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must be got rid of—that sinecurism must he abolished—that all restrictions which privilege incompetence must be removed—and that an efficient body of really learned men and unshackled witnesses to truth in the different subjects of knowledge , must be established . The rest , they say , they can do for themselves , or if they cannot , it is a pi-oof that the Universities are obsolete .
For our own parts we fully concur in these views . We have no desire to destroy the Universities—far from it ; we desire that by reform they may be strengthened and made permanent ; that education of the best and the cheapest may be had within their walls ; so that our children , and our childrens' children may resort thither with profit to themselves and their generation . It is from very love for her that we would see Oxford reformed , and made the first seminary in the world . All that . is noblest and best in Britain should be able to strive in her schools and carry off her prizes ; and fairly win that Drestitre which association with her confers among
men . Now , the elite of Wealth throng her colleges ; some with little profit , many with none , more for ambition and social rank , few for learning and the true culture of gentlemen . "We want to see the elite of Poverty within those venerable precincts still teeming with glorious traditions , in spite of all that is intolerable and unjust ; and gaining there those noble manners , those solid acquirements , that high character , which stamps the true man . It was for all , and not for a class , that the institution was founded in those wonderful centuries when England was bursting the bonds of black ignorance ; and at this time of day restriction is an iniquity which cries aloud for summary burial . Let the reformers within be true to their convictions , and accept the independent aid of reformers from without , and the " clerical domination" they now complain of will , like all monopolies , be speedily dethroned .
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UNION OF ENGLAND AND AMERICA . " Heaven has joined all who speak the British language , and what Heaven has joined , let no man think to put asunder . " So says the Times , Spenikltxp ; of the Anglo-America ™ alliance . And the Chronicle too , lias a very good moral : Let us , it argues , speak candidly to each other in grand essentials ; but let us be tolerant , if not indifferent , about trifles . The Anglo-American alliance is making way , not merely by the canvassing of votes to support it , but by the real understanding which the several classes of the community are attaining in both countries , as to the community of interest . We have never denied that England and America are practically independent . We have never sought to bind them by treaty stipulations . Wo see that they have a power of reciprocal criticism , and wo observe that it is exercised , almost without measure , on both sides . We have asserted distinctly that both countries possess immense powers of reciprocal injury . These are great facts , which it would bo idle and weak to deny . If England and America chose , they might range themselves on opposite Bides , and inflict blows upon each other ay sea and hind , such as the world has
never witnessed in the conflict of states , luiin , death , and misery could they scar each other with , far beyond the power of any other potentates in the world to wound . But if they also possess the largest amount , of fresh and ready power , there is thin peculiarity in the condition of lilt ; two countries , that whereas they are powerful separately , united they become much more than doubly powerful . Together they furnish a fleet which might defy the world , not only in the number and strength of its ships , but in the fact Mutt no nation can bring a crew to match with either , except the other of the two .
Moreover , there are no two countries , the interest of whose inhabitants is more obviously bound up with the maintenance of political and social freedom . England and America , therefore , are charged with the custody of that which all other great states have abandoned—national freedom ; they alone being nblo effectually to protect it , and they alone can hand it down to future generations . For these reasons it is , that vre view with jealousy any disposition to uncharitable criticism , on the ono side or the other . When the American tuwnU ) Ma with . ou . r Houiul evils—with tho
depressed condition of our working classes—with the hardness of that treatment which characterizes the relation between employer and servant —he reproaches us with evils that we never forget , and that we are making some progress in correcting ; and he makes us feel that if he were to press these reproaches very hard , he might incite such impetuous efforts on the part of the working classes , and such obstinate exasperation on the other side , that instead of mutual concession favouring progress , he might establish nothing but bitter conflicts , obstinate
resistance , and despondency of good . In the like spirit we view the presumptuous criticisms which are hurled at America for the most painful of her institutions . We have always rested our own belief on Locke ' s capital instance , of the process which he calls " bottoming ;" where he says , that when you are about to discuss any subject , you will save yourself trouble by coming at once to the fundamental part of it ; as for example , if the question be raised , whether
the Sultan ought to have power of life and death over his fellow men , you ask in reply , if all men are not equal ; which settles a question , Locke says , needless to discuss : the axiom would equally settle the slavery question . It is held that whatever disparity exists in the faculties of races , yet in the eye of eternal justice , all have an equal claim on generous treatment . Neither can arrogate to use the other as his own property . But when we come to the soil of America , where this truth
appears to need the most vigorous assertion , we find it , especially , in the bands of a party removed from the institution itself and the interest concerned in it , having no practical concern or right of its own ; and uttering the truth as a means of creating social discord dangerous to the very objects of the truth . We find , on the other hand , that there is a practical party distinctly recognising the truth , frankly avowing it ; but going to the opposite interest , and saying to it , " We do not mean to invade you ; we do not mean to visit vour homes with revolt ; we wish
to settle matters as they stand on an intelligible basis ; and having assured you that we will d p nothing sudden or violent , we wish then to plan with your concurrence some means of arranging this great social difficulty consistently with , the honour and future safety of the republic . " That raoderateparty appears to us not to " . compromise " its own views , but only to recognise the existence of two interests , as well as one truth . When you are making a mutual arrangement with slave owners , you must admit tho existence of slave
interests , and you must recognise slavery laws ; not because you approve of slavery , but because the very party with whom you are negotiating represents it . It is simply the recognition of a fact ; and when you procure that party to enter into the compact , any concession you make is but a small price for the progress thus peacefully and securely attained . We hold that the Clay party in the United States occupy that position . To our eye they constitute tho true Abolitionists ; and all that we desire is , by a respectful forbearance from importunities which can do no practical good , to leave the matter in their hands .
In like manner with respect to Cuba ; while we have palliated no piratical invasions , we cannot blind our eyes to the march of facts . Wo discern that the American Union has made up its mind to possess the island , from tho very wildest Looofoco to the disereet Mr . Everett , whose diplomatic letter on the subject has made a deep impression amongst the best ; informed politicians of our own metropolis . When we look at tho map , we see that Cuba is the key to that immense sound ( railed the liny of Mexico , into which is poured the great back road ( if the Missoiiri-MissisKippi stream . Tho Americans have not declared their intention of seizing t-lio
island , but in the mutation of States an opportunity may occur for transferring its ownership , and Avhon that happens , wo do say with tho Americans that they are the people who can logically claim it best . The history of other States allows that they will , in point of fact , acquire it ; as they will also acquiro that Guiana which France has boon stocking with political refugees—pioneers of revolt and annexation . Cuba is destined for the United States ; and we do not grudge them the possession . With this view wo retain all / Hir independence of criticism ; and fairly exercised , such criticism will have the duo effect of public opinion upon intelhgont Neighbour !* , On English grounda we
set an example of abolishing slavery ; and , however imperfectly our measure may have been carried , we have shown that a commercial nation can set duty above profit . The example could not have been lost on the Americans , and it has not been . And the Americans are doing good work when they send over such passages as the following by the correspondent of the Times , in reference to the emigration for the gold diggings .
" I cannot entirely resist the impression that these auriferous motives for emigration may draw off too much of the hardy Anglo-Saxon bone and sinew of England , and open in the vista of the future the possibility of exhausting your productive population . It seems to me that you will be compelled to liberalize all your institutions , to equalize the privileges and conditions of your subjects , in order to present motives strong enough to keep your hardy , working , intelligent men on your own soil . If this business is carried too far , I foresee in my fancy that the attractions on the other side of the world may one day sow your green
island with salt . This , too . may all be well , for it may teach your legislators that lesson which the Times has been ringing in the adder ears of Parliament for so many years , that the exigencies of modern labour , modern commerce , and modern policy , require a larger and more comprehensive legislation for the great mass of the British people . " [ Representations like these will have a great moral effect in strengthening the working classes to support their own interests ; in suggesting to the ruling classes the policy of liberal action ; and in showing the commercial classes that " double-entry" itself demands an enlargement
of our constitutional restrictions . We must give the people a greater interest in the success of the whole community than they y 6 t possess . If the Americans indeed were to organize an association for the purpose of stimulating the English working classes to revolt and to seize political rights , it is probable that not only all the educated classes , but all those who have sympathy with social elevation by birth , might feel called upon to organize themselves , and to maintain our ex elusive constitution by strategy and force . But
there is no such organization , there is no such presumptuous and impertinent attempt . We nave nothing more , and nothing less , than the full force of American opinion in support of our own impulse to render our constitution more national ; to assimilate us , in short , more with that great republic which is our natural companion and ally . These things are far better understood than they were when the Leader was alone in probing this question , and if here and there we meet with misconstruction , we can point to the one great test of merit , practical success .
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TAXATION REDUCED TO UNITY AND SIMPLICITY . TAXATION AND BEPKESENTATION IN TIIE MIDDIJ 5 AGES . The gradual formation of states which followed on tho disorders of the fall of the llomnn Empire took place under circumstances which gave to king , and other sovereigns , little or no power of taxation beyond tho territories held immediately of them tinder feudal obligations . The king was little more than the strongest baron ; and tho theory ( if theory can be , where everything is done under mere pressure of eir $
cuinstfiiMX's ) was , that the king should bear the money expenses of tho state out of the proceeds of his domains . The feudal nobility contributed , as much as they did contribute at all , in the form of military service . They and thoir tenants were exempt from royal taxation ; but this did not protect the commonalty and the towns from the unchecked oppressions of the nobles themselves . This general state of things had , however , its variations ; for while in France the great nobles wero each singly a match , or nearly so , for tho nominal head of the nation , and ho resisted at pleasure his attempts to tax , for national purposes , tho inhubitantsof their estates ,
in England tho royal power was ho predominant , that the country was often . severely taxed by the Conquoror anil his early nuceen . sors at' the mere pleasure of tho king . In Spain , liberty , as far as it is implied in consent to taxation , seems to have flourished at an earlier period than in cither of the two countries already mentioned . For while England was groaning under tho harsh exactions of tho Norman kings , and Franco , not having yet encountered the question of royal taxation , was suffering under tho still more severe fiscal oppressions of tho nobles , tho Cortes of Castile had already gained power enough to refuse , or modify , their king ' s doinuiultj fyr money ; and they earned their inter-
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108 T HE LEADER . [ Saturday ,
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), Jan. 29, 1853, page 108, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1971/page/12/
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