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their inveterate enemies . They remember the Garde Francaise , who would not fire upon , their countrymen . The latest rebellions of France , of Italy , in short , of Europe , have sickened the people with the " rose water" style of action ; and we might hazard a supposition , that in the next popular effort , the aim will be , not so much to fall indiscriminately upon adverse forces—not so much for the populace to waste its own blood uponaGrardeFrancaisethatmaybearrayed against it , but not move against it , —as to call the ringleaders to account . That is the plan which the
Absolutists have followed themselves , as well as the indiscriminate mode of attack ; for they use both modes . So eager have they been for ringleaders , that they have picked out the mildest type for the harshest punishments—a Poerio , a Simoncelli , a Blum , ox a Tazzoli . But the next time that the people lave power in their hands , they will remember the perjurers who forget the clemency that they abjectly receive , such as the Bourbons , the Bonapartes , and the Hapsburghers .
It is not for us to presume the actions of the people when next they rise in power ; but that they will rise once again , and at a year not very far removed , we are certain . Under the protection of immense armies , the Absolutist Kings enjoy the present day ; but they are by their own actions doomed , and they will have their hour . Their victims do but await the rising of the power which shall be greater than the oppressors . The only potentate in certain possession of the future is Revolution ; that is the King of Kings .
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REFORM AND SELF-GOVERNMENT . In all cases of political or social transition , the people should watch new " reforms" for the purpose of seeing that measures , which appear to aim at enlargement of popular influence , do not merely transfer it from one class , elevated by the influence of hereditary and ancient privilege , to another class , less elevated , but not less exclusive . It is particularly necessary in this country . While the Reform Bill brought to the middle class a much larger share of power , the change has had two very remarkable effects . In the first p lace , while it has extended the influence of the trading middle class until it has coloured the more active members of the aristocratic class , who now judge matters very much by the cardinal test of trade , " £ s . d . " it has on the other hand inspired the more ambitious sections of the middle class with a love of grasping power , and material elements of power , for their own class . Those who have truly popular interests at heart will feel less sympathy with some reformers thus actuated , than they will with avowed conservatives , or even " reactionaries . " For example , there are various movements going on in the shape of Law Reform , which save cost to all parties , render justice more accessible and prompt , and altogether bring law more in accordance with the rules of reason , and also of
trade . These are decided amendments ; but there is a great chanco that in the prosecution of such improvement it will be converted too much to the purposes of the mere trading class , with a consequont injury to the community , and a real fortification of claaa intorost . Lot us tako particular instances furnishod by tho discussions of the week . There has long been a , desiro to improve tlio laws relating to tho tenure of land , in England
as well as Ireland , by rendering titles moro certain , and by facilitating transfer . So far ns these improvements go to remove antiquated , cumbersome , and expensive procedures , thoy aro a decided gain . But there aro some incidental consequences not so clearly a profit . A parliamentary title for land , registered on tho principle of a ten years enjoyment of ownership , would make mincemoat of many reversionary interests . But it would do much moro : it would break
down groat fumily estates , and with those estates our " territorial aristocracy . " Well , even that chango might bo witnosaod without much grief ; for in our day tho " territorial aristocracy" has shown a very imperfect consciousness of its own duties , wo will not say to its follow subjects , but to itself . Those who inherited , thoir land on tho condition of military service have- taken advantage of social changes tliat render tho military service out of date , mid hnvo not had tho honesty to substitute tho dulios of superintending an " < i providing for tho wolfaro of thoir dopondonts in
the ways which modern usages render possible . Our aristocracy has suffered itself , year after year , to become useless to the community ; and anything in nature which is useless , is by the laws of nature doomed to extinction . If the members of our aristocracy want to save themselves and their territorial possessions , they must make themselves practically useful to those amongst whom they live . There is no help for them but that .
In the meantime , however , a change which should bring land more directly into the market as a subject of ordinary trade , would not be favourable to the people . It would very mucn tend to stretch the factory system over the field , and much further to dislodge the whole of the people from the soil on which they were born . Lord St . Leonards is quite right when he says it is not only a question of registration , but of the transfer of land : it is a question of causing
land more and more to become individual property . Theoretically , the present owners confess that land is a trust : the new Reform would abolish that trust altogether ; and not many years hence , we might find a comparatively limited class of landowners insisting on the right " to do what they like with their own , " whatever might happen to the bulk of the people . And in that case , they would be far more able to execute their will than the poor Duke who set the maxim
going . The next instance is not less serious . Improvements have been going on to simplify the adjudication of civil cases where the amounts at stake were not very large . They have here also saved expense and trouble , and part of the improvement has consisted in dispensing with the services of a jury . By this means , business is got overmuch more quickly . But is the sole object of social life the getting over of business rapidly ? If the duties of life indeed were fully expressed in that one term " business , " it might be so , but we hold strictly with the Lord Chancellor's doubts on this question .
" I think , in considering such a matter , we ought not to lose sight of this fact—that , in sanctioning an . arrangement of that sort , we should be taking a step towards unfitting for their duties those who are to send representatives to the other House of Parliament , who are to perform municipal functions in towns , and who are to exercise a variety of those local jurisdictions which constitute in some sort in this country a system
of self-government . It may be very dangerous to withdraw from them that duty of assisting in the administration of justice . I do not say that I have conclusively made up my mind on the subject ; but I must say it is a subject to bo approached with very great delicacy and caution . My noble and learned friend , [ Lord Campbell , ] who has had the advantage , both as a judge and as an advocate , of attending in assize towns , and of
seeing tho proceedings in the courts , cannot , I am sure , have failed to observe , that at the end of tho assizes those who have been summoned as jurors quit the assize-hall a much more intelligent set of men than thoy entered it ; and , if that be tho case , it ought not to be any very trifling advantage that should lead us to abandon such a system . Mechanics' schools may afford valuable instruction ; but I doubt if there is any school that reads such practical lessons of wisdom , and tends so much to strengthen tho mind , as assisting as jurymen in tho administration of justice . "
There is no school like tho school of practical work . Men learn politics in tho business of politics , as the pupils of the Old Masters learned to paint by helping in tho great works of art that have como down to posterity . Every reform that tonds to withdraw men from the conduct of their husinoss , in and about thoir own homos , tonds to divorce tho nation and the Government from each other ; and , while it renders tho Government moro liable to corruption , it renders the nation moro helpless- True patriots will resist every change that tends to disarm the power of tho people , oven though it bo to establish a
peculiarly well-qualified soldiery in every department . For , tho soldier that is appointed to work instead of tho people , may end in working against tho people . On the other hand , true Conservatives will view with jealousy every step which tonds to concentrate authority ; for tho concentrated authority is the concentrated object of revolutionary efforts . In . this country , wo have had too much both of agitation and resistance , on the subject of central authority . Wo believe that nothing could moro divert tho minds of men from a too exclusive agitation about Parliamentary reform , than sotting thorn to work at thoir own local business .
Let us preserve as much as possible the principle of permitting each circle of the community to settle its affairs withia its own boundaries—the home within the home , the parish within the parish , the county within the county , and so forth , instead of drawing all authority and administration to central points and individuals . The work may be better done in the hands of a great artist , but the true organism of a nation is dissolved by the process .
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THE SUPPRESSED ITALIAN INSURRECTION . When we wrote last week , it was still uncertain whether we should have to hail the grand spectacle of all Italy triumphant in the field against her foreign oppressors , or to mourn over a new martyrdom of noble men who h ad risen to fight and fall in vain . This week there is no longer any uncertainty . The news is but too true—the revolt has been crushed . We have to mourn over a new opportunity passed away , a new triumph of the strength of despots , new martyrs to the holy cause sacrificed , or marked for sacrifice . At this moment Milan , silent as a sepulchre , desolate as a solitude , is patrolled by Austrian soldiers , hungry for revenge ; the gibbets are up en permanence ; musk e ts are scaring the sun with death-volleys ; the gates are shut to prevent escape ; and the hounds of Austrian terrorism are prowling for their catalogued victims in widowed houses and in forlorn hiding-places . The century is darkened—civilization stands aghast—humanity shudders , with , averted eyes . And yet , so far as we can infer from the information which has reached tl » s country , that which has proved a failure was on the eve of being a
glorious success . Consider the facts of the case . There was a premeditated plan ; of that there seems to be no doubt : Mazzini and his fellowleaders had a comprehensive scheme in their minds , to which all the active patriotism of Italy responded . But , as every scheme of this nature must depend for its chance on some surprise which is to be the signal and inauguration of it , so it seems , in this case , that which was depended on was the success of an outbreak in Milan . Had this outbreak in Milan succeeded—had the
insurgents been able but to hold Milan for twentyfour hours , all Italy would have been in flames . Milan , therefore , was the heart of the venture ; all things seem to have been arranged for a surprise there . But with what elements have those who plan such schemes of danger to contend ? OKb day , or twenty hours , before the appointed time —whether from actual treachery , or from mere indiscreet babbling , does not yet appear—the existence of the plot became known to the Austrians . Precautions were taken ; the disposition
of the troops was changed ; and some Hungarian companies , it is said , were disarmed . This became known to the patriots ; and the best thing for them in such circumstances would probably have been not to have stirred . But it is easy to speak thus . There were men there , doubtless , whoso minds were already made up beyond the power of reconsideration ; men already compromised , and who said , " Better die fighting than bo hanged like dogs . " So these men ( Englishmen ,
you will never perhaps know their names , but think of them , nevertheless , and think what men . they must have been !¦) took poniards ( their only weapons ) , daggers , all of one pattern , say the accounts—" all marked with a cross "—went out into the streots , arranged themselves , and began their work . A small band of them went to the Castello , or Citadel , and tried . to force their way in there , —nay , actually did force their way into one of tho court . fi . " Madness ! " it is said :
" make an insurrection with poniards against an Austrian garrison ; attack a citadel with poniards ! " But let us only think a little . How else could such an insurrection be begun , but with poniards ? Could tho men have gone out into tho streets , and assembled m bodies with , muskets in their hands ? Poniards were tho essential beginning : tho only question was who uho thorn
should be the men to dare to . Muskets , doubtless , in abundance , would have como alter the poniards—procured from that very citadel which tho poniards were to open . But the poniards Avere not in sullicient itimibor ; only the tew who could not restrain themselves had . stirred ; and they wore lulled on the Hpot , seized ! , <> be judicially hung or shot , or dispersed , to be afterwards hunted out ; . Tho Austrian journals are trying to make light
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February 19 , 1853 . ] THE LEADER . ~ *
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), Feb. 19, 1853, page 183, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1974/page/15/
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