On this page
- Departments (1)
- Pictures (1)
-
Text (7)
-
Untitled Article
-
Untitled Article
-
Untitled Article
-
dDpra CmrariL
-
Untitled Article
-
Untitled Article
-
Untitled Article
Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
-
-
Transcript
-
Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
Additionally, when viewing full transcripts, extracted text may not be in the same order as the original document.
Untitled Article
nexion with , this or that Bailway , the aim of ricute managers was to press wages lower and lower , in order to take from the working man , and add to the dividends of those who held that paper or parchment . The public in general suffered rather severely , in the form of the " accidents " which became an established institution on certain railways . The working classes have suffered : in earning their means of livelihood they have been seriously crippled ; and their toil has been increased in some cases beyond the power of endurance . We have heard the most touching complaints of men who were thinking not of
their own sufferings alone . One man has related how the w ^ rk of shunting trains at an obscure station , harassed him not only by the bodily exertion which it involved within a very limited time , but also by the continued care lest a mistake of the clock or a slip of the foot might occasion delay , and through the delay , disaster and death to others . A man continually thus managing hairbreadth escapes which numbers underwent in ignorance , could not but suffer a wear and tear of mind , painful in itself , and injurious even to health . Such instances are not rare . In
other cases the toil has been protracted , so that men have been obliged to resign their places from the sheer incapacity to keep awake . But even if this part of his conduct had been brought before the judge , there would have been no law to judge it , nor would he have failed to receive the support of the public , nor of the whole commercial class . But the best of the joke is , that , as in the case of the transformed Actaeon , who was hunted by his own dogs , it is the very worshippers of the system by which Mr . Hudson rose to distinction , that would now hunt him out of endurance .
Take what he did at the worst , and it is not worse than " rigging the market . " He has not supported the shares of his railway by bayonets , as the Emperor of the French and the Emperor of Austria have done by their shares . He has but acted upon the atheistical watchword of commerce—" Each for himself , and God for us all : " a principle which blasphemously places rogues and sharpers under a special protection . Caveat emptor is the maxim of a late Chancellor of the
Exchequer , now a Cabinet Minister . If the purchaser can be deceived , he has no right to complain of the vendor ; and we do not know why shareholders should be above the application of that maxim any more than other purchasers . But there is one offence which Mr . Hudson has committed , and which , it must be confessed , is ¦ uniforrnjy scouted iu the great world of money . "While he succeeded , whatever his language might be , however indifferent the cut of his costume , however eccentric his conduct in the House of
Commons , he was still " the great Mr . Hudson , " whose movements were noticed in the very journals , that now blast him with ferocious epigrams . But ho fell ; and there is no denying that men of the money tribe aro quite consistent in the practice which they share witli the hyaena , of eating up u fallen comrade . If he resorted to rather sharp practice in sJiaros , caveat emptor . — If ho " made tilings comfortable" by the use of secret-service money in the name shape , it was only the more diplomatic and regal on his part . — If he cut down waaoa , it was " vigorous
administration . " - —If lie struck out new schemes to back up old ones , lie w <\» the Napoleon of Ilailways . 'liven if all those devices were abortive , still , so long as he could defy claimants , keep indignant directors at bay , ana grasp a renewed fortune , he was admimblo for his " energy ; " and society began once more i ; o know , and to . court , him . But if , after all , he must make restitution ; if , after all , the gaiim which he has amassed must bo given up to more genuine owners ; if ho cannot succeed in keeping " what isn't hi . s ' n , " there is no mercy for him- -he must "bo cotched , and go to pris ' n , " or be sent to Coventry .
j $ u ( , there in still hope for him . There have been speculations in trade ; and Mr . Hudson , it is said , lias Htill proved to be " the groat Mr . Hudson . " " 1 am Duchess of M alii still !"
Untitled Article
THE liAJSI ) AND SKA MILITIA . 1 im deference , it in alleged , to tho IVuee parly , Ministers have resolved to make no further inereaHo in the army beyond that already announced . Tho army lias been increased only by u liMJo more tlum H 00 O limn hwujo 3835 , "tho model your of Voaoo auitatora and CBconomiits . " Awm \ w to tJw wwjw 4 » tyt «»« to »» tbo
Times of Monday , that determination has been made as one which would " give the least offence to foreign Governments , " and it is expected to be " gratifying to all parties , especially the Peace agitators . Ministers fall back upon the militia as their main reliance ; and besides a sufficient number of Screw Steam Ships for a home squadron in the channel , with a new scheme of manning the navy , we are to have a Sea Militia .
To the principle of these arrangements not the slightest objection can be made . We hold , that the best army of a people is the people itself . But there are two or three very important exceptions to be taken . In the first place , why is this arrangement made so manifestly in deference to " the Peace agitators" P The subject is one that does not admit of compromise . If it is necessary to raise the question , it must be because some aggression is seen to be , if not imminent , yet possible ; and we feel that a country
like England ought to rely , not upon the forbearance of its neighbours , but upon its own internal strength . If the doctrines of the Peace party are sound , there is no occasion to arm at all ; we may rely upon moral influences . If we cannot rely on moral influences , we are to prepare for aggression , and then there is no use in calculating on the data of the Peace agitators at all , for their pleas would not then avail us . In the latter case , we ought to measure our strength bv the contingencies that we anticipate , not by
the assurances of which we show our mistrust m the very fact of arming . Secondly , although a people is its own best Army , and we applaud every act of progress in preparing to enable the people of this country to meet their foes , yet it must be remembered that we have gone through a long period of disqualification for the service of national self-defence—a period of peace , of absorption in trade , and of social inaction . Now , should we be engaged in hostilities , the change will come upon the people suddenly , and thus
we cannot reckon upon having sufficient time to fit the altered habits of the whole body of the people to the new exigency . The best intentions for the next few years are not equivalent to the accumulated habits derivable from drill and exercise in past years . The English people is not a nation practised in warlike exercises ; and until it Rhall become so , it must rely upon -the machinery which for so many years has been substituted for a truly national force .
Hailing with satisfaction the commencement of better usages in these respects , wo still feel some degree of doubt as to the working value of one force which has been mentioned , —the Marine Militia . It appears to us that in catching at such a plan , there is some disposition to take advantage of the popularity of tho idea , or even name , without reference to ita practical working . It must bo remembered , that a force to operate upon the water must havo proper vehicles for the purpose . A Marino Militia cannot march ,
nor go on horseback ; but it must bo properly supplied with a floating locus atandi . A Marino Militia implies tho use of boats ; for we will not presume that tho intention is to underman tho navy , and to let the commanders of ships rely upon tho precarious services of complements drawn from coasting seamen . The altered character of naval warfare , according to tho received calculations , will lead on tho one hand to the u » o of ships of great sizo and power , and possibly , Bay very shrewd speculators , to the use of very small boats—a species of masked gun-boats . But in either caso the vessel will bo unlit for the
service of a Sea Militia , which would have no room in a ship fully manned with competent sailors , and could not bo trained for tho manumvring oi gun-boats . A Sea Militia may havo its usos ; out wo should doubt whether it can , in modern warfare , be ho available as a land militia . Nor ( ran the very fractional force which is to bo called out during the present year bo regarded as a national land militia . It is oven'loss than tho force contemplated by the lato ( lovornment by 20 , 000—00 , 000 men instead of 80 , 000 . Whilo it tiikos woolen and months to drill a man into a soldier , the militia man is only allowed three weeks in a year . \\\ tho ex planations of tho Titoc . two have no mention of U » o encouragement which might bo given to volunteer corps . Nothing is said as to tho frequent drill which might asHJHt tho corps actually onrollod in tho formation of iiiiliUry Jmbitu—tho Saturday half-holiday , for iutituuoe , which hue boon bo often demanded . 3 V $ im * 9 P 9 » fe »» e » toft * the nimtop pf eftoew
runs short ; and we know that officers in the force are complaining that their own information and training are very inferior to what they ought to be . To say the truth , the present militia is a mere sketch of a force , not of sufficient strength , not trained , nor officered , ' nor equipped in a manner to render it truly efficient for service . It looks very much as if the Peace party prevailed over the Horse Guards .
Untitled Article
THE ARMS OF SCOTLAND . ( To the Editor oftJie Leader . ) Glasgow , Feb . 9 th , 1853 . Dear Sib , —I was somewhat surprised to read in the Leader of the 29 th tilt ., your remarks on what you facetiously term the " grievous oppression of a Lion and a Unicorn . " The grievance complained of in the petition to the Earl of Kinnoul seems to me not quite so imaginary as
your remarks would imply . The struggle for national existence maintained so long and so gallantly by the Scottish nation has long ceased , and Englishmen and Scotsmen now meet in peace , instead of , as formerly , in deadly conflict ; but lie is no true Scotsman who can forget the glories or disasters of that struggle , and with all its memories , glorious or sad , with Falkirk , witl ^ Bannockburn , and with Flodden , tho ruddy Lion and silver Cross are associated .
The union of the two Kingdoms , by which the lion and leopards met on the same field , has been productive of the happiest results to both countries , but it must be remembered that it was a union of two independent nations , and not an annexation of a conquered territory . Whatever tends to preserve among a peoplo tho pride of national honour it is desirable to retain , and , for that reason , I am forced to dissent from your implied censure of the petitioners to the Lyon King . Who theso crentlemen are I do not know , but , however
strango tho language of their petition may be , it is certainly useful , as a protest against tho undue predominance of England . It is , indeed , surprising to me that tho Leader , its sympathies always with tho strugglin g nationalities of the present day , should have been forgetful of our struggles in tho pust , and should havo failed to appreciate a respect for their memory . It may be that ji time will come when all these emblems of punt warfare will be laid iih ' uIo by all nations , but , while we retain them , I claim for my country tho right to wear them as of old . Yours , A Scotsman .
Untitled Article
Esbruab * 19 , 1853 . ] THE LEADER . 185
Ddpra Cmraril
dDpra CmrariL
Untitled Article
[ iN THIS DEPARTMENT , AS AI / L OPINIONS , HOWETEE 3 XTBEMB ARE ALLOWED AN EXPRESSION , TES EDITOB If ECESSABILY HOLDS HIMSELF BESPONSIBLE KO B NONE . ]
Untitled Article
There is no learned man but will confess he hath , much profitedby reading controversies , his senses awakened . and nis judgment sharpened . If , then , it be profitable for him to read , -why should it not , at least , be tolerable for his adversary to "write . —Milton .
Untitled Article
NOTIONS TO OORIMWl'ONDKNTH . . 1 . Coit / ky . -Hlat . 2 !) Churl ™ II ., u . 7 , h . 1 , enuotn , — " Thai no tradenmun , iirlifloer , workman , labourer , or other portion , whatsoever , nhnll do , or exercise any worldly labour , biiHineHH , or work of i . hoir ordinary eullin ^ H , ujioii the l / ord ' H duy ( worliH of necessity and charily only exceptud ) ; and that , every person being of tho iitfo of fourteen yearn or upward * , oH ' endin ^ ' i" tho promises , Hhall for every sudi ofl'onco forfeit ( ho huih of ( lvo shillings . " It , linn Iicen derided that a man can only incur oho penalty on one mid the Hume day . Will " I ) . (! . " of Ncwciistle-on-Tyu" ohlitfo uh with his lianto mid address . We Hhall he glad to communicate with our gencroim corresnondont Ity u private letter . In'tho mountiino wo hnvo Honl his ollerinu ' lo lli < - Kiiropciin I'Yciedom Fund , for which wo have a ticket ol [ receipt , signed by Muz / mi and Ko . sMuth , which we whall lie hni >|> y to limviinl to " D . < ' . "
" A Tuirrii-. siiKK mi . " We regret U > for unahlo to on tor upon an inquiry into the origin of evil . "A HiMimiiuiiKii" ii informed thut Ilia original letter ( tho general tenor only of which we reineinWr ) waH mislaid , lltinco our desire to h « i » hlo to communiealo with him privately on the Hiihjort . VV . I'VVV . -- 'I'lin . Leader dinciiKsed , without in tho loaat dogroo committing ilHcl ! " to , the Homoeopathic theory , uu it might dinetiMM any othnr theory : hnt we cannot afford our extremely limited upinn * t <» (| otiiiln which nioro pio | Knly bolonK to jouruiili iU < lvliuu with « ii » li MuhjeotH profomlnnnll y . " AmqujMi" —lii » lottor it ) rottervtMl , fle vww Jmjwrtiurt } ettev » um * Yoi < tnWy . unitto ^ ^ Wn w # « k ,
Untitled Picture
-
-
Citation
-
Leader (1850-1860), Feb. 19, 1853, page 185, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1974/page/17/
-