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some degree , shared the opinions of the Peace party , and was not unlikely to carry out their desires . This deputation waited on Lord Aberdeen on Saturday , introduced by Mr . Milner Gibson , and attended by several members of Parliament . An address , adopted at Manchester , urging the employment of our diplomatists in persuading foreign governments to agree ~ to reciprocal reductions of their armaments , was read , and Mr . Cobden , Mr . Hume , and Mr . Samuel Gurney , spoke upon the subject . Mr . Gurney admitted that it is not the time to argue the question on the grounds of the New Testament , content to rest it on diplomatic
negotiation . Lord Aberdeen said" He had never met any deputation with whose objects he more completely agreed , than the present . No one could more earnestly , he might say more passionately , desire the attainment of these objects as a security for the peace of Europe , than he did , and he believed that by no other means could any Government more effectually promote the happiness of mankind , and bring real glory to this nation . These opinions he had not adopted recently . They had often formed the subject of discussion ten years ago with his late eminent friend , Sir Uoberfc Peel ; but at that period the state of Europe was perhaps more
favourable than it now is for carrying out the plans proposed . Admitting , as he had done , the duty of the Government , they must consider the subject in a practical point of view . Strongly desiring the attainment of this most important object , they must look at the measures of a practical nature by which it must be carried out . First , there was the influence of their own example , and he might say on this point that the military measures into which the Government had entered ( whether those measures were right or wrong ) , were entirely on the principle of defence , and he thought they were not inconsistent with his views formerly expressed in Parliament . What hejtneant to say was , that if a country kept an army of 300 , 000 or 400 , 000
men , there was great danger lest they might be disposed to indulge the taste in which such forces originated . But the arrangements here were not at all of an aggressive character . There had existed in the country , as had been remarked , a strong feeling of alarm , and had the Government desired it , they might easily have availed themselves of this feeling , and have greatly increased the armaments . But whatever difference of opinion might exist as to the wisdom of the measures adopted , and they were fairly open to criticism , their sincere desire had been to do nothing more than was necessary , according to the opinion of competent iudges in such matters . He admitted that the
danger of aggression had been enormously exaggerated , yet he thought that a great country like ours ought not to be left at the mercy of even the most pacific nation . With respect to the definite measure proposed by the deputation , he doubted whether , in the present state of Europe , euch proposals would be listened to as favourably as they might have been ten years ago , but he again assured tho deputation that , whether their object was attained" or not , it would not be for the want of an inclination on his part to promote it . Ho would keep the subject constantly in view , and no one could more earnestly desire so happy a result than himself . "
This is a perfectly harmless answer . The Peace party knew it before they went to Downing-street . Nobody believes in war ; but all sane people believe that England ought to be properly guarded .
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PORCELAIN COLLECTIONS AND MARLBOROUGH HOUSE . In order that the instruction which the public were doriving from the inspection of tho Queen ' s porcelain at Marlborough House might not bo interrupted , her Majesty has been graciously pleased to permit a second series of specimens to bo made * from tho collections nt Buckingham Palace , and exhibited at Marlborough House . This series is more numerous and varied , and , in some respects , even finer than that recently removed . It consists chiefly of old Indian , of tho highest order ,
and of an extensive series of Sevres , illustrating the styles of different epochs of that royal manufactory . Among them will be found a curious dejeilner service , produced immediately after Napoleon ' s expedition to Egypt , in which the fitness of porcelain decoration is altogether sacrificed to an affectation of forms und ornaments belonging to tho age of the Pharaohs ; also some very fino jewelled cups , mid u superb bowl of hard porcelain , which was executed expressly for Loui . s Seize . Lord I'Wei-sham hits also sent to Marlborough House some of his turquoiso Sevres porcelain for public exhibition .
Tho numbers attending tho Museum of Ornamcntul Art at Marlborough House , during tho month of February , wore as follows : —4280 per . sonu on tho public days , and admitted free ; 1 ) 07 persons on the students days , and admitted as students on tho payment ; of fid . each , besides tho registered students of tho classes and schools .
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NICARAGUA AND MOSQUITIA . South years ago , under tho dominion of Lord Grey over tho British Colonies , ( heat , Britain assumed tho protectorate of an obscure net of Indians in Central America , called tho Mosquito Indians , and sot , tip a king over thorn . The chief town of tho kingdom was
called Greytown , or San Juan del Norte . Time went on , and the feeble king proving ineffective , British protection being in a similar case , and Yankee citizens growing proportionately plentiful , power passed out of the hands of King Jackey into the hands of five American gentlemen elected by the popular suffrages of the town . The British protectorate was always a source of trouble . The latest advices from Washington , coming to us in the shape of a letter from Mr . Secretary Everett to President Fillmore , inform us that Great
Britain is desirous of ridding herself of the Mosquitia protectorate , and of establishing Greytown as a free city ; England and the United States to come to an understanding that the free city shall be maintained and the Mosquito Indians secured against the incursions of neighbouring states . By the same document we are informed , that the original company for constructing a canal through the Isthmus , having reported that it cannot fulfil the , contract , Great Britain will withdraw its protection and transfer it to any other company which can carry a canal through the Isthmus sufficient to bear the vessels of the commercial world .
It must be understood that these are the views that the British Government has lately communicated to the United States . Of course as the Fillmore administration expired yesterday , the negotiations will have to be renewed with that of President Pierce , whose inauguration was to take place that day .
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THE CONTROVERSIAL ASPECTS OF THE LATE DISCUSSION ON SECULARISM . We did not present any report of the late six weeks ' debate between the Rev . B . Grant , B . A ., and Mr . G . J . Holyoake , because we understood it to be the desire of the Committees of arrangement that no reports should appear except the final authorized one . And when we observed that our religious contemporaries presented reports , it was too late for us to bring up the arrear which had then accumulated . It may , however , be some equivalent to present one passage from the debate , much more fully than it has been elsewhere rendered . This debate professed to bring out the " moral bearings" of Christianity and secularism , and certainly it is of little use listening to anything which has not a broad moral relation to the people . On the part of the advocates of Christianity we look first for good feeling and " the charity ( justice we would write it ) which thinketh no evil" of those whom conviction may for a time keep out of its pale . It is only in this spirit we can hope to see Christianity vitally and sincerely accepted by the working class , in whom generous feeling is no less an element than strong feeling .
The passage from the debate which we select , is the peroration of the advocate of Secularism , on the Sixth Night , because it presents the moral history of the discussion—affords an epitome of the temper on both sides—presents littlo doctrinal opinion , but moro usefully adverts to the spirit in which the evangelical advocacy was conducted , and which " spirit" was not thought by the audience to be unfairly judged , and was indeed rather a matter of pride than of regret on tho part of tho body manifesting it .
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Mr . Holyoake concluded as follows : — " A debate on the moral bearings of Christianity may not inaptly close by brief notice of what its bearings have been in thia controversy . Touching the quotations from our literature made by Mr . Grant during this discussion , it is perhaps worth while remarking , that he lias had to search from 2000 to 3000 separate pieces of writing , extending o . ver a period of seven yean ) , and written by many different persons , in order to produce tho cases presented , and ho leaves behind , and preserves silence upon , tho overwhelming mass of instances of an opposite character . And a correct knowledge of what our profession
and practice have been would much change tho aspect of tho accusations ngainst us . Tho law of language ! which wo endeavour to follow , is that nil personalities or epithets employed shall be—1 st , true ; 2 nd , useful , Hut us we are not infallible , our knowledge * may sometimes 1 ) 0 defective , and our judgment at fault ; and when any nii . sf . ako of this nature has boon pointed out , wo havo not failed'to acknowledge it and to correct it . And hofore any onti forms an opinion upon tho canes which havo boon mentioned , ho ought first to ascertain
whether what ; wo have said bo true , and if not whether wo witfnUt / nmdo thu mistake . Mr . Grant road a declaration of inino that Wo had " swept our controversies free of imputation , " but ho did not toll you that our meaning over is froo from tho imputation of evil motives to others . If you know , as it has been my lot to know , both in religion and politics , how tho want of n rulo like this poisons all discussion , you would say it is a wholesome rulo . Hut tho best of us arc not perfect , and I may sometimes violate ? it , but never intentionally . This rulo , however , doo « not disqualify
me from characterizing injustice of accusation , or of explicitly co ndemning erroneous principle . Language may be no less a vigorous defence because not made a personal offence . But when you declare that every error is toilful , and every incomplete statement an intentional falsehood , you pass from criticism to bitterness—you turn words into daggers—you cease to instruct and begin to destroy . Now , throughout this discussion the worst construction has been put upon everything I have written or said . According to my opponent , I have not a motive that is pure , nor a sentiment which is just ; my
defences h ave been d escribed as " lying , " my silence ae " cowardice , " my speech as " insolence , " ray explanations as " evasions . " The opinions of my friends have been termed " insults . " My wish to be fair has been called " canting "—my anxiety not to wound the serious convictions of the Christian part of this audience has been described as "hypocrisy . " Solemnity in me has been denominated " irrelevance . " The remembrance of the agony through which I passed in my youth , when an unquestioning believer of the entire words of Christ ,
was described as t he reminiscence of a " heated imagination . " This is not half , but it is enough to specify . Yon may call this the advocacy of Christianity—I call it the art of making Christianity disagreeable ; and while you stand with one h and on the Bible and the other thus at our throats , and cry , " Believe , or tee denounce you as infamous in life , and as deserving perdition in death" you deepen the conviction on my mind that the glad tidings of the Gospel merely mean , good-will to those who believe as you believe , and illwill to all who do not .
It was my duty the other night to say that the New Testament justified persecution . Now , what is the difference between the sp irit in which we have been addressed in this discussion and that of a persecutor ? The Rev . Dr . Vaughan Bays , in his Congregationalism , in the chapter on " Modern Persecution , " that "the man who attaches a private penalty to the exercise of public and legal rights , virtually destroys them ; " and we know that he who destroys the rights of another is a persecutor . Now , Mr . Grant has proclaimed that he does not question my right to my opinions ; then why does he attach to me the opprobrious epithets lie has
applied to me , and which , if believed , will constitute a serious private penalty in my exercise of that right ? He cannot think my opinions more injurious , and in some respects more immoral , than I think his ; but 1 distinguish between bis errors and his intentions . I have nowhere called in question nis sincerity , or the purity of his motives . But if you believe what ho has said of us , we are " dishonest , " we are " hypocrites , " wo are " false , " we " wear a mask , " and he added , " there is nothing viler than the purpose for which we wear it . " If this be true , for what purpose did Mr . Grant ask mo to meet him in private ? If this bo
true , Mr . Gilfillan was only consistent in advising those to take of their property in whose company I was . If this bo true , and you do not persecute us by law , it is only your omission or your inconsistency . The spirit is here , the language is hero , and it seems to me you only lack the power or the courage to do the rent . If you have a gaol for tho man who merely steals your purse , you much more need one for the man whom you say " dishonestly and hypocritically goes about with a mask" on for " the vilest * of purposes . " If this language bo believed , it would be impossible that we could live in society . If this language bo true , social
persecution must bo tho consequence . Why , during my six months' imprisonment in Gloucester gaol , for answering tho question of a local preacher in Cheltenham , neither by tho crown lawyers , nor Mr . Justice Erskine , nor by my cliapluin , tho Rev . Robert Cooper , was language half as bud as that I havo cited addressed to me . And I now see that less injustice is done mo by u legal persecution by tho Church of England than in a discussion with an Independent Dissenting Minister ! Mr . Grant will see in this only another " grand compliment to his argument ; " but tho public will see something very different .
In ( liHcuHsiona \ vith other Ministers , whoa I havo pointed out tho spirit of acerbity to opponents , which Christianity necmed to me to justify , they hav * . denied my conclusions : ami I havo uaid , wait till wo meet sonio accredited Evangelical minister and yoirshall see . And when Mr . Grant ' s attention was last night drawn to bis own conduct , you heard the reply , which ought , not soon to bo forgotten ? and shall not bo soon forgotten : ' T shall justify the conduct of Christ , whose example justifies my own course . ' And Mr . Grant is right . Tho Scriptures fully bear him out . Neither Christ nor tho Apostles over admitted that tho sceptic could be honest , or tho unbeliever sincere . And when you begin by assuming broad dissent to be manifest guilt , it can matter little what you say to such a man , or how you treat him . It becomes more hypocrisy or
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March 5 , 1853 . J THE LEADER . 225
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Leader (1850-1860), March 5, 1853, page 225, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1976/page/9/
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