The Thanet Union has been one of our most faithful illustrations of the principle of reproductive employment , and this year we learn that the experiment proceeds with increasing success . The Guardians have made a profit of 951 . in the year , a decided increase upon our last report . The land was very poor when they took it , and they have not had it more than three years ; the rent is 21 . 10 s . per acre ; tithe on the whole , 61 . 3 s . lid . per year ; and every expense , labour excepted , is accounted for . All labour was done by the inmates , with great incidental advantages to themselves . " Many of the old men spend hours in the fresh air , where they can work if they please , very little , if any , restraint being put upon them . Latterly they have not had an able-bodied inmate in the house the labour being principally done by the elders and boys . All appear benefited by this industrial farm , and no one injured . Many a skulking fellow from the watering-places of Eamsgate and Margate is prevented from going into the house , because he knows that there he must work . " And this effect takes place notwithstanding the fact that the diet is better than it is in other
Unions . The workers are , in a certain degree , rewarded for their exertion , as the Officers are interested in the farm proceedings , and the Governor is an adept in agricultural pursuits . " The men are treated more humanely , yet the farm does not prove an attraction for the idler , as a priori and rigorous economists of the old school would have presumed . How many fallacious assumptions against reproductive employment do these facts refute
In August last , the Poor Law Commissioners issued an order forbidding relief to various descriptions of paupers , excepting in kind or in the shape of work . This was held by many Poor Law Reformers not only as a return to the principle of the 4 : hd of Elizabeth , but also ; ih an adoption of the principle of reproductive employment . We are aware that ' we caused . some chagrin to very good friends of ours for not
recognising it m that ; sense , and we still observe that ; tho principle of reproductive employment is not directly enforced b y the amended order . On the other hand , si 1 though there has been a great ; deal of discussion on the subject , it is ei | Uiilly the fact that the princi ple of reproductive employment is not , prohibited by the order . The Guardians are required so give able-bodied persons relief in the form of work- flw > v uv <> mIImiv ,., ! i , » relief m the form of work they are allowed to
; use their discretion in a . variety of ways , and it appears to iih that , under a strict , interpretation of tho order , they are free either to make the work test-labour of the kind contemplated at the iirst amendment of the Poor Law in IHIlt ,, or reproductive employment , in the sense of the Poor Ijiuv Reform Association . The deliberate olmracter of this Amended Order , gives the
omission almost us much value sis n positive licence . Tho question is an open question—this we regard as being in itself a great advance . Down to the present year , it was , m far as' authority goes , u closed question , and it in mainly through tho exertions of onterpriHing GiinnliiMS , Much aH those at Thanet , Cork , and other pljieeM , aided by the Hystonmtic labours of the Poor Law . Reform Association , that the question Iuih been thuu natisliictorily reopened .
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NAPOLEON III . AND HIS MILITARY DEMOCRACY . Thus far Louis Napoleon ' s success has been complete , has perhaps outgrown his own expectations . Without any very decided achievements , he has fairly won the good-will of the great bulk of the French people , and trustworthy accounts convince us that he is really popular . The plan of action that he is developing is one precisely suited to the French ' genius . He is constructing a true military despotism , based on democracy ; for however fraudulent his original appeal to the people of France may have been , he is now filling up that blank form with genuine facts . The scheme which is credibly imputed to him attests the striking reliance of the man in himself and his own method . He is about to construct the whole male population of France into one vast army . By that means , according to the calculations of more timid statesmen , he is forfeiting the exclusive power of the Executive Government , by merging it in the power of the whole people . But to our apprehension , if we are rightly informed as to his plan , be is taking
one method towards employing all the true elements of government ; these ? elements areopinion , affection , and force . In constructing a machine to restore the glory of France , be is both reviving and fulfilling a permanent opinion in that nation . By his conduct in furnishing employment and amusement , lie is winning their si flection ; and so long as he can keep these two elements working , the extension of power to the whole body of the people is but an addition to his own force .
Whatever may be the diiliculties which his exfended resources entail upon him at home , there can lie i \ b doubt that it' he should succeed , lie will steal a inarch upon bis rivals abroad , in a niiinner which they will have great difficulty to match . Collectively , they will be able to bring some : j , ( K ) O , O ( H ) of soldiers into tho iield ; but be can hring even a greater number ; and while their councils must inevitably be distracted by separate interests , he , would move bis enormous army with the will of one nation , him I that ; the . most military nation in ICurope . Other potentates might den ire . to imitate him , but they have not studied Statecraft with . so much foresi ght . They have placed themselves in a poBition hucIi that they cannot trust , any of the people subject to them , as ho can . With tho doubtful exception , of Pruswia , there is no absolute Monarch in Kuropo who could arm the whole body of Iuh people without creating the means of liiw own dethronement . Wo know , indeed , of but one parallel to the policy of Louis Napoleon , and that ; is one in some rewpeotH bis political opposite : it is the United States . That . Republic , wil . li a conip . 'irativel y Binall regular army , poaaeHHoa , like the French
Emperor , an effective army in the whole body of its citizens ; not , indeed , drilled for moveable service , as his soldiers will be , but animated by a still more national feeling . That model has been long before us of England , and Louis Napoleon has now doubled it . He has enormousl y deranged the balance of power , as our closet diplomatists have adjusted it ; but there is no redressing the balance , save by copying his process .
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THE ( DECEASED ) BUDGET DISSECTED . III . The object with which , we proposed to examine the budget , which is now defunct , was neither to attack nor to support a ministry ; and as that object is not changed by the events of the week , we persist in our intention . We wish to derive from passing circumstances some elucidation of general principles . We may at least as well discuss the Budget of last week , as the debates on the American war , of eighty years ago : and commonly quite as much is learned from failures duly scrutinized , as from success . The budget of Mr . Disraeli , and the policy sketched out by him in connexion with it , had several features entitled to unequivocal approbation . These were as follow : — 1 . The freeing of our commercial marine from unjust charges , which had nothing but antiquity to recommend and official inertness to conserve them . The agitation for this reform commenced with a committee , procured by Mr . Hume , in 1823 , over which Mr . Wallace presided , and the first steps in the reform itself were taken at the instance of another com mittee , in 1834 , also moved for by Mr . Hume . In 1845 , yet another committee sat on the same subject , and the ministry of Lord John Russell promised the reforms it
proposed , but failed to effect them . The subject thus fell into the bolder hands , or under the more diligent management , of Mr . Disraeli . After the proposal from the Treasury Bench , of measures so just in themselves , it is impossible that either sinister interests , or the convenience of office , can long delay them ; and this much needed reform , together with the now certain abolition of the remaining timber-duties , will do much to unf g tter our mercantile navy for the healthy race before it .
2 . The bringing to public account , and under parliamentary control , of all monies received for the national revenue . About 4 , 5 O 0 , 0 OOZ . is now stopped out of the gross receipts on their way to the Treasury ; this sum is applied to the expenses of collection , to the payment of pensions granted long ago , on the old system of assignments , and perhaps to some other purposes . Wo only stay to say that in no well managed private concern would such an arrangement be permitted . Governments are the last to learn .
3 . Administrative improvements , as distinct from contraction of the objects to be accomplished . These , if effected according to Mr . Disraeli ' s promise , and to the sound but neglected principles he enunciated , would have been equivalent in time to a largo direct economy . It has been . said in the highest quarters of administrative oflico , that if only right principles of selection and superintendence were established , the work of government could be fur butter done than at present with
half the hands . This opinion , however new to hi promulgated from AVhilelmll , and maintained in effect from the ministerial side of the house with Conservatives in ofiicc , is only such an experience in sill other quarters warranty . Compare the work done for privaite parties with flint tlone i ' or govennr . eni , in lin . Y iige or country , and see liow much room there is for this kind . of reform . Jt is not n little to the credit of Mr . . Disraeli ' s eourngo that ho olloml to uiulertsike it .
4 > . The unsettling and prospective reduction of the feu-duties . Wo need only H » y that after former neg lect ; or timid handling of this nui ; ject , ev ^ n ho obvious and easy : i reform haw merit . f > . The distinction of incomes for taxation according to Mio nnUive of their sourro . If the funilainentiu error of taxing income ait adl is to be retained , this is an improvement ; which , the common nense of iiicii required , amd which more ingenuity of argument will hardly now be able to reverse . ( Scientific truth in here really on the same side as common nenyo , aind the budget which adopted their joint conclusion , deserves nil the credit ' which can be given to making the best , of a radical lniHtitke .
0 . The final . settlement of the question of Free-trade . It is not for us to inquire how the members of Lord Derby ' s caibinet , and Mr . J > inmeli in particular , fdaiid with their party . It is enough to know Unit by argunients iind propositions , to whoso force the soleninit ie « of ii formal treaty could add nothing , the chosen ehanipions of l ' roteetiou surrendered it . The few who still retain their faith in it , cun only be parnlleled by f ' " remaining . Jacobites of sixty years ai ^ o . We may fairly
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MR . KIEWAN'S CASE . In the Kirwan case , Mr . Justice Crampton has refused to reserve for the consideration of the Court of Criminal Appeal the points of objection raised by Mr . Butt ; and as the law at present allows a criminal no appeal upon the merits , it seems not impossible that the accused may yet be hanged for , what the Times now calls " alleged" murder—a murder , that is , not proved to have been committed at all , far less shown to hare been committed by him . Great efforts have been made , we understand , by the few people in
this country who care to be active in a question of justice not immediately affecting themselves , to get a few of our leading barristers to attend some demonstration against a verdict so inconsistent with the evidence as that at Dublin , but , unfortunately , with no success . Very many of the best authorities are , however , quite of opinion that the whole evidence given was insufficient to justify the jury in their conclusion , and that a great part of it was worthless from the animus and the palpable
inveracity of particular witnesses . Professional etiquette , delicacy due to the unsuccessful counsel for the defence , and horror of having motives attributed for the good deed , seem to be the reasons which have prevailed over the inclinations of the numerous distinguished members of the bar , whose opinions concur with those expressed in the Leader last week ; the other apology for their inaction , and that which we most readily admit , is , that they cannot persuade themselves to believe that , even as matters stand , the sentence of the law will ever be carried into execution . Neither can we .
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1232 THE LEADER . [ Saturday ,
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), Dec. 25, 1852, page 1232, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1966/page/12/
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